No More Learning

--[MS. M. ]

[56] [It would seem that Byron's "not ourselves" by no means "made for"
righteousness. ]

[bj]

----_the will itself dependent_
_Upon a storm, a straw, and both alike_
_Leading to death_----. --[MS. M. ]

[57] [Compare--"The boldest steer but where their ports invite. " _Childe
Harold_, Canto III. stanza lxx. lines 7-9; and Canto IV. stanza xxxiv. ,
_Poetical Works_, 1899, ii. 260, 353, and 74, note 1. ]

[58] {152}[Compare--

"Our voices took a dreary tone,
An echo of the dungeon stone. "

_Prisoner of Chillon_, lines 63, 64.

Compare, too--

"----prisoned solitude.
And the Mind's canker in its savage mood,
When the impatient thirst of light and air
Parches the heart. "

_Lament of Tasso_, lines 4-7. ]

[59] {153}[For inscriptions on the walls of the _Pozzi_, see note 1 to
_Childe Harold's Pilgrimage_, Canto IV. , _Poetical Works_, 1899, ii.
465-467. Hobhouse transferred these "scratchings" to his pocket-books,
and thence to his _Historical Notes_; but even as prison inscriptions
they lack both point and style. ]

[60] [Compare--

"Run, run, Orlando; carve on every tree
The fair, the chaste and unexpressive she. "

_As You Like It_, act iii. sc. 2, lines 9, 10. ]

[bk]

_Which never can be read but, as 'twas written,_
_By wretched beings_. --[MS. ]

[bl] {154}

_Of the familiar's torch, which seems to love_
_Darkness far more than light_. --[MS. ]

[61] {157}[Compare--

"Once more upon the waters! yet once more!
And the waves bound beneath me as a steed
That knows his rider. "

_Childe Harold_, Canto III. stanza ii. lines 1-3,
_Poetical Works_, 1899, ii. 217, note 1. ]

[bm] _At once by briefer means and better_. --[MS. ]

[62] {158} In Lady Morgan's fearless and excellent work upon Italy, I
perceive the expression of "Rome of the Ocean" applied to Venice. The
same phrase occurs in the "Two Foscari. " My publisher can vouch for me,
that the tragedy was written and sent to England some time before I had
seen Lady Morgan's work, which I only received on the 16th of August. I
hasten, however, to notice the coincidence, and to yield the originality
of the phrase to her who first placed it before the public.

[Byron calls Lady Morgan's _Italy_ "fearless" on account of her
strictures on the behaviour of Great Britain to Genoa in 1814. "England
personally stood pledged to Genoa. . . . When the British officers rode
into their gates bearing the white flag consecrated by the holy word of
'_independence_,' the people . . . '_kissed their garments_. '. . . Every
heart was open. . . . Lord William Bentinck's flag of '_Independenza_' was
taken down from the steeples and high places at sunrise; before noon the
arms of Sardinia blazoned in their stead; and yet the Genoese did not
rise _en masse_ and massacre the English" (_Italy_, 1821, i. 245, 246).
The passage which Byron feared might be quoted to his disparagement runs
as follows: "As the bark glides on, as the shore recedes, and the city
of waves, the Rome of the ocean, rises on the horizon, the spirits
rally; . . . and as the spires and cupolas of Venice come forth in the
lustre of the mid-day sun, and its palaces, half-veiled in the aerial
tints of distance, gradually assume their superb proportions, then the
dream of many a youthful vigil is realized" (_ibid_. , ii. 449). ]

[63] [Compare _Marino Faliero_, act ii. sc. 2, line 110, _Poetical
Works_, 901, iv. 386, note 3. ]

[64] {159} The Calenture. --[From the Spanish _Calentura_, a fever
peculiar to sailors within the tropics--

"So, by a calenture misled,
The mariner with rapture sees,
On the smooth ocean's azure bed,
Enamelled fields and verdant trees:
With eager haste he longs to rove
In that fantastic scene, and thinks
It must be some enchanted grove;
And in he leaps, and down he sinks. "

Swift, _The South-Sea Project_, 1721, ed. 1824, xiv. 147. ]

