Else, how shall he pay his soldiers 1
how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing
from you, and has nothing of his own ?
how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing
from you, and has nothing of his own ?
Demosthenes - Leland - Orations
And as your ambassadors
have concealed certain things, influenced (as they
l Not that, by breaking out into invectives. ]--Wolfius, whom the
translator here follows, baa been severely censured for this interpreta-
tion by the Italian commentator, who renders the former part of (he sen-
tence thus : "Eos non ideo vocari velim, ut qui olim convitiis dehones-
tatus fui, segue nunc mini a vobis famam conciliem. "--IIop hptv ought
not to be rendered a vobis, but apud vos; or, as the translator, who fol-
lows Lucchesini's authority, has justly explained it in his note, in your
presence. But my objection to this interpretation does not arise from
grammatical nicety, but from a regard to the context, the surest com-
ment. If Demosthenes, instead of the disgraceful treatment he formerly
received, both from the partisans of Macedon and from the people, was
now to be received with applause, and to triumph over his opposers,
how could these have another opportunity of receiving Philip's gold?
Such wages were only paid when earned. They were bestowed, not on
ineffectual efforts, but real services; and these his friends could not
perform if disgraced and discouraged by the assembly. The whole
sentiment of the orator, as translated by Wolfius, is this: " I do not wish
that these men may appear, in order to indulge my indignation and
resentment against them, that so they may retort my accusations with
double virulence (as was the case when we first returned frorr1 our em-
bassy), and thus, by once more gaining your favour, and triumphing over
me, they may have an opportunity of boasting their services to Philip,
and obtaining their reward. " The passage manifestly alludes to the
transactions of the assembly, when the ten ambassadors returned who
had been sent to treat with Philip about a peace ; and which are par-
ticularly described by Demosthenes in his oration on the embassy: and
we may safely appeal to the reader who consults that oration, as to tbt
propriety of the present interpretation
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? PHILIPPIC 'iHE SECOND.
119
themselves are conscious) by corruption, 1 fear that
they who endeavour to restore what these men have
ruined may feel the weight of your displeasure; foi
there are some, I find, who generally point their
anger, not at the deserving objects, but those most
immediately at their mercy.
While our affairs, therefore, remain not absolutely
desperate--while it is yet in our power to debate--
give me leave to remind you all of one thing, though
none can be ignorant of it. --Who was the man1 that
persuaded you to give up Phocis and Thermopylae 1
which once gained, he also gained free access for his
troops to Attica and to Peloponnesus, and obliged us
to turn our thoughts from the rights of Greece, from
all foreign interests, to a defensive war, in these
very territories; whose approach must be severely
felt by every one of us: and that very day gave birth
to it; for had we 'not been then deceived, the state
could have nothing to apprehend. His naval power
could not have been great enough to attempt Attica
by sea; nor could he have passed by land through
Thermopylas and Phocis. But he must have either
confined himself within the bounds of justice, and
lived in a due observance of his treaty, or have
instantly been involved in a war equal to that which
obliged him to sue for peace.
Thus much maybe sufficient to recall past actions
to your view. May all the gods forbid that the event
should confirm my suspicions! for I by no means
desire that any man should meet even the deserved
punishment of his crimes, when the whole commu-
nity is in danger of being involved in his destruction.
1 Who was the man, &c. ]--The person pointed at is Machines,
These two statesmen accused each other when the bad consequences a
this treaty came to be universally felt and acknowledged.
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? THE ORATION ON THE STATE OF THE
CHERSONESUS:
PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP Of SOS1GENES, TWO YEAR! AJTEK
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC.
INTRODUCTION.
In the foregoing oration the vehemence of Demosthenes determined
the Athenians to oppose the attempts of Philip; and his representations
to the Argians and Messenians inspired them with suspicion, and at
length detached them from all connexions with Macedon. When Philip,
therefore, found his practices in Peloponnesus unsuccessful, he began to
turn his thoughts toother enterprises; to pursue his conquests in Thrace,
and cross the Athenian interest in the Chersonesus. This peninsula
had, with some little interruption, been for many years in the hands of
the Athenians. Cotis, as king of the country, had lately wrested it from
them, and left it in succession to his son Cersobleptes. But be, being
unable to support himself against the power of Philip, resigned it again
to the Athenians ; and they, according to cnstom, sent in a colony, which
the inhabitants received, and freely shared their lands and habitations
with their new guests. The people of Cardia, the principal city, how-
ever, still asserted their independence; and when Diopithes, the com-
mander of the Athenian colony, would have reduced them by force of
arms, had recourse to Philip, who immediately detached a body of forces
to their support. Diopithes considered this proceeding as an act of hostility
against Athens: without waiting for instructions from his state, raised a
considerable force; and, while Philip was engaged in war in the inland
of Thrace, entered the maritime parts (which were his territories)
fire and sword, and brought off a great booty, which he lodged safe in
the Chersonesus. Philip was not at leisure to repel this insult: he there-
fore contented himself with complaining by letters to the Athenians'of
this conduct of their general. The pensioners which he had at Athens
Immediately exerted themselves for their master. They inveighed loudly
against Diopithes; accused him of violating the peace which then sub-
sisted between them and Philip; of involving the state ih war; of exac-
tion, rapine, and piracy; and pressed for his being recalled.
Demosthenes, judging that at such a juncture the public interest was
connected with that of Diopithes, undertakes his defence in the following
oration; throws the whole blame of the exactions and piracies he is ac-
cused of on the Athenians themselves; turns their attention to Philip
and his hostilities; and concludes, that whoever opposes or distresses
him in any manner does a service to the state; and that, instead of dis-
avowing what Diopithes had done, or directing him to dismiss his army,
they should reinforce him, and show the King of Macedon they know
how to protect their territories, and to maintain the dignity of their
country as well as their ancestors.
It appears, from the beginning of this oration, that before Demos-
thenes arose the affair had been violently contested in the assembly.
Possibly the heat of opposition added to the natural fire of the orator; for
the style of the oration is, in my opinion, remarkably animated ; and we
find an extraordinary degree of severity and indignation breaking out in
? very part of it.
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? THE ORATION ON THE STATE OF
THE CHERSONESUS.
It were to be wished, Athenians, that they who
epeak in public would never suffer hatred or affection
to influence their counsels; but, in all that they
propose, be directed by rnbiassed reason; particu-
larly when affairs of state, and those of highest mo-
ment, are the object of our attention. But since
there are persons whose speeches are partly dictated
by a spirit of contention, partly by other like motives,
it is your duty, Athenians, to exert that power which
your numbers give you, and in all your resolutions
and in all your actions to consider only the interest
of your country.
Our present concernment is about the affairs of
the Chersonesus, and Philip's expedition into Thrace,
which hath now engaged him eleven months : but
most of our orators insist on the actions and designs
of Diopithes. As to crimes objected to those men
whom our laws can punish when we please, I, for
my part, think it quite indifferent whether they be
considered now or at some other time; nor is this a
point to be violently contested by me or any other
speaker. But when Philip, the enemy of our coun-
try, is now actually hovering about the Hellespont'
with a numerous army, and making attempts on our
dominions, which, if one moment neglected, the loss
may be irreparable; here our attention is instantly
demanded: we should resolve, we should prepare
1 Hording about the Hellespont. ]--By toe Hellespont we are to un
derstand not the strait itself that separates Europe from Asia, but tb*
cities and countries all along the coast.
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? 122
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
with all possible expedition, and not run fiom our
main concern in the midst of foreign clamours and
accusations.
I have frequently been surprised at assertions made
in public; but never more than when I lately heard
it affirmed in the senate,1 that there are but two ex-
pedients to be proposed--either absolutely to declare
war, or to continue in peace. The point is this: if
Philip acts as one in amity with us; if he does not
keep possession of our dominions contrary to his
treaty; if he be not every where spiriting up enemies
against us, all debates are at an end; we are un-
doubtedly obliged to live in peace, and I find it per-
fectly agreeable to you. But if the articles of our,
treaty, ratified by the most solemn oaths, remain on
record, open to public inspection; if it appears that
long before the departure of Diopithes and his colony,
who are now accused of involving us in a war, Philip
had unjustly seized many of our possessions (for
which I appeal to your own decrees); if, ever since
that time, he has been constantly arming himself
with all the powers of Greeks and Barbarians to de-
stroy us--what do these" men mean who affirm we
are either absolutely to declare war, or to observe
the peace ? You have no choice at all; you have
but one just and necessary measure to pursue, which
they industriously pass over. And what is this?
