No More Learning

SLOTERDIJK: The traditional left would have claimed that our moral attitude of direct solidarity should be enough to carry those who are cut off from the system. Today, even on the left, nobody dares to say we must go back to forms of direct solidarity. And that is wrong, because without regeneration of direct solidarity social coherence as a whole will be an illusion. In this sense, the Spheres project is also an attempt to treat the total sclerosis of left-wing dis- course with therapy.
HARTMANN/TASCHWER: Is your spherology a left-wing project, then?
SLOTERDIJK: Definitely, to a great extent. It would be too hasty to read the way I move between various disciplines and tradi- tions as an indicator of right-wing sympathies. The Spheres project examines where the sources of real acts of solidarity come from. I would like to use atmospheric analysis to help formulate a language of participation that the left has mistakenly vacated to traditional- ists or right-wingers. People on the left will have to learn the ethics
1 Gerhard Schröder (b. 1944) is a politician and a leading member of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). He was Chancellor of Germany from 1998 to 2005.
Good Theory Doesn’t Complain 111
of generosity. In any case, we have to find a completely new descrip- tion for the ability of people who are not immediate neighbours to be mutually interdependent. It’s impossible to achieve this with the tired old vocabularies of class struggle that wore out a long time ago.
HARTMANN/TASCHWER: Interdependence among strangers is a question posed by the new twenty-five-member European Union as well. Ten years ago you published a book with the title Falls Europa erwacht [If Europe Awakes]. 2 Austria’s Federal Chancellor quoted it just recently. Has Europe become more wide-awake in the meantime?
SLOTERDIJK: I really don’t know if social systems can sleep and whether nations are collectives that can be woken up. But it is a fact that since the debacle of 1945 the Europeans have fallen victim to a lethargocracy, the rule of lethargy. Throughout all the hectic activity, paralysis has held sway almost everywhere. What we need now is for the Europeans to develop positive concepts from their achievements. In future, they should talk more self-confidently about their post-heroic and post-imperialist way of life and political style. There are signs that a new European self-affirmation is taking root, expressing those tendencies, and in that sense, perhaps, we can speak of awakening.
HARTMANN/TASCHWER: Is this possible awakening related to the present nightmares of the USA in Iraq?
SLOTERDIJK: Definitely. The Bush era has already had an irre- versible historical effect. The Atlantic alliance of the Cold War era has collapsed under it. The Atlantic is seen as frontier waters again, and no longer as the new Mediterranean. Europe has a Western border again for the first time in many years.
HARTMANN/TASCHWER: What about the border to the East? I’m thinking of the European Union enlargement.
SLOTERDIJK: I seriously believe the EU enlargement on 2 May marks the end of the post-war era. August 1914 and May 2004 are key dates in the history seen as a whole. Europe is occupying its historically evolved borders once again. It has reached its territo- rial optimum – further expansion would probably be disastrous. We have decades ahead of consistent transfer benefits to support the new EU states. That will bring tensions, of course, but they will be very meaningful. We have seen that such injections of funds
2 Peter Sloterdijk, Falls Europa erwacht: Gedanken zum Programm einer Weltmacht am Ende des Zeitalters ihrer politischen Absence (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp), 1994.
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can function in relation to the Spanish or Irish economic miracles. Nobody knows whether the same thing can work with 40 million Poles and their national economy, which is very backward.
HARTMANN/TASCHWER: What are the prospects of Turkey joining the EU?
SLOTERDIJK: The answer is self-evident, considering the hap- hazard catch-up dynamic of the new EU states. With twenty-five members we shall never reach the requisite agreements on these issues in Brussels: why should the Poles, the Hungarians, the Czechs and the Lithuanians want to include voracious, unstable Turkey in the EU as long as they themselves need every euro available for distribution? But even if Turkey were allowed to join – which is practically impossible – it would be there as a second-class member because it would have to wait a long time before being allowed to enjoy subsidies from Brussels.
HARTMANN/TASCHWER: What will happen if the integra- tion process fails?
SLOTERDIJK: Then vocal movements about disadvantage on the Carinthian model will spread across the whole of Europe. 3 In the case of the former East Germany a small, rather unpleasant neo- nationalist scene became vocal shortly after German reunification. We can expect something similar in the new EU member states as soon as the process of sorting out winners and losers is over. In five years people all over Europe will probably be talking continually about these angry provincials, and looking back nostalgically to the days when we regarded a dashing populist showman like Jörg Haider as a menace.
3 This refers to the Austrian regionalist-nationalist movement led by the controversial politician Jörg Haider (1950–2008), Governor of the Austrian Federal State of Carinthia and leader of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ).