[65] Alluding to the Swiss air and its effects. --[The _Ranz des Vaches_,
played upon the bag-pipe by the young cowkeepers on the mountains:--"An
air," says Rousseau, "so dear to the Swiss, that it was forbidden, under
the pain of death, to play it to the troops, as it immediately drew
tears from them, and made those who heard it desert, or die of what is
called _la maladie du pais_, so ardent a desire did it excite to return
to their country. It is in vain to seek in this air for energetic
accents capable of producing such astonishing effects, for which
strangers are unable to account from the music, which is in itself
uncouth and wild. But it is from habit, recollections, and a thousand
circumstances, retraced in this tune by those natives who hear it, and
reminding them of their country, former pleasures of their youth, and
all their ways of living, which occasion a bitter reflection at having
lost them. " Compare Byron's Swiss "Journal" for September 19, 1816,
_Letters_, 1899, ii. 355. ]

[bn] _That malady, which_----. --[MS. M. ]

[66] [Compare _Don Juan_, Canto XVI. stanza xlvi. lines 6, 7--

"The calentures of music which o'ercome
The mountaineers with dreams that they are highlands. "]

[bo] {160} ----_upon your native towers_. --[MS. M. ]

[bp] {162} _Come you here to insult us_----. --[MS. M. ]

[67] {163}[For "steeds of brass," compare _Childe Harold_, Canto IV.
stanza xiii. line I, _Poetical Works_, 1899, ii. 338, and 336, note 1. ]

[68] [The first and all subsequent editions read "skimmed the coasts. "
Byron wrote "skirred," a word borrowed from Shakespeare. Compare _Siege
of Corinth_, line 692, _Poetical Works_, 1900, iii. 480, note 4. ]

[bq] {165} ----_which this noble lady worst_,--[MS. M. ]

[69] {169}[According to the law, it rested with the six councillors of
the Doge and a majority of the Grand Council to insist upon the
abdication of a Doge. The action of the Ten was an usurpation of powers
to which they were not entitled by the terms of the Constitution. ]

[70] {170}[A touching incident is told concerning an interview between
the Doge and Jacopo Memmo, head of the Forty. The Doge had just learnt
(October 21, 1457) the decision of the Ten with regard to his
abdication, and noticed that Memmo watched him attentively. "Foscari
called to him, and, touching his hand, asked him whose son he was. He
answered, 'I am the son of Messer Marin Memmo. '--' He is my dear
friend,' said the Doge; 'tell him from me that it would be pleasing to
me if he would come and see me, so that we might go at our leisure in
our boats to visit the monasteries'" (_The Two Doges_, by A. Weil, 1891,
p. 124; see, too, Romanin, _Storia, etc. _, 1855, iv. 291). ]

[71] {171}[_Vide ante_, p. 139, note 1. ]

[br] _Decemvirs, it is surely_----. --[MS. M. ]

[72] {172}[Romanin (_Storia, etc. _, 1855, iv. 285, 286) quotes the
following anecdote from the _Cronaca Dolfin_:--

"Alla commozione, alle lagrime, ai singulti che accompagnavano gli
ultimi abbraciamenti, Jacopo piu che mai sentendo il dolore di quel
distacco, diceva: _Padre ve priego, procure per mi, che ritorni a casa
mia_. E messer lo doxe: _Jacomo va e obbedisci quel che vuol la terra e
non cerear piu oltre_. Ma, uscito l'infelice figlio dalla stanza, piu
non resistendo alla piena degli affetti, si getto piangendo sopra una
sedia e lamentando diceva: _O pieta grande_! "]

[73] [_Vide ante_, act ii. sc. I, line 174, p. 143, note 1. ]

[74] {175}[So, too, Coleridge of Keats: "There is death in that hand;"
and of Adam Steinmetz: "Alas! there is _death_ in that dear hand. " See
_Table Talk_ for August 14, 1832, and _Letter to John Peirse Kennard_,
August 13, 1832, _Letters of S. T. C. _, 1895, ii. 764. Jacopo Foscari was
sent back to exile in Crete, and did not die till February, 1457. His
death at Venice, immediately after his sentence, is contrived for the
sake of observing "the unities. "]

[bs]

----_he would not_
_Thus leave me_. --[MS. M. ]