To repel force by force. Unless they will affirm,
that, while Philip keeps from Attica and the Piraeus,"
1 In the senate. 1--Into which Demosthenes had been admitted 111 the
archonship of Themistoctes, a little after the taking of Olynthus; and (if
we may believe Machines) not in the regular manner, but by intrigue and
bribery.
2 The Piraeus. 1--This is the first time the orator mentions this cele-
brated port of Athens. It was at first detached from the city, but after-
ward joined to it by two long walls, which the Greeks called the Legs of
the Flrreus; and from that time, by the advice of Themistocles, tho
Athenians made this their principal harbour. It could contain four hun-
dred ships of war; was well fortified, and furnished with a market, to
which all the trading part of Greece resorted. Historians call it the triple
fort, for it really contained three: the first called Kavdapos, frorn a hero
of that name; the second AOfw&etoo, from two temples of Venus that
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESTJS. 123
he does our state no injury, makes no war against
us. If it be thus they state the bounds of peace and
justice, we must all acknowledge that their senti-
ments are inconsistent with the common rights of-
* mankind--with the dignity and the safety of Athens
Besides, they themselves contradict their own ac
cusation of Diopithes. For shall Philip be left at full
liberty to pursue all his other designs, provided he
keeps from Attica; and shall not Diopithes be per-
mitted to assist the Thraciansl And if he does,
shall we accuse him of involving us in a war? --But
this is their incessant cry: " Our foreign troops com-
mit outrageous devastations on the Hellespont:
Diopithes, without regard to justice, seizes and plun-
ders vessels! These things must not be suffered. "
Be it so: I acquiesce ! but while they are labouring
to have our troops disbanded, by inveighing against
that man whose care and industry support them (if
they really speak from a regard to justice), they
should show us, that if we yield to their remon-
strances Philip's army also will be disbanded: else
it is apparent that their whole aim is to reduce the
state to those circumstances which have occasioned
all the losses we have lately suffered. For be
assured of this, that nothing hath given Philip such
advantage over us as his superior vigilance in im-
proving all opportunities. For, as he is constantly
surrounded by his troops, and his mind perpetually
engaged in projecting his designs, he can in a mo-
ment strike the blow where he pleases. But we
wait till some event alarms us; then we are in
motion ; then we prepare. To this alone I can im-
pute it, that the conquests he hath lately made he
now enjoys in full security; while all your efforts
are too late, all your vast expenses ineffectual: your
attempts have served only to discover your enmity
and inclination to oppose him; and the consequences
were erected near it; the third Zca, because it was the mart for corn --
Tourreil.
Vol. I. --K
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? 124 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
of your misconduct are still further aggravated by
the disgrace.
Know then, Athenians, that all our orators allege
at present are but words, but idle pretences. Their
? whole designs, their whole endeavours are to confine
u within the city; that, while we have no forces
the field, Philip may be at full liberty to act as he
pleases. Consider the present posture of affairs.
Philip is now stationed in Thrace, at the head of a
large army, and (as we are here informed) sends for
reinforcements from Macedon and Thessaly. Now,
should he watch the blowing of the Etesian winds,
march his forces to Byzantium, and invest it; in the
first place, can you imagine that the Byzantines
would persist in their present folly; or that they
would not have recourse to you for assistance ? I
cannot think it. No : if there were a people in whom
they less confided' than in us, they would receive
even these into their city rather than give it up to
him, unless prevented by the quickness of his attack.
And should we be unable to sail thither, should
there be no forces ready to support them, nothing
can prevent their ruin. --" But the extravagance and
folly of these men exceed all bounds. "--I grant it.
Yet still they should be secured from danger; for
this is the interest of our state. Besides, it is by no
means clear that he will not march into the Cher-
sonesus itself. On the contrary, if we may judge
from the letter which he sent to you, he is deter-
mined to oppose us in that country. If then the
I If there were a people in whom they less confided, &c. ]--In the third
year of the 105th Olympiad the Byzantines entered into a league with
Chios, Coa, and Rhodes, against the Athenians, and withdrew them-
selves trom their dominion. This is what Demosthenes calls their/b/Zy
and extravagance. They had reason to think the Athenians would
regard them as rebellious subjects, and treat them with the resentment
of offended sovereigns. " However," says the orator, " if they were re-
duced to the alternative of either submitting to Philip, or having recourse
to you for protection, they would without hesitation choose the latter. "
The event confirmed his prediction. Philip besieged Byzantium, the
Byzantines had recourse to the Athenians, and Phocion at the head of
their army obliged Philip to raise the siege. --TourTeiX!
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 125
forces stationed there be still kept up, we may de-
fend our own dominions, and infest those of our
enemy; if they be once dispersed and broken, what
shall we do if he attempt the Chersonesus 1--" Bring
Diopithes to a trial. "--And how will that serve us ?
--" No: but we will despatch succours from hence. "
--What if the winds prevent us 1--" But he will not
turn his arms thither. "--Who will be our suretj for
this 1 Consider, Athenians, is not the season of the
year approaching in which it is thought by some that
you are to withdraw your forces from the Hellespont,
and abandon it to Philip ? But suppose (for this too
merits our attention) that at his return from Thrace
he should neither bend his force against the Cher-
sonesus nor Byzantium, but fall on Chalcis or Me-
gara, as he lately did on Oreum;' which would be the
wiser course, to oppose him here, and make Attica
the seat of war, or to find him employment abroad 7
1 think the latter.
Let these things sink deep into our minds; and
let us not raise invidious clamours against those
forces which Diopithes is endeavouring to keep up
for the service of his country, or attempt to break
them: let us rather prepare to reinforce them; grant
their general the necessary supplies of money, and in
every other instance favour his designs with a hearty
zeal. Imagine this question proposed to Philip:--
" Which would be most agreeable to you, that
the forces commanded by Diopithes"--of whatever
kind they be, for I shall not dispute on that head--
" should continue in full strength and good esteem at
Athens, and be reinforced by detachments from the
city; or, that the clamours and invectives of certain
persons should prevail to have them broken and dis-
banded ? " I think he would choose this latter. And
are there men among us labouring for that which
1 As he lately did on Oreum. ]--In the third Philippic -we shall find a
particular account of the manner in which he reduced this city to his
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? 126 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Philip would entreat the gods to grant him? and if
so, is it still a question whence our distresses have
arisen ?
Let me entreat you to examine the present state
of Athens with an unbiassed freedom; to consider
how we are acting, and how our affairs are conducted.
We are neither willing to raise contributions, nor do
we dare to take the field, nor do we spare the public
funds, nor do we grant supplies to Diopithes, nor do
we approve of those subsidies he hath procured him-
self; but we malign him, we pry into his designs,
and watch his motions. Thus we proceed, quite re-
gardless of our interests; and while in words we
extol those speakers who assert the dignity of theii
country, our actions favour their opposers. --It is
usual, when a speaker rises, to ask him, " What are
we to do ? " Give me leave to propose the like ques-
tion to you : " What am I to say V For, if you nei
ther raise contributions, nor take the field, nor spare
the public funds, nor grant subsidies to Diopithes,
nor approve of those provisions he hath made him
self, nor take the due care of our interests, I have
nothing to say. If you grant such unbounded license
to informers as even to listen to their accusations
of a man for what they pretend he will do, before it
be yet done, what can one say ?
But it is necessary to explain to some of you the
effect of this behaviour. ' (I shall speak with an un-
' But H is necessary to explain to some of you the effect of this bo
nanourJ--To the same purpose nas the sentence been translated by
Wolfius and Tourreil. But this interpretation, which is acknowledged con-
sonant to grammatical rules of construction, has yet been stigmatized as a
total perversion of the author's reasoning and the sense of the context.