14
THERE ARE NO INDIVIDUALS
Interview with Sven Gächter*
4
GÄCHTER: Mr Sloterdijk, this is admittedly a frivolous hypo- thetical idea: suppose Anke Engelke invited you to her late-night show and asked you to give a reasonable synopsis of your new book, Sphären III [Spheres III], for the ordinary couch potato. How would you wriggle out of that?
SLOTERDIJK: The only frivolous thing seems to me the assump- tion that Ms Engelke would be in her job long enough to hit upon the idea.
GÄCHTER: Good. Now let’s assume Harald Schmidt still mod- erated a late-night TV show. As a talk-show guest in the latter-day version of his show, with its appeal to the educated middle class, Peter Sloterdijk would be in good hands.
SLOTERDIJK: I have great respect for Harald Schmidt since the time he was a young cabaret artist back in Dusseldorf, when he larded his programmes with quotations from my book Critique of Cynical Reason.
GÄCHTER: Schmidt would be the perfect leading actor if the Critique of Cynical Reason were ever filmed.
SLOTERDIJK: Not many people in the German scene can make sense out of the intellectual plasma I described in Critique of Cynical Reason. I can think of two or three names at most: first of all, Bazon Brock, an entertainer and philosopher who can boast an authentic
* This interview between Peter Sloterdijk and Sven Gächter appeared under the title ‘Es gibt lediglich Dividuen’ [‘There are Only Dividuals’], in Weltwoche magazine (14 July 2004). Available at: <http://www. weltwoche. ch/ausgaben/2004-29/artikel-2004-29-es-gibt-lediglic. html>.
Sven Gächter is editor-in-chief of the Austrian news magazine Profil.
114 There Are No Individuals
oeuvre as a qualified trickster of the late twentieth century, if you like. The younger ones would include Christoph Schlingensief and Harald Schmidt, whom we just mentioned. After that we can forget the list because things get rather dull. The humour industry is flour- ishing but it lacks the necessary edge.
GÄCHTER: You still owe us the Spheres synopsis for people in a hurry or for beginners.
SLOTERDIJK: The foam theory I develop in Spheres III is useful for people who don’t want anything to do with their neighbours but need a good explanation as to why they can’t get rid of them. To put it another way: I am trying to give an answer to the riddles of simultaneity of very different life phenomena that are clustered in a tight space without having much to do with each other. Foam is a metaphor that helps to describe this great accumulation of human life forms – while avoiding the concept of ‘society’.
GÄCHTER: It’s a concept that belongs more to sociology than to philosophy. What worries you about this? Is it the descrip- tive vagueness? Or is ‘society’ too macro-theoretical for your approach?
SLOTERDIJK: I would prefer to use the term ‘household’ rather than ‘society’. A household is a monadic factor with the potential for world-making at a single place. And a world naturally includes several co-players. Just as Robinson Crusoe had his Man Friday, the modern single has his or her media for simulating real communi- cation. Today’s single person is the successful version of the multiple personality that, regrettably, is usually described with a vocabulary strongly influenced by psychiatry. That doesn’t seem justified to me, because many multiple personalities develop particular strengths precisely because of their elasticity, including that of not getting too bored with themselves. Anyway, according to my definition there are no individuals, there are only dividuals, which means parts of couples or of households, while a person who lives alone is generally someone who has learned through appropriate training to form a couple or a household with himself or herself.
GÄCHTER: A quotation from Spheres III: ‘There is no doubt that philosophy as an ancient European form of thought and life is exhausted. ’ What is the connection between this sentence and your dictum of the death of Critical Theory?
SLOTERDIJK: There is no direct connection. Critical Theory is dead for other reasons than exhaustion of philosophy as a form of life. Critical Theory is dead because it is no longer able convinc- ingly to carry out its mission as Germany’s civil theology. Even if it’s true that modern societies need something like a framework that can be used for civil theology, Critical Theory alone can’t offer that
There Are No Individuals 115
any longer. If it still tries to, it becomes suspect as a sect, and that is exactly what we have seen for a long time now.
GÄCHTER: Does the rejection you have received from protago- nists of Critical Theory such as Jürgen Habermas, sometimes in a very public way, stem from your refusal to join that ‘sect’?
SLOTERDIJK: When it comes to members of a sect we can always presume one thing – a highly developed instinct for compat- ibility. I have always said that if we have to be creatures bound to sects, I would rather belong to a more entertaining sect.
GÄCHTER: Could we describe your Spheres project as a univer- salist theory of thought that is spatially modelled?