[75] {178}[It is to be noted that the "Giunta" was demanded by Loredano
himself--a proof of his bona fides, as the addition of twenty-five
nobles to the original Ten would add to the chance of opposition on the
part of the supporters and champions of the Doge (see _The Two Doges_,
and Romanin, _Storia, etc. , iv. 286, note 3_). ]

[76] {179} An historical fact. See DARU [1821], tom. ii. [pp. 398, 399.
Daru quotes as his authorities Sabellicus and Pietro Giustiniani. As a
matter of fact, the Doge did his utmost to save Carmagnola, pleading
that his sentence should be commuted to imprisonment for life (see _The
Two Doges_, p. 66; and Romanin, _Storia, etc. _, iv. 161). ]

[77] {183}[By the terms of the "parte," or act of deposition drawn up by
the Ten, October 21, 1457, the time granted for deliberation was "till
the third hour of the following day. " This limitation as to time was
designed to prevent the Doge from summoning the Grand Council, "to whom
alone belonged the right of releasing him from the dukedom. " (_The Two
Doges_, p. 118; _Diebeiden Foscari_, 1878, pp. 174-176). ]

[bt] {188} _The act is passed--I will obey it_. --[MS. M. ]

[78] [For this speech, see Daru (who quotes from Pietro Giustiniani,
_Histoire, etc. _, 1821, ii. 534). ]

[79] {190}[See Daru's _Histoire, etc. _, 1821, ii. 535. The _Cronaca
Augustini_ is the authority for the anecdote (see _The Two Doges_, 1891,
p. 126). ]

[bu] {192}

_I take yours, Loredano--'tis the draught_
_Most fitting such an hour as this_. --[MS. M. ]

[80] {193}[_Vide ante_, Introduction to _The Two Foscari_, p. 118. ]

[bv] _The wretchedness to die_----. --[MS. M. ]

[81] ["A decree was at once passed that a public funeral should be
accorded to Foscari, . . . and the bells of St. Mark were ordered to peal
nine times. . . . The same Council also determined that on Thursday night,
November 3, the corpse should be carried into the room of the 'Signori
di notte,' dressed in a golden mantle, with the ducal bonnet on his
head, golden spurs on his feet, . . . the gold sword by his side. " But
Foscari's wife, Marina (or Maria) Nani, opposed. "She declined to give
up the body, which she had caused to be dressed in plain clothes, and
she maintained that no one but herself should provide for the funeral
expenses, even should she have to give up her dower. " It is needless to
add that her protest was unavailing, and that the decree of the Ten was
carried into effect. --_The Two Doges_, 1891, pp. 129, 130. ]

[bw] {194} ----_comfort to my desolation_. --[MS. M. ]

[82] {195} The Venetians appear to have had a particular turn for
breaking the hearts of their Doges. The following is another instance of
the kind in the Doge Marco Barbarigo: he was succeeded by his brother
Agostino Barbarigo, whose chief merit is here mentioned.
--"Le doge,
blesse de trouver constamment un contradicteur et un censeur si amer
dans son frere, lui dit un jour en plein conseil: 'Messire Augustin,
vous faites tout votre possible pour hater ma mort; vous vous flattez de
me succeder; mais, si les autres vous connaissent aussi bien que je vous
connais, ils n'auront garde de vous elire. ' La-dessus il se leva, emu de
colere, rentra dans son appartement, et mourut quelques jours apres. Ce
frere, contre lequel il s'etait emporte, fut precisement le successeur
qu'on lui donna. C'etait un merite don't on aimait a tenir compte;
surtout a un parent, de s'etre mis en opposition avec le chef de la
republique. "--DARU, _Hist, de Venise_, 1821, in. 29.

[bx] _I trust Heavens will be done also_. --[MS. ]

[83] "_L'ha pagata_. " An historical fact. See _Hist. de Venise_, par P.
DARU, 1821, ii. 528, 529.