Clamours had been raised against an Athenian general, who had exacted
contributions from the islanders and Grecian settlements alone the coast
of Asia. Demosthenes appears as his advocate. He proceeds, as it is
observed, to show that it had ever been the custom of other commanders
to raise the like contributions. Hence it is inferred, that the meaning of
the phrase here quoted must be, that the general is warranted by justice
and custom to aci as he had done. The orator, indeed, doth proceed to
give instances of this custom. But this conclusion I cannot admit; for
whatever deference and respect the writers who have adopted it may
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 127
daunted freedom, forin no other manner can I speak. )
--It has been the constant custom of all the com-
manders who have sailed from this city (if I advance
a falsehood let me feel the severest punishment) to
take money from the Chians, and from the Ery-
thrians, and from any people that would give it; I
mean of the inhabitants of Asia. They who have
but one or two ships take a talent; they who com-
mand a greater force raise a larger contribution: and
the people who give this money, whether more or
less, do not give it for nothing (they are not so mad):
no; it is the price they pay to secure their trading
vessels from rapine and piracy, to provide them with
the necessary convoys, and the like; however they
may pretend friendship and affection, and dignify
those payments with the name of free gifts. It is
therefore evident, that as Diopitbes is at the head of
a considerable power, the same contributions will be
granted to him.
Else, how shall he pay his soldiers 1
how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing
from you, and has nothing of his own ? From the
skies ? No ; but from what he can collect, and beg,
justly claim, a greater deference and respect is due to the original, where
we find a conclusion of a different nature, deduced in express terms. "It
has been the constant custom," says Demosthenes, " of all the com-
manders who have sniled from this city (if I advance a falsehood let mo
feel the severest punishment) to take money from the Chians, and from
the Erythrians, and from any people that would give it; I mean, of the
inhabitants of Asia. They who have but oneor two ships take a talent;
they who command a greater force raise a larger contribution : and the
people who give this money, whether more or less, do not give it for
nothing (they are not so mad): no; it is the price they pay to secure their
trading vessels from rapine and piracy, to provide them with the neces-
sary convoys, and the like; however they may pretend friendship and
affection, and dignify those payments with the name of free gifts. Il is
therefore evident, that as Diopilhes is at the head of a considerable
Cwer, the same contributions will be granted to htm. Else, how shall
pay his soldiers ? how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing
from you, and has nothing of his own 1 From the skies ? No; but from
what he can collect, and beg, and borrow. " Then follows the conclusion
from the whole : Ovlt OYN aXXo iroioveiv ol Kariiyopovvrcs tvviiiv^n
vpoXcyjvtriv liirairt, ifcc. So that the whole scheme of his accusers (or
the whole effect of tbelr accusations) is to warn nil people to grant him
nothing, &c. This is the meaning (or this Is the tendency) of their
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? 128 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and borrow. So that the whole scheme of his ac-
cusers is to warn all people to grant him nothing; as
he is to suffer punishment for crimes yet to be com-
mitted, not for any he hath-already committed, or in
which he hath already assisted. This is the mean-
ing of their clamours. " He is going to form sieges!
he leaves the Greeks exposed. " Have these men all
this tenderness for the Grecian colonies of Asia?
They then prefei the interests of foreigners to that
of their own country. This must be the case, if they
prevail to have another general sent to the Helles-
pont. If Diopithes commits outrages,--if he be
guilty of piracy, one single edict,1 Athenians--a
single edict will put a stop to such proceedings.
This is the voice of our laws; that such offenders
should be impeached ;2 and not opposed3 with such
1 One single edict. ]--In the Greek -irivaKiov, which in this place may
either signify the tablet which was fixed up in public, containing a cita
tion of the accused party, and an account of the crimes of which he was
accused; or that which was given to the judges who sat on his trial t>>
write their sentences on. I have chosen the first ofthese senses.
2 That such offenders should be impeached. ! --The Greek words
tioayy&civ and utrayYtXta, which I have translated to impeach, and im-
peachment, are terms in the Athenian judicature, and relate to those par-
ticular kind of actions which were not referred to any court of justice,
but immediately brought before the senate of five hundred, or assembly
of the people, and sometimes before the archon ; and in which both tho
accusation and defence were made by word of mouth, without any
written articles.
3 And not opposed, &c. ]--The accusers of Diopithes raised loud
clamours against his conduct. They insisted that he had committed
depredations on the Grecian colonies, and was meditating further hos-
tilities against them, contrary to his commission and instructions.
They declared that a force should be despatched to defend them; which
Demosthenes calls raising an army against Diopithes. " It is against
our enemies,'' says he, f whom our laws cannot reach, that we are to raise
our forces; when citizens have offended, we can impeach them," &c.
But this interpretation has been loaded with the heavy charge of ab-
surdity. If the translator had a right to pronounce so peremptorily and
so severely, he would declare thai, by the same rule, every ardent ex-
pression, every bold figure, every lively image,--in short, every thing in
eloquence not literally and strictly consonant to metaphysical truth
might be pronounced equally absurd. The meaning of the passage here
quoted is said to be, " We are not to protect the islanders bv our armies,
but to employ them against our enemies. " But why were they to raise
their armies against their enemies? Because their enemies were not
punishable by the laws. Those, therefore, against whom they were not
to raise their armies must have been such as were punishable by the
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 129
vast preparations of ships and money (this would
be the height of madness): it is against our enemies,
whom the laws cannot touch, that we ought, we
must maintain our forces, send out or navies, and
raise our contributions. But when citizens have
offended, we can decree, we can impeach, we can
recall. 1 These are arms sufficient; these are the
measures befitting men of prudence: they who would
raise disorder and confusion in the state may have
recourse to such as these men propose.
But dreadful as it is to have such men among us,
yet the most dreadful circumstance of all is this. You
assemble here, with minds so disposed, that if any
one accuses Diopithes, or Chares,2 or Aristophon,3 or
any citizen whatever, as the cause of our misfor
laws. This conclusion might perhaps be deemed natural and necessary,
even if the orator had notexpressly pointed out both those against whom
they were, and were not, to raise their armies. Km rovs tx^po^s~
against enemies: and em S1 i? ^af avrovs--but against ourselves, i. e.
"our own citizens.
1 We can recall. ]--In the original, we have the TlapaXos, that is, the
galley (so called, from the hero Paralus, who with Theseus signalized
himself against the Thebans). The Athenians had two galleys, the
Salaminian and Paralian, appointed for the most pressing occasions of
the state. In allusion to this usage, Pericles was called tne Salaminian
galley, because he affected to appear in public only on extraordinary
emergencies. When Lysander had beaten the Athenian fleet at the Hel-
lespont, the Paralian gahey was despatched with the melancholy news
to the people ; and when Alcibiades was recalled from Sicily to defend
himself against the charge of mipiety, theSalaminian galley was ordered
to bring him home. Both the one and the other were employed to recall
such generals as were superseded. --Tourreil.
2 Or Chares. ]--This apology, says M. Tourreil, savours a little of fac-
tion and cabal: their ill success might with great justice have been
charged on Chares. Indeed, what could have been exacted from a
general no less incapable than luxurious, who in all his military expe-
ditions drew after him a train of musicians, whom he kept in pay at the
expense of his troops ? Accordingly, his enterprises were unsuccessful:
and, to crown all his miscarriages, be lost the battle of Chaeronea. And
yet this Chares was able to support himself to the last by the credit of
those orators who protected him.
3 Or Aristophon. ]--Anothe Athenian general. Aristotle (Rhet. 1. ii.
c. 23) mentions a smart answei made to him by Iphicrates. Aristophon
accused him of having betrayed the fleet which he commanded. Iphi-
crates, with that confidence which an established reputation inspires,
asked him, " Would you be guilty of such a piece of treachery V " By
no means," answered he. " What! " returned the other, "can Iphicrates
fcave committed what Aristophon would refuse to doV1--Tourreil.
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? 130 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
tunas, you instantly break forth into acclamations
and applause. But if a man stands forth, and thus
declares the truth: " This is all trifling, Athenians!