SLOTERDIJK: Yes, although I define ‘spaces’ not in the sense of physics but of a resonance community. Intervals exist between people that can be filled or bridged communicatively and, in a certain way, morally. My spheres theory concerns the moral inter- vals between people, starting with the basic assumption that, to begin with, all living beings can only exist within the closed confines of their immune system. In future we will probably have to make much greater use of the terminology of general immunology in order to reach an understanding of what people could have in common with each other at all. I reject the term ‘society’ because it assumes far too boldly that people build up common immune systems in the same way in all situations and at all times. This implies that ‘society’ is constituted as a bloc of immune systems and leads to false unifi- cation. All the old social immunologies were mainly controlled by means of a logic of belonging. Today, however, the outlines of a new, totally different social immunology are visible. They clearly tend towards individual immunology, that is, to world formation and self-protection at a local level. I think network theory and foam theory are more realistic than old-fashioned ‘sociology’. Continuing to talk about ‘society’ today is a form of conceptual pretension.
GÄCHTER: Isn’t your spheres theory ultimately the attempt to cushion the existential-philosophical shock by bedding it in foam, so to speak?
SLOTERDIJK: The existential philosophers have greatly over- exaggerated homelessness. In fact, people sit in their apartments with their delusions and cushion themselves as best they can. Living means continuously updating the immune system – and that is pre- cisely what foam theory can help to show more clearly than before.
GÄCHTER: If we grant the media the function of a control system, that is, an immune system in a way, they have functioned extremely well recently. The widespread publication of photos of torture at Abu Ghraib prison in Baghdad provoked unprecedented concern worldwide, more than all the pictures from the Balkan War,
116 There Are No Individuals
Rwanda or various suicide-bomber attacks. Why? Because people never expected the Americans to do something like that?
SLOTERDIJK: Since the first Gulf War, the Americans have changed the rules of warfare by starting to manipulate pictures from the war. What used to be called theatrum belli is identified today by a mental field: all the generals in the age of the American wars start from the assumption there are always two wars in one, and two superimposed battlefields, with the battlefield of images playing an increasingly bigger role. The American generals of the image are required to wipe everything that could publicly damage the morale of the American troops or the reputation of the USA.
GÄCHTER: That plan failed spectacularly in the recent case of the torture pictures from Baghdad. Anyway, it’s not about wartime pictures but post-war pictures.
SLOTERDIJK: Yes, but the scene of the pictures, the theatrum belli of the imagination, can no longer be clearly separated from material war events. The war of images has now become the actual, perpetual war. Realpolitik today must be constructed in the area of ideas, of fantasy. This is why the factions from the Pentagon and Hollywood, which have worked entirely separately so far, have converged through events during the Bush administration. The torture videos, in turn, were partly the revenge of auteur film on the Pentagon/Hollywood complex: a naïve, amateurish production that follows its own laws – and its own conscience. As for torture, traditionally an area of discretion behind closed doors, it has now entered the age of images – ‘Sex, Torture and Videotape’.
GÄCHTER: What is remarkable is that the torturers themselves are now part of the production, especially shooting star Lynndie England, the grim US reservist.
SLOTERDIJK: Exactly. Lynndie England, the illegitimate sister of Monica Lewinsky as it were, has become world famous overnight like an amateur porn star. In other words, it doesn’t matter whether you flirt with the president or the enemy, under present media con- ditions you have similar shooting star potential.
GÄCHTER: Producer, accomplice or victim of the picture war?
SLOTERDIJK: First-hand reporting is losing importance in relation to the reporting on the reporting. According to the modern logic of the mass media, only reports that have already been made can document that anything at all has happened that is worth looking at twice. From this perspective, in functional terms the media world is moving ever closer to the stock exchange where, as we know, securities that are already high are especially popular. The same applies to pictures, and shocking pictures in particular: if they are already getting good bids this will tend to continue. In my life as
There Are No Individuals 117
a viewer of pictures, I have seen few photos with such high aesthetic ambitions and such a macabre sense of the amateur aesthetics of horror as those from Abu Ghraib.
GÄCHTER: The photo of the Iraqi prisoner with the three- cornered cap on his head, the black cowl and the hands attached to cables probably has its place in the iconography of cruelty. But why was the effect of those particular torture pictures so devastating? What do you think?
SLOTERDIJK: The world had probably waited for those pic- tures. Anybody who wasn’t totally wallowing in self-hypnotized solidarity with the Americans realized quite early on that the ostensible motives advanced for the Iraq War were a strange and unique case. You could guess that the war was a construct designed according to a particular logic of action whose beginnings preceded George W. Bush taking up office – I nearly said, ‘seizing power’ in the way Hitler did. The global public knows we are dealing with a distorted picture of the United States at the moment. The effect of the torture pictures fits into this scenario: they confirm the partly mindless, partly articulated background awareness that this war has involved a great deception.
GÄCHTER: In barely two and a half years the Bush administra- tion has managed to create unprecedented atmospheric damage. Do you see this as a fleeting episode or a historical break, in the sense that the damage will not be reparable for a long time?
SLOTERDIJK: The Americans are in the position today of the Europeans in the High Middle Ages: that of the corrupt Crusader. The idea of the Crusades in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries was one of the most powerfully motivating ideas ever. It was discharged in a series of bloody wars. In the end they were not very successful, but they did result in Jerusalem being captured by the Christians for a while. The Europeans were granted the satisfaction of feeling like liberators and owners of the ‘most important place in the world’ – the Holy Sepulchre. The burial place of Our Lord was the ‘ground zero’ of the Middle Ages. Incidentally, Hegel dated the secret core idea of the European, the idea of religiously enlightened spirit, back to disappointment with the Crusades: the spirit that tried to possess the absolute stood before the empty grave and realized there was really nothing inside, and God could no longer be sought in the form of external things, of materiality. This is what paved the way that led from the internalization of mysticism to the Reformation, and finally to modern subject philosophy. Hegel saw the disillu- sionment about Jerusalem as constitutive for the character of the West.
GÄCHTER: Do you mean the new hasn’t reached the Americans
118 There Are No Individuals
yet, that they are reviving the crusade idea the Europeans long since abandoned, and their ‘Jerusalem disillusionment’ is yet to come?
SLOTERDIJK: We are dealing with a rascals’ crusade that may possibly evoke earlier experiences in Europe’s collective memory. But we don’t have to descend into the historical subconscious – the facts of the present situation speak for themselves. A rhetoric of sal- vation that combines themes from the Old and the New Testament is being used to justify an extremely shabby and, perhaps even worse, a profoundly dilettantish version of so-called global politics.
GÄCHTER: Dilettantism is probably the most cutting insult towards a practitioner of realpolitik like Donald Rumsfeld.
SLOTERDIJK: The concept of realpolitik was introduced in the late nineteenth century to establish professionalism in the craft of politics . . .
GÄCHTER: You are referring to Bismarck . . .
SLOTERDIJK: Who, in every critical situation, first asked his advisers to present around twelve alternatives that he studied carefully before choosing the most appropriate one. Realpolitik according to Bismarck means emancipating ourselves, for reasons that lie in the nature of the case, from the imperative of common- sense morality. By contrast, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz and their neo-conservative think tanks have succeeded in placing professionalism completely at the service of dilettantism. They assemble everything from the fields of military technology, media manipulation, administration and law that helps to give their basic dilettantish position a veneer of competence.
GÄCHTER: But where does the principle of dilettantism come from? Those people are by no means stupid in the accepted sense. Even George W. Bush can’t be as stupid as people like to portray him.
SLOTERDIJK: The core of dilettantism is the feeling of being chosen: that you don’t stand on stage because you are able to do something, but because you believe you have a vision that justi- fies everything. The vision is the working hypothesis of the chosen person. This seems all the more absurd in the case of the USA because the Bush administration didn’t come to power due to their vision but through a more or less obvious electoral fraud, which was amateurish at the time. The Bush government took office under premises that were democratically very ambiguous and in reality impossible, and that had already caused serious moral damage to the system. And it continued like that.
15
CONFUSED PEOPLE SPREAD CONFUSION
Interview with Matthias Matussek*1
MATUSSEK: Mr Sloterdijk, the last essay in your new book that completes your major three-volume work, Sphären [Spheres], contains the provocative thesis that our society is ‘beyond need’. In the light of the new discussion about poverty, aren’t you afraid of getting attacked for this?
SLOTERDIJK: At worst, by over-zealous spokespersons for fed- erations. In fact, I am making a therapeutic proposal to the public: let’s examine the mechanisms that cause one of the materially and mentally richest nations of all time to sink into a state of permanent grumpiness and agitation. Let’s use the break in pampering that the present recession has brought to investigate distortions in con- sciousness in this civilization when the pressure is off.
MATUSSEK: Many intellectuals at the moment pride themselves on being economic experts, and debate about safeguarding pros- perity and returns. Do you think it’s wrong to prioritize economic issues?