It is to Philip we owe our calamities: he hath plunged
us in these difficulties: for had he observed his
treaty, our state would be in perfect tranquillity. "
This you cannot deny; but you hear it with the
utmost grief, as if it were the account of some dread-
ful misfortune. The cause is this--(for when I am
to urge the interest of my country, let me speak
boldly)--certain persons who have been intrusted
with public affairs have for a long time past rendered
you daring and terrible in council; but in all affairs
of war wretched and contemptible. Hence it is,
that if a citiztfn, subject to your own power and juris-
diction, be pointed out as the author of your misfor-
tunes, you hear the accusation with applause; but if
they are charged on a man who must first be con-
quered before he can be punished, then you are
utterly disconcerted: that truth is too severe to be
borne. Your ministers, Athenians, should take a
quite contrary course. They should render you
gentle and humane in council, where the rights of
citizens and allies come before you: in military
affairs they should inspire you with fierceness and
intrepidity; for here you are engaged with enemies,
with armed troops. But now, by leading you gently
on to their purposes, by the most abject compliance
with your humours, they have so formed and moulded
you, that in your assemblies you are delicate, and
attend but to flattery and entertainment; in your
affairs you find yourselves threatened with extremity
of danger.
And now, in the name of Heaven! suppose that
the states of Greece should thus demand1 an account
I Suppose that the states of Greece should thus demand, &c. ]--After
the taking of Olynthus, when the Athenians were at last prevailed on to
declare war in form against Philip, they sent embassies to all the states
? (Greece to represent the danger of his growing power, and to engage
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESTJS. 13l
f those opportunities which your indolence hath
lost. "Men of Athens! you are ever sending em-
bassies to us; you assure us that Philip is projecting
our ruin, and that, of all the Greeks, you warn us to
guard against this man's designs. " (And it is too
true we have done thus. ) " But, O most wretched
of mankind! when this man had been ten months
detained abroad; when sickness, and the severity
of winter, and the armies of his enemies rendered
it impossible for him to return home, you neither
restored the liberty of Euboea, nor recovered any of
your own dominions. But while you sit at home in
perfect ease and health (if such a state may be
called health), Eubcea is commanded by his two
tyrants ;t the one, just opposite to Attica, to keep you
perpetually in awe; the other to Scyathus. Yet you
have not attempted to oppose even this. No; you
have submitted; you have been insensible to your
wrongs; you have fully declared, that if Philip were
ten times to die, it would not inspire you with the
least degree of vigour. Why then these embassies,
these accusations, all this unnecessary trouble to
us ]"--If they should say this, what could we allege ?
what answer could we give ? I know not.
We have those among us who think a speaker
fully confuted by asking, " What then is to be done ? "
To whom I answer, with the utmost truth and just-
ness, " Not what we are now doing. "--But I shall
be more explicit, if they will be as ready to follow
as to ask advice.
First, then, Athenians, be firmly convinced of these
truths: that Philip does commit hostilities against
them to join against him. From hence the orator takes occasion . 0
introduce this beautiful prosopopceia, by which he throws out the bit-
terest reproaches against his countrymen, so artfully as not to give
them offence, and yet at the same time sets the slamefulness of their
misconduct in the strongest light. -- Tourreil.
1 By his two tyrants. ]--Philistides and Clitarchus: the one fixed at
Eretria, opposite io Attica; the other at Oreum, over-against Scyathus,
an island subject to Athens.
Voi. . I. --L
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? 132 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
us, and has violated the peace (and let us no longer
accuse each other of his crimes);--that he is the im-
placable enemy of this whole city, of the ground on
which this city stands, of every inhabitant within
these walls, even of those who imagine themselves
highest in his favour. If they doubt this, let them
think of Euthycrates and Lasthenes, the Olynthians.
They who seemed the nearest to his heart, the moment
they betrayed their country, were distinguished only
by the superior cruelty of their death. But it is
against our constitution that his arms are principally
directed; nor, in all his schemes, in all his actions,
hath he any thing so immediately in view as to sub-
vert it. And there ii in some sort a necessity for
this. He knows full well that his conquests, how-
ever great and extensive, can never be secure while
you continue free; but that, if once he meets with
any accident (and every man is subject to many),
all those whom he hath forced into his service will
instantly revolt, and fly to you for protection: for
you are not naturally disposed to grasp at empire
yourselves, but to frustrate the ambitious attempts
of others; to be ever ready' to oppose usurpation,
and assert the liberty of mankind; this is your pecu-
liar character. And therefore it is not without regret
that he sees in your freedom a spy on the incidents
of his fortune. Nor is this his reasoning weak or
trivial.
In the first place, therefore, we are to consider him
as the enemy of our state, the implacable enemy of
our free constitution. Nothing but the deepest sense
of this can give you a true, vigorous, and active
spirit. In the next place, be assured that every thing
he is now labouring, every thing he is concerting, he
is concerting against our city; and that, wherever
any man opposes him, he opposes an attempt against
these walls: for none of you can be weak enough
to imagine that Philip's desires are centred in those
paltry villages of Thrace; (for what name else can
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 133
one give to Drongilus, and Cabyle, and Mastira,' and
all those places he is now reducing to his obedience 1)
that he endures the severity of toils and seasons,
and braves the utmost dangers for these, and has no
designs on the ports, and the arsenals, and the navies,
and the silver mines, and all the other revenues of
Athens; but that he will leave them for you to
enjoy; while, for some wretched hoards of grain in
the cells of Thrace, he takes up his winter-quarters
in the horrors of a dungeon. 2 Impossible ! No;
these and all his expeditions are really intended to
facilitate the conquest of Athens.
Let us then approve ourselves men of wisdom;
and, fully persuaded of these truths, let us shake off
our extravagant and dangerous supineness; let us
supply the necessary expenses; let us call on our
allies; let us take all possible measures for keeping
up a regular army; so that, as he hath his force con-
stantly prepared to injure and enslave the Greeks,
yours too may be ever ready to protect and assist
them. If you depend on occasional detachments,
you cannot ever expect the least degree of success:
you must keep an army constantly on foot, provide
for its maintenance, appoint public treasurers, and by
all possible means secure your military funds; and
while these officers account for all disbursements, let
your generals be bound to answer for the conduct of
the war. Let these be your measures, these your
resolutions, and you will compel Philip to live in the
1 For what name else can one give to Drongilus, and Cabyle, and
Mastira, &c. ]--Drongilus and Cabyle, however the orator streets to
treat them with contempt, are yet mentioned in history. As to Mastira,
It is entirely Unknown: hence Harpocration suggested, that instead of
Mastira we should read Bastira; a town of Thrace of that name having
been mentioned in a history of Philip written by Anaximenes, a work a
long time lost. --Tourreil.
2 In the horrors of a dungeoa ]--In the original it is, in a Barathrum.
There was a ditch or cavern in Athens of that name, into whicn crimi-
nals were precipitated. So that by this figure he not only represents
the dreadful and deadly nature of the country, but at the same time sets
Philip in the light of a wicked wretch, who merited the vilest and most
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? 134
OKATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
real ooservance of an equitable peace, and to confine
himself to his own kingdom (which is most for our
interest), or we shall fight him on equal terms.
If any man thinks that the measures I propose will
require gTeat expense, and be attended with much
toil and trouble, he thinks justly. Yet let him con-
sider what consequences must attend the state if
these measures be neglected, and it will appear that
we shall really be gainers by engaging heartily in
this cause. Suppose some god should be our surety
(for no mortal ought tobe relied on in an affair of such
moment) that, if we continue quiet, and give up all our
interests, he will not at last turn his arms against us;
it would yet be shameful; it would (I call all the
powers of heaven to witness! ) be unworthy of you,
unworthy the dignity of your country, and the glory
of your ancestors, to abandon the rest of Greece to
slavery for the sake of private ease. I, for my part,
would die rather than propose so mean a conduct:
however, if there be any other person who will re-
commend it, be it so; neglect your defence; give up
your interesis! But if there be no such counsellor;
if, on the contrary, we all foresee that the farther
this man is suffered to extend his conquests, the
more formidable and powerful enemy we must find
in him, why this reluctance ? why do we delay? or
when, my countrymen, will we perform our duty ?