SLOTERDIJK: Caring about material affairs is definitely not an unimportant matter for human beings. We live in a politico- economic system that plausibly promises affluence to four fifths of the population.
MATUSSEK: Which is unprecedented in human history. SLOTERDIJK: The present pampering culture no longer
* This interview between Peter Sloterdijk and Matthias Matussek appeared under the title ‘Verwirrte geben Verwirrung Weiter’, in Der Spiegel maga- zine 35 (2004): 122–5.
Matthias Matussek is an author and a journalist at Der Spiegel.
120 Confused People Spread Confusion
concerns just a tiny aristocratic group but the majority of the popu- lation. In anthropological terms, this is a world novelty. But one of the business secrets of this culture seems to be that we shouldn’t talk about this unprecedented collective luxury. Instead, fictitious news about shortages has to be published all the time. Incidentally, warnings about shortages used to be something for intellectuals, but federation officers have taken over from them now.
MATUSSEK: Despite the present demonstrations, recent system critique has been from the top downwards – numerous entre- preneurs who don’t agree with the nation, with society and with politicians sit in Sabine Christiansen’s talk show and moan. 1
SLOTERDIJK: Talking of the media system, Spheres III also tells us about that.
The media system exploits the entertainment value of complaining in the comfort sphere.
MATUSSEK: At one time you annoyed the cultural press with your books or with an essay lecture about cloning. Today you moderate the TV programme Das philosophische Quartett [The Philosophical Quartet] in the position of a ‘national moderator’, as you once put it. Where do you see your role in the present discussion?
SLOTERDIJK: For two decades I fought quite a last-ditch battle after saying in my first book that enlightenment works by cheering people up. Some people wanted to set me up as the fool who doesn’t recognize the gravity of the situation. Meanwhile, many people have realized that in everything we do, we have to begin with the atmospheric facts. We can’t live in one-sided negativity all the time. In this respect we could use a bit of emission control for the intel- lectual climate.
MATUSSEK: The philosopher as expert for the positive approach?
SLOTERDIJK: As long as the media business lives from moaning and meta-moaning there is no danger of the positive approach gaining ground.
MATUSSEK: Critics pour cold water on everything by nature. It’s part of their profession.
SLOTERDIJK: But we should never forget that German criti- cism represents a late form of German idealism. In the latter, the soul is part of the base while the economy belongs to the superstruc- ture. It follows that we are surrounded here in Germany by noble
1 Television personality Sabine Christiansen (b. 1957) was moderator of Germany’s most famous political talk show on ARD, the first German public TV channel, from 1998 to 2007.
Confused People Spread Confusion 121
depreciators who are convinced that one has to address the feeble base. People run things down because they themselves belong to the good. Being a German critic means being able to give an admoni- tory sermon off the cuff.
MATUSSEK: Does it worry you that Germany, the economic giant, is stumbling, and our European neighbours are watching with a mixture of concern and schadenfreude?
SLOTERDIJK: Actually, I’m relieved that people treat us with totally normal malice. It shows that the people from countries all around us have got used to their previously frightening neighbours. In the past, during the phase of German resocialization, it was thought better not to offend the former delinquents. People watched more or less nervously to see what would become of the bad child of the international family. Now we Germans, the notorious outliers of history, have finally been brought into the main field.
MATUSSEK: Do you mean the country has become normalized in the crisis?
SLOTERDIJK: Whatever the case, because the Germans have dropped down from the top, they have stopped being students of democracy with special needs that require the school psycholo- gists to be called in constantly. Even the vigilant admonishers who wanted to attribute recidivist tendencies and murderers’ genes to the Germans are finding it difficult now in many respects. No nation can be more ordinary than the Germans today.
MATUSSEK: In the 1980s, you described prevailing conditions as ‘unhappily enlightened’ – and contrasted that with cheerful, subversive protest. Today the left wing is in the doldrums. What happened to the great urge for change?
SLOTERDIJK: We shouldn’t exaggerate in retrospect. At the time that my Critique of Critical Reason appeared in 1983, the radical left had been largely occupied with tragicomic repetition of scenarios from the 1930s. From 1967 until the Baader-Meinhof crisis of 1977, we acted out the People’s Front and bravely pre- vented the rise of Hitler. 2 All the same, we had a script – even if it was half a century behind the times. Today, however, we don’t have a repertoire for the left, whether moderate or radical. The age group
2 Andreas Baader (1943–77) and Ulrike Meinhof (1934–76) were the leaders of the Red Army Fraction (RAF), an extreme left-wing political group formed in 1968 that was responsible for violent attacks in West Germany. Meinhof hanged herself in her prison cell in 1976. The 1977 ‘crisis’ refers to the violent political unrest in many West German cities after Baader and three other imprisoned members of the group were found hanged in their cells in October 1977.
122 Confused People Spread Confusion
at the helm now is the most confused generation in German intel- lectual history.
MATUSSEK: The generation of 1968 has reached the top of society. Is that a lamentable situation?
SLOTERDIJK: The confused generation can only spread confu- sion. It does that successfully.
MATUSSEK: Isn’t Schröder introducing reforms right now that the ruling CDU [Christian Democratic Union] should really have carried through in the 1980s?
SLOTERDIJK: Maybe we should realize that for nearly twenty- five years the German party system has been offering voters the choice between four varieties of social democracy: the unity party of prosperity spreads across the whole so-called political spectrum.
MATUSSEK: The former German Chancellor Helmut Kohl was the first to understand that, by turning his politics towards social democracy. His era was marked by the lucky accident of German unification – and everything that wasn’t dealt with.
SLOTERDIJK: Kohl remains the undisputed lord of German lethargy. He led the Germans to the end of history. He turned the promise of post-history, general lethargy with a high level of afflu- ence, into reality, with visible success. Things have become decidedly more uncomfortable since slimmer men have been in government. We are even being threatened with history starting all over again.
MATUSSEK: The new men are getting fatter again as well.
SLOTERDIJK: Nobody can beat Kohl on the scales. But now the new uncomfortable types have arrived and want to put the German lethargocracy back into competition with the best in the world. No wonder the great majority says, predictably: ‘Wait, that’s not what we signed up for! We haven’t trained for the top! ’ That’s why so many journalists and sociologists seriously consider German football as the oracle of the nation. On the football pitch we can see that simply praising ourselves isn’t always enough to get by.
MATUSSEK: It seems poverty is being officially tolerated for the first time in Germany – this was previously unheard-of in Germany’s centrist society of consensus.
SLOTERDIJK: Agenda 20103 contains nothing that Kohl shouldn’t have already introduced twenty years ago. Now his suc- cessor has to take over the other side’s operations. That is the usual SPD [Social Democratic Party] tragedy, by the way. As for the new
3 Agenda 2010 was a reform programme for the German welfare system and labour relations. It was launched in 2003 by the Social Democrat/ Green Party coalition led by the German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder.
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visibility of poverty, it is related to the disappearance of the special German climate after 1945. Back then, when the whole country con- sisted of losers, the socio-psychological grip on the whole thing was much tighter than it is today. The post-war reconstruction was a collective effort. By now, being a loser is seen more as an individual issue again.
MATUSSEK: Is the thesis of the completed reconstruction actu- ally right? Berlin, for example, has not been recreated at all, and is a city of construction sites, strips overgrown with weeds, and wasteland, which local politicians are actually selling as a prime opportunity.
SLOTERDIJK: It’s always devastating when politicians talk like gallery owners. People in the special Berlin biotope have had half a century’s practice at being kettled as an attraction. After the border opened, along with all the impressive new buildings there was con- stant competition over the memorials that were supposed to make historical remembrance impressive as well.
MATUSSEK: Remorse, made in Germany.
SLOTERDIJK: German remorse used to be a brand-name article in the moral markets of the world. Meanwhile it is only rarely in demand.
MATUSSEK: What is much more visible is German self- confidence, at least in foreign policy, which has even taken the liberty of resisting American messianic ideology.
SLOTERDIJK: I made a lot of enemies before the Iraq War started by saying that Schröder’s vote against the US-British policy represented the voice of free and reasonable Europe – against the opportunists in the South, in the East, and in the German Parliament.
MATUSSEK: Is that the new German role, perhaps even a German identity: to push on with Europe as a kind of self- dissolution in the European project?
SLOTERDIJK: Europe’s nation-states, including Germany, do not have to liquidate themselves. But they should remember their great common script: this is the home of the anti-miserabilism project, which should bring humankind as a whole, or a large part of it, into a worldwide community of comfort. Let’s note that behind human rights are always rights to comfort that are wrongly described merely as ‘material interests’.
MATUSSEK: Isn’t that a rather harsh de-mystification of noble human rights?
SLOTERDIJK: Not at all. Human rights begin with the right to a lawyer; in the first place, they protect those who aren’t able to speak for themselves yet. Once people can speak for themselves, they
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immediately start making material demands. This is an unavoidable sequence. It’s impossible to imagine a majority that is full of human rights down to the tips of their toes but remains as poor as beggars. People who say and mean human rights are also affirming the trend towards opening up access to the affluence zone.