Must some necessity compel us? What one may
call the necessity of freemen not only presses us
now, but hath long since been felt: that of slaves, it
is to be wished, may never approach us.
have concealed certain things, influenced (as they
l Not that, by breaking out into invectives. ]--Wolfius, whom the
translator here follows, baa been severely censured for this interpreta-
tion by the Italian commentator, who renders the former part of (he sen-
tence thus : "Eos non ideo vocari velim, ut qui olim convitiis dehones-
tatus fui, segue nunc mini a vobis famam conciliem. "--IIop hptv ought
not to be rendered a vobis, but apud vos; or, as the translator, who fol-
lows Lucchesini's authority, has justly explained it in his note, in your
presence. But my objection to this interpretation does not arise from
grammatical nicety, but from a regard to the context, the surest com-
ment. If Demosthenes, instead of the disgraceful treatment he formerly
received, both from the partisans of Macedon and from the people, was
now to be received with applause, and to triumph over his opposers,
how could these have another opportunity of receiving Philip's gold?
Such wages were only paid when earned. They were bestowed, not on
ineffectual efforts, but real services; and these his friends could not
perform if disgraced and discouraged by the assembly. The whole
sentiment of the orator, as translated by Wolfius, is this: " I do not wish
that these men may appear, in order to indulge my indignation and
resentment against them, that so they may retort my accusations with
double virulence (as was the case when we first returned frorr1 our em-
bassy), and thus, by once more gaining your favour, and triumphing over
me, they may have an opportunity of boasting their services to Philip,
and obtaining their reward. " The passage manifestly alludes to the
transactions of the assembly, when the ten ambassadors returned who
had been sent to treat with Philip about a peace ; and which are par-
ticularly described by Demosthenes in his oration on the embassy: and
we may safely appeal to the reader who consults that oration, as to tbt
propriety of the present interpretation
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? PHILIPPIC 'iHE SECOND.
119
themselves are conscious) by corruption, 1 fear that
they who endeavour to restore what these men have
ruined may feel the weight of your displeasure; foi
there are some, I find, who generally point their
anger, not at the deserving objects, but those most
immediately at their mercy.
While our affairs, therefore, remain not absolutely
desperate--while it is yet in our power to debate--
give me leave to remind you all of one thing, though
none can be ignorant of it. --Who was the man1 that
persuaded you to give up Phocis and Thermopylae 1
which once gained, he also gained free access for his
troops to Attica and to Peloponnesus, and obliged us
to turn our thoughts from the rights of Greece, from
all foreign interests, to a defensive war, in these
very territories; whose approach must be severely
felt by every one of us: and that very day gave birth
to it; for had we 'not been then deceived, the state
could have nothing to apprehend. His naval power
could not have been great enough to attempt Attica
by sea; nor could he have passed by land through
Thermopylas and Phocis. But he must have either
confined himself within the bounds of justice, and
lived in a due observance of his treaty, or have
instantly been involved in a war equal to that which
obliged him to sue for peace.
Thus much maybe sufficient to recall past actions
to your view. May all the gods forbid that the event
should confirm my suspicions! for I by no means
desire that any man should meet even the deserved
punishment of his crimes, when the whole commu-
nity is in danger of being involved in his destruction.
1 Who was the man, &c. ]--The person pointed at is Machines,
These two statesmen accused each other when the bad consequences a
this treaty came to be universally felt and acknowledged.
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? THE ORATION ON THE STATE OF THE
CHERSONESUS:
PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP Of SOS1GENES, TWO YEAR! AJTEK
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC.
INTRODUCTION.
In the foregoing oration the vehemence of Demosthenes determined
the Athenians to oppose the attempts of Philip; and his representations
to the Argians and Messenians inspired them with suspicion, and at
length detached them from all connexions with Macedon. When Philip,
therefore, found his practices in Peloponnesus unsuccessful, he began to
turn his thoughts toother enterprises; to pursue his conquests in Thrace,
and cross the Athenian interest in the Chersonesus. This peninsula
had, with some little interruption, been for many years in the hands of
the Athenians. Cotis, as king of the country, had lately wrested it from
them, and left it in succession to his son Cersobleptes. But be, being
unable to support himself against the power of Philip, resigned it again
to the Athenians ; and they, according to cnstom, sent in a colony, which
the inhabitants received, and freely shared their lands and habitations
with their new guests. The people of Cardia, the principal city, how-
ever, still asserted their independence; and when Diopithes, the com-
mander of the Athenian colony, would have reduced them by force of
arms, had recourse to Philip, who immediately detached a body of forces
to their support. Diopithes considered this proceeding as an act of hostility
against Athens: without waiting for instructions from his state, raised a
considerable force; and, while Philip was engaged in war in the inland
of Thrace, entered the maritime parts (which were his territories)
fire and sword, and brought off a great booty, which he lodged safe in
the Chersonesus. Philip was not at leisure to repel this insult: he there-
fore contented himself with complaining by letters to the Athenians'of
this conduct of their general. The pensioners which he had at Athens
Immediately exerted themselves for their master. They inveighed loudly
against Diopithes; accused him of violating the peace which then sub-
sisted between them and Philip; of involving the state ih war; of exac-
tion, rapine, and piracy; and pressed for his being recalled.
Demosthenes, judging that at such a juncture the public interest was
connected with that of Diopithes, undertakes his defence in the following
oration; throws the whole blame of the exactions and piracies he is ac-
cused of on the Athenians themselves; turns their attention to Philip
and his hostilities; and concludes, that whoever opposes or distresses
him in any manner does a service to the state; and that, instead of dis-
avowing what Diopithes had done, or directing him to dismiss his army,
they should reinforce him, and show the King of Macedon they know
how to protect their territories, and to maintain the dignity of their
country as well as their ancestors.
It appears, from the beginning of this oration, that before Demos-
thenes arose the affair had been violently contested in the assembly.
Possibly the heat of opposition added to the natural fire of the orator; for
the style of the oration is, in my opinion, remarkably animated ; and we
find an extraordinary degree of severity and indignation breaking out in
? very part of it.
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? THE ORATION ON THE STATE OF
THE CHERSONESUS.
It were to be wished, Athenians, that they who
epeak in public would never suffer hatred or affection
to influence their counsels; but, in all that they
propose, be directed by rnbiassed reason; particu-
larly when affairs of state, and those of highest mo-
ment, are the object of our attention. But since
there are persons whose speeches are partly dictated
by a spirit of contention, partly by other like motives,
it is your duty, Athenians, to exert that power which
your numbers give you, and in all your resolutions
and in all your actions to consider only the interest
of your country.
Our present concernment is about the affairs of
the Chersonesus, and Philip's expedition into Thrace,
which hath now engaged him eleven months : but
most of our orators insist on the actions and designs
of Diopithes. As to crimes objected to those men
whom our laws can punish when we please, I, for
my part, think it quite indifferent whether they be
considered now or at some other time; nor is this a
point to be violently contested by me or any other
speaker. But when Philip, the enemy of our coun-
try, is now actually hovering about the Hellespont'
with a numerous army, and making attempts on our
dominions, which, if one moment neglected, the loss
may be irreparable; here our attention is instantly
demanded: we should resolve, we should prepare
1 Hording about the Hellespont. ]--By toe Hellespont we are to un
derstand not the strait itself that separates Europe from Asia, but tb*
cities and countries all along the coast.
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? 122
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
with all possible expedition, and not run fiom our
main concern in the midst of foreign clamours and
accusations.
I have frequently been surprised at assertions made
in public; but never more than when I lately heard
it affirmed in the senate,1 that there are but two ex-
pedients to be proposed--either absolutely to declare
war, or to continue in peace. The point is this: if
Philip acts as one in amity with us; if he does not
keep possession of our dominions contrary to his
treaty; if he be not every where spiriting up enemies
against us, all debates are at an end; we are un-
doubtedly obliged to live in peace, and I find it per-
fectly agreeable to you. But if the articles of our,
treaty, ratified by the most solemn oaths, remain on
record, open to public inspection; if it appears that
long before the departure of Diopithes and his colony,
who are now accused of involving us in a war, Philip
had unjustly seized many of our possessions (for
which I appeal to your own decrees); if, ever since
that time, he has been constantly arming himself
with all the powers of Greeks and Barbarians to de-
stroy us--what do these" men mean who affirm we
are either absolutely to declare war, or to observe
the peace ? You have no choice at all; you have
but one just and necessary measure to pursue, which
they industriously pass over. And what is this?
To repel force by force. Unless they will affirm,
that, while Philip keeps from Attica and the Piraeus,"
1 In the senate. 1--Into which Demosthenes had been admitted 111 the
archonship of Themistoctes, a little after the taking of Olynthus; and (if
we may believe Machines) not in the regular manner, but by intrigue and
bribery.
2 The Piraeus. 1--This is the first time the orator mentions this cele-
brated port of Athens. It was at first detached from the city, but after-
ward joined to it by two long walls, which the Greeks called the Legs of
the Flrreus; and from that time, by the advice of Themistocles, tho
Athenians made this their principal harbour. It could contain four hun-
dred ships of war; was well fortified, and furnished with a market, to
which all the trading part of Greece resorted. Historians call it the triple
fort, for it really contained three: the first called Kavdapos, frorn a hero
of that name; the second AOfw&etoo, from two temples of Venus that
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESTJS. 123
he does our state no injury, makes no war against
us. If it be thus they state the bounds of peace and
justice, we must all acknowledge that their senti-
ments are inconsistent with the common rights of-
* mankind--with the dignity and the safety of Athens
Besides, they themselves contradict their own ac
cusation of Diopithes. For shall Philip be left at full
liberty to pursue all his other designs, provided he
keeps from Attica; and shall not Diopithes be per-
mitted to assist the Thraciansl And if he does,
shall we accuse him of involving us in a war? --But
this is their incessant cry: " Our foreign troops com-
mit outrageous devastations on the Hellespont:
Diopithes, without regard to justice, seizes and plun-
ders vessels! These things must not be suffered. "
Be it so: I acquiesce ! but while they are labouring
to have our troops disbanded, by inveighing against
that man whose care and industry support them (if
they really speak from a regard to justice), they
should show us, that if we yield to their remon-
strances Philip's army also will be disbanded: else
it is apparent that their whole aim is to reduce the
state to those circumstances which have occasioned
all the losses we have lately suffered. For be
assured of this, that nothing hath given Philip such
advantage over us as his superior vigilance in im-
proving all opportunities. For, as he is constantly
surrounded by his troops, and his mind perpetually
engaged in projecting his designs, he can in a mo-
ment strike the blow where he pleases. But we
wait till some event alarms us; then we are in
motion ; then we prepare. To this alone I can im-
pute it, that the conquests he hath lately made he
now enjoys in full security; while all your efforts
are too late, all your vast expenses ineffectual: your
attempts have served only to discover your enmity
and inclination to oppose him; and the consequences
were erected near it; the third Zca, because it was the mart for corn --
Tourreil.
Vol. I. --K
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? 124 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
of your misconduct are still further aggravated by
the disgrace.
Know then, Athenians, that all our orators allege
at present are but words, but idle pretences. Their
? whole designs, their whole endeavours are to confine
u within the city; that, while we have no forces
the field, Philip may be at full liberty to act as he
pleases. Consider the present posture of affairs.
Philip is now stationed in Thrace, at the head of a
large army, and (as we are here informed) sends for
reinforcements from Macedon and Thessaly. Now,
should he watch the blowing of the Etesian winds,
march his forces to Byzantium, and invest it; in the
first place, can you imagine that the Byzantines
would persist in their present folly; or that they
would not have recourse to you for assistance ? I
cannot think it. No : if there were a people in whom
they less confided' than in us, they would receive
even these into their city rather than give it up to
him, unless prevented by the quickness of his attack.
And should we be unable to sail thither, should
there be no forces ready to support them, nothing
can prevent their ruin. --" But the extravagance and
folly of these men exceed all bounds. "--I grant it.
Yet still they should be secured from danger; for
this is the interest of our state. Besides, it is by no
means clear that he will not march into the Cher-
sonesus itself. On the contrary, if we may judge
from the letter which he sent to you, he is deter-
mined to oppose us in that country. If then the
I If there were a people in whom they less confided, &c. ]--In the third
year of the 105th Olympiad the Byzantines entered into a league with
Chios, Coa, and Rhodes, against the Athenians, and withdrew them-
selves trom their dominion. This is what Demosthenes calls their/b/Zy
and extravagance. They had reason to think the Athenians would
regard them as rebellious subjects, and treat them with the resentment
of offended sovereigns. " However," says the orator, " if they were re-
duced to the alternative of either submitting to Philip, or having recourse
to you for protection, they would without hesitation choose the latter. "
The event confirmed his prediction. Philip besieged Byzantium, the
Byzantines had recourse to the Athenians, and Phocion at the head of
their army obliged Philip to raise the siege. --TourTeiX!
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 125
forces stationed there be still kept up, we may de-
fend our own dominions, and infest those of our
enemy; if they be once dispersed and broken, what
shall we do if he attempt the Chersonesus 1--" Bring
Diopithes to a trial. "--And how will that serve us ?
--" No: but we will despatch succours from hence. "
--What if the winds prevent us 1--" But he will not
turn his arms thither. "--Who will be our suretj for
this 1 Consider, Athenians, is not the season of the
year approaching in which it is thought by some that
you are to withdraw your forces from the Hellespont,
and abandon it to Philip ? But suppose (for this too
merits our attention) that at his return from Thrace
he should neither bend his force against the Cher-
sonesus nor Byzantium, but fall on Chalcis or Me-
gara, as he lately did on Oreum;' which would be the
wiser course, to oppose him here, and make Attica
the seat of war, or to find him employment abroad 7
1 think the latter.
Let these things sink deep into our minds; and
let us not raise invidious clamours against those
forces which Diopithes is endeavouring to keep up
for the service of his country, or attempt to break
them: let us rather prepare to reinforce them; grant
their general the necessary supplies of money, and in
every other instance favour his designs with a hearty
zeal. Imagine this question proposed to Philip:--
" Which would be most agreeable to you, that
the forces commanded by Diopithes"--of whatever
kind they be, for I shall not dispute on that head--
" should continue in full strength and good esteem at
Athens, and be reinforced by detachments from the
city; or, that the clamours and invectives of certain
persons should prevail to have them broken and dis-
banded ? " I think he would choose this latter. And
are there men among us labouring for that which
1 As he lately did on Oreum. ]--In the third Philippic -we shall find a
particular account of the manner in which he reduced this city to his
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? 126 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Philip would entreat the gods to grant him? and if
so, is it still a question whence our distresses have
arisen ?
Let me entreat you to examine the present state
of Athens with an unbiassed freedom; to consider
how we are acting, and how our affairs are conducted.
We are neither willing to raise contributions, nor do
we dare to take the field, nor do we spare the public
funds, nor do we grant supplies to Diopithes, nor do
we approve of those subsidies he hath procured him-
self; but we malign him, we pry into his designs,
and watch his motions. Thus we proceed, quite re-
gardless of our interests; and while in words we
extol those speakers who assert the dignity of theii
country, our actions favour their opposers. --It is
usual, when a speaker rises, to ask him, " What are
we to do ? " Give me leave to propose the like ques-
tion to you : " What am I to say V For, if you nei
ther raise contributions, nor take the field, nor spare
the public funds, nor grant subsidies to Diopithes,
nor approve of those provisions he hath made him
self, nor take the due care of our interests, I have
nothing to say. If you grant such unbounded license
to informers as even to listen to their accusations
of a man for what they pretend he will do, before it
be yet done, what can one say ?
But it is necessary to explain to some of you the
effect of this behaviour. ' (I shall speak with an un-
' But H is necessary to explain to some of you the effect of this bo
nanourJ--To the same purpose nas the sentence been translated by
Wolfius and Tourreil. But this interpretation, which is acknowledged con-
sonant to grammatical rules of construction, has yet been stigmatized as a
total perversion of the author's reasoning and the sense of the context.