MATUSSEK: Is the new Federal German President on the right track in announcing that ‘The nation needs the courage to change’? SLOTERDIJK: He’s humming the right theme tune. However, even the best speeches about courage and rolling up our sleeves are fundamentally flawed. If our new president has a good relationship to courage then he has to do something courageous, maybe pardon somebody unexpectedly or visit a proscribed country. Just urging
courage on its own would be too German.
MATUSSEK: What can a German President do in this context? SLOTERDIJK: He has to stay on the beaten track. The fact is,
people in the affluence zone only accept changes that give them the security of knowing things will generally stay the same as they were. Comfort systems are controlled by tautologies. If, for example, Günter Netzer4 comments after a bad football match: ‘We have been watching a bad match’, a light goes on all over the country because we have all seen the same thing. He probably says ‘A seri- ously bad match’ to boost his intellectual status.
MATUSSEK: He says what everybody wants to hear.
SLOTERDIJK: He says what everybody has seen. Right now he holds the highest informal national office – that of chief tautologist. Only he can speak with authority and call a bad match a really bad match. Right now the country’s highest office is shared – Günter Netzer occupies one half and the German President the other. The latter holds the prerogative of saying that we can win anyway.
MATUSSEK: Mr Sloterdijk, thank you for this interview.
4 Günter Netzer is a famous ex-football player from the German national team who later became a TV football commentator.
16
GERMANS WANT TO BE COMPELLED
Theory for the Year’s End
Interview with Ulf Poschardt*1
POSCHARDT: The year 2004 is coming to an end. What did the philosopher see in it?
SLOTERDIJK: To start with, three deaths in the autumn that may form a constellation. First, the death of Jacques Derrida: the last of the greats of our discipline. A distant colleague, but still present like a friend or a conscience. When we heard the news of his death from Paris during the Frankfurt Book Fair there was a hushed silence at the Suhrkamp stand, as if time had stood still. A few weeks later, the macabre death agony of Yasser Arafat began. He lay brain dead in a French military hospital, a living corpse, but was not allowed to be officially dead. As a head of state he had to remain in office while the jockeying for positions and millions took place over his near-corpse. This recalls the medieval legend of El Cid, whose dead body was tied to a horse’s back to lead his troop into battle. The question is, on which horse’s back Arafat’s corpse sat during those days.
The third death happened several days earlier: the murder of a moderately talented but famous film director, slaughtered on the street in public view in a way that showed this was not just an execu- tion but an excommunication of a man consigned to the animals for slaughter. The letter claiming responsibility was less a sign of terror than of enraged violated faith.
* This interview between Peter Sloterdijk and Ulf Poschardt appeared under the title ‘Deutsche wollen müssen’ [‘Germans want to be compelled’], in the Welt am Sonntag (12 December 2004).
Ulf Poschardt is a journalist and author.
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POSCHARDT: What do those three deaths have in common?
SLOTERDIJK: They form a kind of thanatological colloquium because they express something about exemplary deaths in our time. The philosopher Derrida died after a long, very consciously organ- ized farewell to the scourge of postmodern humankind, cancer – an evil that has not yielded to any enlightenment or deconstruction. Yasser Arafat died as an icon and zombie, and Theo van Gogh as a victim of fanaticism because he tried to apply Voltaire’s battle cry against the repressive Church – écrasez l’infame! – to Islam.
POSCHARDT: Which death did you think about most?
SLOTERDIJK: On the personal level, Derrida, of course, but nothing can compare to Arafat’s end as an emblem of the state of the world. He died as the enemy of countless people, as a repository for the curses of millions, however much he was a votive image, a repository of hope, for many others. In ethnological terms he was a Nail Man, like one of those Congolese fetishes in which curses are hammered with nails. He was the perfect Fetish Man of the last quarter-century.
POSCHARDT: In the end he was merely his wife’s puppet. Is that a neat punchline against the latent disrespect of women in Islam?
SLOTERDIJK: The woman’s revenge occurred when she married him. Nietzsche used to say, ‘A married philosopher belongs in a comedy. ’ Where does a married terrorist belong? Someone like that only fits into the chilling satire of the Middle East. Arafat was, incidentally, the only statesman of recent times who secretly bore the name ‘terrorist’ as an honorary title. Nobody else has done that since Churchill.
POSCHARDT: Churchill?
SLOTERDIJK: Of course. He described himself as a terrorist when he gave the order for the bomb warfare against Germany. In those days the history of the word ‘terrorism’ was more open than it is now, and since Churchill usually knew what he was doing he identified clearly with his methods.