Clamours had been raised against an Athenian general, who had exacted
contributions from the islanders and Grecian settlements alone the coast
of Asia. Demosthenes appears as his advocate. He proceeds, as it is
observed, to show that it had ever been the custom of other commanders
to raise the like contributions. Hence it is inferred, that the meaning of
the phrase here quoted must be, that the general is warranted by justice
and custom to aci as he had done. The orator, indeed, doth proceed to
give instances of this custom. But this conclusion I cannot admit; for
whatever deference and respect the writers who have adopted it may
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 127
daunted freedom, forin no other manner can I speak. )
--It has been the constant custom of all the com-
manders who have sailed from this city (if I advance
a falsehood let me feel the severest punishment) to
take money from the Chians, and from the Ery-
thrians, and from any people that would give it; I
mean of the inhabitants of Asia. They who have
but one or two ships take a talent; they who com-
mand a greater force raise a larger contribution: and
the people who give this money, whether more or
less, do not give it for nothing (they are not so mad):
no; it is the price they pay to secure their trading
vessels from rapine and piracy, to provide them with
the necessary convoys, and the like; however they
may pretend friendship and affection, and dignify
those payments with the name of free gifts. It is
therefore evident, that as Diopitbes is at the head of
a considerable power, the same contributions will be
granted to him.
Else, how shall he pay his soldiers 1
how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing
from you, and has nothing of his own ? From the
skies ? No ; but from what he can collect, and beg,
justly claim, a greater deference and respect is due to the original, where
we find a conclusion of a different nature, deduced in express terms. "It
has been the constant custom," says Demosthenes, " of all the com-
manders who have sniled from this city (if I advance a falsehood let mo
feel the severest punishment) to take money from the Chians, and from
the Erythrians, and from any people that would give it; I mean, of the
inhabitants of Asia. They who have but oneor two ships take a talent;
they who command a greater force raise a larger contribution : and the
people who give this money, whether more or less, do not give it for
nothing (they are not so mad): no; it is the price they pay to secure their
trading vessels from rapine and piracy, to provide them with the neces-
sary convoys, and the like; however they may pretend friendship and
affection, and dignify those payments with the name of free gifts. Il is
therefore evident, that as Diopilhes is at the head of a considerable
Cwer, the same contributions will be granted to htm. Else, how shall
pay his soldiers ? how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing
from you, and has nothing of his own 1 From the skies ? No; but from
what he can collect, and beg, and borrow. " Then follows the conclusion
from the whole : Ovlt OYN aXXo iroioveiv ol Kariiyopovvrcs tvviiiv^n
vpoXcyjvtriv liirairt, ifcc. So that the whole scheme of his accusers (or
the whole effect of tbelr accusations) is to warn nil people to grant him
nothing, &c. This is the meaning (or this Is the tendency) of their
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? 128 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and borrow. So that the whole scheme of his ac-
cusers is to warn all people to grant him nothing; as
he is to suffer punishment for crimes yet to be com-
mitted, not for any he hath-already committed, or in
which he hath already assisted. This is the mean-
ing of their clamours. " He is going to form sieges!
he leaves the Greeks exposed. " Have these men all
this tenderness for the Grecian colonies of Asia?
They then prefei the interests of foreigners to that
of their own country. This must be the case, if they
prevail to have another general sent to the Helles-
pont. If Diopithes commits outrages,--if he be
guilty of piracy, one single edict,1 Athenians--a
single edict will put a stop to such proceedings.
This is the voice of our laws; that such offenders
should be impeached ;2 and not opposed3 with such
1 One single edict. ]--In the Greek -irivaKiov, which in this place may
either signify the tablet which was fixed up in public, containing a cita
tion of the accused party, and an account of the crimes of which he was
accused; or that which was given to the judges who sat on his trial t>>
write their sentences on. I have chosen the first ofthese senses.
2 That such offenders should be impeached. ! --The Greek words
tioayy&civ and utrayYtXta, which I have translated to impeach, and im-
peachment, are terms in the Athenian judicature, and relate to those par-
ticular kind of actions which were not referred to any court of justice,
but immediately brought before the senate of five hundred, or assembly
of the people, and sometimes before the archon ; and in which both tho
accusation and defence were made by word of mouth, without any
written articles.
3 And not opposed, &c. ]--The accusers of Diopithes raised loud
clamours against his conduct. They insisted that he had committed
depredations on the Grecian colonies, and was meditating further hos-
tilities against them, contrary to his commission and instructions.
They declared that a force should be despatched to defend them; which
Demosthenes calls raising an army against Diopithes. " It is against
our enemies,'' says he, f whom our laws cannot reach, that we are to raise
our forces; when citizens have offended, we can impeach them," &c.
But this interpretation has been loaded with the heavy charge of ab-
surdity. If the translator had a right to pronounce so peremptorily and
so severely, he would declare thai, by the same rule, every ardent ex-
pression, every bold figure, every lively image,--in short, every thing in
eloquence not literally and strictly consonant to metaphysical truth
might be pronounced equally absurd. The meaning of the passage here
quoted is said to be, " We are not to protect the islanders bv our armies,
but to employ them against our enemies. " But why were they to raise
their armies against their enemies? Because their enemies were not
punishable by the laws. Those, therefore, against whom they were not
to raise their armies must have been such as were punishable by the
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 129
vast preparations of ships and money (this would
be the height of madness): it is against our enemies,
whom the laws cannot touch, that we ought, we
must maintain our forces, send out or navies, and
raise our contributions. But when citizens have
offended, we can decree, we can impeach, we can
recall. 1 These are arms sufficient; these are the
measures befitting men of prudence: they who would
raise disorder and confusion in the state may have
recourse to such as these men propose.
But dreadful as it is to have such men among us,
yet the most dreadful circumstance of all is this. You
assemble here, with minds so disposed, that if any
one accuses Diopithes, or Chares,2 or Aristophon,3 or
any citizen whatever, as the cause of our misfor
laws. This conclusion might perhaps be deemed natural and necessary,
even if the orator had notexpressly pointed out both those against whom
they were, and were not, to raise their armies. Km rovs tx^po^s~
against enemies: and em S1 i? ^af avrovs--but against ourselves, i. e.
"our own citizens.
1 We can recall. ]--In the original, we have the TlapaXos, that is, the
galley (so called, from the hero Paralus, who with Theseus signalized
himself against the Thebans). The Athenians had two galleys, the
Salaminian and Paralian, appointed for the most pressing occasions of
the state. In allusion to this usage, Pericles was called tne Salaminian
galley, because he affected to appear in public only on extraordinary
emergencies. When Lysander had beaten the Athenian fleet at the Hel-
lespont, the Paralian gahey was despatched with the melancholy news
to the people ; and when Alcibiades was recalled from Sicily to defend
himself against the charge of mipiety, theSalaminian galley was ordered
to bring him home. Both the one and the other were employed to recall
such generals as were superseded. --Tourreil.
2 Or Chares. ]--This apology, says M. Tourreil, savours a little of fac-
tion and cabal: their ill success might with great justice have been
charged on Chares. Indeed, what could have been exacted from a
general no less incapable than luxurious, who in all his military expe-
ditions drew after him a train of musicians, whom he kept in pay at the
expense of his troops ? Accordingly, his enterprises were unsuccessful:
and, to crown all his miscarriages, be lost the battle of Chaeronea. And
yet this Chares was able to support himself to the last by the credit of
those orators who protected him.
3 Or Aristophon. ]--Anothe Athenian general. Aristotle (Rhet. 1. ii.
c. 23) mentions a smart answei made to him by Iphicrates. Aristophon
accused him of having betrayed the fleet which he commanded. Iphi-
crates, with that confidence which an established reputation inspires,
asked him, " Would you be guilty of such a piece of treachery V " By
no means," answered he. " What! " returned the other, "can Iphicrates
fcave committed what Aristophon would refuse to doV1--Tourreil.
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? 130 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
tunas, you instantly break forth into acclamations
and applause. But if a man stands forth, and thus
declares the truth: " This is all trifling, Athenians!