POSCHARDT: Didn’t the word ‘terrorist’ exist earlier?
SLOTERDIJK: Indeed, modern terror has a long history dating back to the Jacobins’ use of the guillotine. In nineteenth-century Italy an anarchist who planted bombs was called a dinamitario – a beautiful job description, totally hardware oriented. Today’s concept of terror, however, is very zeitgeisty, that is, it focuses on software and is designed for aesthetic effect. Churchill’s admission shows that the word’s history had not yet been decided. If terror is the means of conquering Hitler, one should admit it and wear the title of terrorist like a medal. Churchill did that. Arafat had his own particular ideas about that.
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POSCHARDT: But in this sense terror would always be a means or an aspect of politics. In the sense of the defence capability of a constitutional state, it is part of its monopoly of power.
SLOTERDIJK: That’s quite right. Politics is always a mode in which the state organizes how it appears to the people. The lofty state has to administer the terror it evokes itself. It is responsible for the aura that surrounds it as the ‘coldest monster’, to quote Nietzsche again. That means it not only has to keep its symbols of sovereignty intact, but also to manage the epiphanies of its violent core – think of the military parades in France on 14 July. Carl Schmitt wrote that ‘The sovereign is the person who decides on the state of emergency. ’ Such a situation occurs when the latent means of terror are transformed into actually existing ones. In other words, the sovereign is the person who has the possibility of making con- vincing threats.
POSCHARDT: Would that make the democratic politician a kind of castrated terrorist?
SLOTERDIJK: Democracy means not having a need for terror any more. The careers of Castro and Arafat, but also of Menachim Begin, show the trajectory from terror to legality. The title of castrated terrorist suits figures like Castro and Arafat very well, although it is more about pacification than about castration.
POSCHARDT: Was Arafat a supremely skilful Machiavellian?
SLOTERDIJK: He was already head of the PLO in 1972, at the time of the attack on the Olympic village in Munich in which several Israeli athletes died. Back then he already showed his talent as a media politician, because anyone who successfully disrupts the Olympic Games becomes a global star. In November 1974, Arafat spoke to the UNO assembly in New York, scoring an enormous prestige victory for the PLO. The Munich drama was also the beginning of the hot phase of the alliance between terror and the media – that was the zero hour of terror as a media event. This has no connection any longer with the terror of the French Revolution that Hegel examined, and that was partly legitimated, or with the conservative nihilists who made regular attacks on the Czars. As we know, the author of The Phenomenology of Mind described the Jacobin murders as the frenzy of abstract subjectivity that wipes away everything obstructing freedom.
POSCHARDT: Did that shock Hegel the Swabian?
SLOTERDIJK: I don’t think so. Hegel was cold-blooded, or he understood everything, which is the same thing. He saw terror as the price for a learning process modern people had to go through before they could live as citizens in a constitutional state. The terror of pure conscience is a stage in the curriculum that leads to the modern
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state: terror is the way that the spirit of freedom, which is simply abstract, first learns about its own state and learns to appreciate the indispensability of the law. This stage is a necessary experience because bourgeois society and its state only become consolidated in the post-terrorist stage. Expressed in educational terms, we could say that terror is an episode in the preparatory period for human- kind’s high-school certificate.
POSCHARDT: Do constitutional states react so vigorously to terror because they recognize their own previous existence in it?
SLOTERDIJK: Perhaps. They recognize in terrorism what they have dispensed with. But the present terror is basically very roman- tic. It is conceived as a hero cult and its aim is to found a new community through inflammatory theatrical acts of violence.
POSCHARDT: What about Bin Laden? The al-Qaeda fighters of September 11 were mostly fellow Saudis.
SLOTERDIJK: Bin Laden is an activist of the third dream. He places an Islamist dream alongside the American dream and the Saudi dream.
POSCHARDT: What dreams do the Saudis have?
SLOTERDIJK: Next to the Americans with their religion of success, the ruling Saudi cliques are the greatest escapists of our time. Because their money never runs out, they can live in an absolute dream world in which they are free to move through the centuries like sleepwalkers. They escape from the present to the past and then return again. At one moment they are in the seventh century riding through the desert with Mohammed, their minds full of plans; then they are in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and flirt with Wahhabi asceticism; and then they plunge into the twenty-first century and get high on the goods of the liberal world. They can endlessly afford that Arabo-Disney lifestyle feeling and can arrange themselves in a total virtual reality.
POSCHARDT: Does Bin Laden have anything in common with those Disney Arabs?