It is to Philip we owe our calamities: he hath plunged
us in these difficulties: for had he observed his
treaty, our state would be in perfect tranquillity. "
This you cannot deny; but you hear it with the
utmost grief, as if it were the account of some dread-
ful misfortune. The cause is this--(for when I am
to urge the interest of my country, let me speak
boldly)--certain persons who have been intrusted
with public affairs have for a long time past rendered
you daring and terrible in council; but in all affairs
of war wretched and contemptible. Hence it is,
that if a citiztfn, subject to your own power and juris-
diction, be pointed out as the author of your misfor-
tunes, you hear the accusation with applause; but if
they are charged on a man who must first be con-
quered before he can be punished, then you are
utterly disconcerted: that truth is too severe to be
borne. Your ministers, Athenians, should take a
quite contrary course. They should render you
gentle and humane in council, where the rights of
citizens and allies come before you: in military
affairs they should inspire you with fierceness and
intrepidity; for here you are engaged with enemies,
with armed troops. But now, by leading you gently
on to their purposes, by the most abject compliance
with your humours, they have so formed and moulded
you, that in your assemblies you are delicate, and
attend but to flattery and entertainment; in your
affairs you find yourselves threatened with extremity
of danger.
And now, in the name of Heaven! suppose that
the states of Greece should thus demand1 an account
I Suppose that the states of Greece should thus demand, &c. ]--After
the taking of Olynthus, when the Athenians were at last prevailed on to
declare war in form against Philip, they sent embassies to all the states
? (Greece to represent the danger of his growing power, and to engage
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESTJS. 13l
f those opportunities which your indolence hath
lost. "Men of Athens! you are ever sending em-
bassies to us; you assure us that Philip is projecting
our ruin, and that, of all the Greeks, you warn us to
guard against this man's designs. " (And it is too
true we have done thus. ) " But, O most wretched
of mankind! when this man had been ten months
detained abroad; when sickness, and the severity
of winter, and the armies of his enemies rendered
it impossible for him to return home, you neither
restored the liberty of Euboea, nor recovered any of
your own dominions. But while you sit at home in
perfect ease and health (if such a state may be
called health), Eubcea is commanded by his two
tyrants ;t the one, just opposite to Attica, to keep you
perpetually in awe; the other to Scyathus. Yet you
have not attempted to oppose even this. No; you
have submitted; you have been insensible to your
wrongs; you have fully declared, that if Philip were
ten times to die, it would not inspire you with the
least degree of vigour. Why then these embassies,
these accusations, all this unnecessary trouble to
us ]"--If they should say this, what could we allege ?
what answer could we give ? I know not.
We have those among us who think a speaker
fully confuted by asking, " What then is to be done ? "
To whom I answer, with the utmost truth and just-
ness, " Not what we are now doing. "--But I shall
be more explicit, if they will be as ready to follow
as to ask advice.
First, then, Athenians, be firmly convinced of these
truths: that Philip does commit hostilities against
them to join against him. From hence the orator takes occasion . 0
introduce this beautiful prosopopceia, by which he throws out the bit-
terest reproaches against his countrymen, so artfully as not to give
them offence, and yet at the same time sets the slamefulness of their
misconduct in the strongest light. -- Tourreil.
1 By his two tyrants. ]--Philistides and Clitarchus: the one fixed at
Eretria, opposite io Attica; the other at Oreum, over-against Scyathus,
an island subject to Athens.
Voi. . I. --L
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? 132 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
us, and has violated the peace (and let us no longer
accuse each other of his crimes);--that he is the im-
placable enemy of this whole city, of the ground on
which this city stands, of every inhabitant within
these walls, even of those who imagine themselves
highest in his favour. If they doubt this, let them
think of Euthycrates and Lasthenes, the Olynthians.
They who seemed the nearest to his heart, the moment
they betrayed their country, were distinguished only
by the superior cruelty of their death. But it is
against our constitution that his arms are principally
directed; nor, in all his schemes, in all his actions,
hath he any thing so immediately in view as to sub-
vert it. And there ii in some sort a necessity for
this. He knows full well that his conquests, how-
ever great and extensive, can never be secure while
you continue free; but that, if once he meets with
any accident (and every man is subject to many),
all those whom he hath forced into his service will
instantly revolt, and fly to you for protection: for
you are not naturally disposed to grasp at empire
yourselves, but to frustrate the ambitious attempts
of others; to be ever ready' to oppose usurpation,
and assert the liberty of mankind; this is your pecu-
liar character. And therefore it is not without regret
that he sees in your freedom a spy on the incidents
of his fortune. Nor is this his reasoning weak or
trivial.
In the first place, therefore, we are to consider him
as the enemy of our state, the implacable enemy of
our free constitution. Nothing but the deepest sense
of this can give you a true, vigorous, and active
spirit. In the next place, be assured that every thing
he is now labouring, every thing he is concerting, he
is concerting against our city; and that, wherever
any man opposes him, he opposes an attempt against
these walls: for none of you can be weak enough
to imagine that Philip's desires are centred in those
paltry villages of Thrace; (for what name else can
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 133
one give to Drongilus, and Cabyle, and Mastira,' and
all those places he is now reducing to his obedience 1)
that he endures the severity of toils and seasons,
and braves the utmost dangers for these, and has no
designs on the ports, and the arsenals, and the navies,
and the silver mines, and all the other revenues of
Athens; but that he will leave them for you to
enjoy; while, for some wretched hoards of grain in
the cells of Thrace, he takes up his winter-quarters
in the horrors of a dungeon. 2 Impossible ! No;
these and all his expeditions are really intended to
facilitate the conquest of Athens.
Let us then approve ourselves men of wisdom;
and, fully persuaded of these truths, let us shake off
our extravagant and dangerous supineness; let us
supply the necessary expenses; let us call on our
allies; let us take all possible measures for keeping
up a regular army; so that, as he hath his force con-
stantly prepared to injure and enslave the Greeks,
yours too may be ever ready to protect and assist
them. If you depend on occasional detachments,
you cannot ever expect the least degree of success:
you must keep an army constantly on foot, provide
for its maintenance, appoint public treasurers, and by
all possible means secure your military funds; and
while these officers account for all disbursements, let
your generals be bound to answer for the conduct of
the war. Let these be your measures, these your
resolutions, and you will compel Philip to live in the
1 For what name else can one give to Drongilus, and Cabyle, and
Mastira, &c. ]--Drongilus and Cabyle, however the orator streets to
treat them with contempt, are yet mentioned in history. As to Mastira,
It is entirely Unknown: hence Harpocration suggested, that instead of
Mastira we should read Bastira; a town of Thrace of that name having
been mentioned in a history of Philip written by Anaximenes, a work a
long time lost. --Tourreil.
2 In the horrors of a dungeoa ]--In the original it is, in a Barathrum.
There was a ditch or cavern in Athens of that name, into whicn crimi-
nals were precipitated. So that by this figure he not only represents
the dreadful and deadly nature of the country, but at the same time sets
Philip in the light of a wicked wretch, who merited the vilest and most
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? 134
OKATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
real ooservance of an equitable peace, and to confine
himself to his own kingdom (which is most for our
interest), or we shall fight him on equal terms.
If any man thinks that the measures I propose will
require gTeat expense, and be attended with much
toil and trouble, he thinks justly. Yet let him con-
sider what consequences must attend the state if
these measures be neglected, and it will appear that
we shall really be gainers by engaging heartily in
this cause. Suppose some god should be our surety
(for no mortal ought tobe relied on in an affair of such
moment) that, if we continue quiet, and give up all our
interests, he will not at last turn his arms against us;
it would yet be shameful; it would (I call all the
powers of heaven to witness! ) be unworthy of you,
unworthy the dignity of your country, and the glory
of your ancestors, to abandon the rest of Greece to
slavery for the sake of private ease. I, for my part,
would die rather than propose so mean a conduct:
however, if there be any other person who will re-
commend it, be it so; neglect your defence; give up
your interesis! But if there be no such counsellor;
if, on the contrary, we all foresee that the farther
this man is suffered to extend his conquests, the
more formidable and powerful enemy we must find
in him, why this reluctance ? why do we delay? or
when, my countrymen, will we perform our duty ?
Must some necessity compel us? What one may
call the necessity of freemen not only presses us
now, but hath long since been felt: that of slaves, it
is to be wished, may never approach us.