[Daru quotes Palazzi's _Fasti Ducales_ as his authority for this story.
According to Pietro Giustiniani (_Storia_, lib. viii. ), Jacopo Loredano
was at pains to announce the decree of the Ten to the Doge in courteous
and considerate terms, and begged him to pardon him for what it was his
duty to do. Romanin points out that this version of the interview is
inconsistent with the famous "_L'hapagata_. "--_Storia, etc. _, iv. 290,
note i. ]

[84] {196}[Here the original MS. ends. The two lines which follow, were
added by Gifford. In the margin of the MS. Byron has written, "If the
last line should appear obscure to those who do not recollect the
historical fact mentioned in the first act of Loredano's inscription in
his book, of 'Doge Foscari, debtor for the deaths of my father and
uncle,' you may add the following lines to the conclusion of the last
act:--

_Chief of the Ten_. For what has he repaid thee?

_Lor. _ For my father's
And father's brother's death--by his son's and own!

Ask Gifford about this. "]

[85] [The _Appendix_ to the First Edition of _The Two Foscari_ consisted
of (i. ) an extract from P. Daru's _Histoire de la Republique Francaise_,
1821, ii. 520-537; (ii. ) an extract from J. C. L. Simonde de Sismondi's
_Histoire des Republiques Italiennes du Moyen Age_, 1815, x. 36-46; and
(iii. ) a note in response to certain charges of plagiarism brought
against the author in the _Literary Gazette_ and elsewhere; and to
Southey's indictment of the "Satanic School," which had recently
appeared in the Preface to the Laureate's _Vision of Judgement_
(_Poetical Works of Robert Southey_, 1838, x. 202-207). See, too, the
"Introduction to _The Vision of Judgment_," _Poetical Works_, 1891, iv.
pp. 475-480. ]





CAIN:

A MYSTERY.


"Now the Serpent was more subtil than any beast of the field
which the Lord God had made. "
_Genesis_,
_Chapter 3rd, verse 1_.




INTRODUCTION TO _CAIN_.


Cain was begun at Ravenna, July 16, and finished September 9, 1821
(_vide_ MS. M. ). Six months before, when he was at work on the first act
of _Sardanapalus_, Byron had "pondered" _Cain_, but it was not till
_Sardanapalus_ and a second historical play, _The Two Foscari_, had been
written, copied out, and sent to England, that he indulged his genius
with a third drama--on "a metaphysical subject, something in the style
of _Manfred_" (_Letters_, 1901, v. 189).

Goethe's comment on reading and reviewing _Cain_ was that he should be
surprised if Byron did not pursue the treatment of such "biblical
subjects," as the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (_Conversations,
etc. _, 1879, p. 62); and, many years after, he told Crabb Robinson
(_Diary_, 1869, ii. 435) that Byron should have lived "to execute his
vocation . . . to dramatize the Old Testament. " He was better equipped for
such a task than might have been imagined. A Scottish schoolboy, "from a
child he had known the Scriptures," and, as his _Hebrew Melodies_
testify, he was not unwilling to turn to the Bible as a source of poetic
inspiration. Moreover, he was born with the religious temperament.
Questions "of Providence, foreknowledge, will and fate," exercised his
curiosity because they appealed to his imagination and moved his spirit.
He was eager to plunge into controversy with friends and advisers who
challenged or rebuked him, Hodgson, for instance, or Dallas; and he
responded with remarkable amenity to the strictures and exhortations of
such orthodox professors as Mr. Sheppard and Dr. Kennedy. He was, no
doubt, from first to last a _heretic_, impatient, not to say
contemptuous, of authority, but he was by no means indifferent to
religion altogether. To "argue about it and about" was a necessity, if
not an agreeable relief, to his intellectual energies. It would appear
from the Ravenna diary (January 28, 1821, _Letters_, 1901, v. 190,191),
that the conception of Lucifer was working in his brain before the
"tragedy of Cain" was actually begun. He had been recording a "thought"
which had come to him, that "at the very height of human desire and
pleasure, a certain sense of doubt and sorrow"--an _amari aliquid_ which
links the future to the past, and so blots out the present--"mingles
with our bliss," making it of none effect, and, by way of moral or
corollary to his soliloquy, he adds three lines of verse headed,
"Thought for a speech of Lucifer in the Tragedy of _Cain_"--

"Were Death an _Evil_, would _I_ let thee live?
Fool! live as I live--as thy father lives,
And thy son's sons shall live for evermore. "

In these three lines, which were not inserted in the play, and in the
preceding "thought," we have the key-note to _Cain_. "Man walketh in a
vain shadow"--a shadow which he can never overtake, the shadow of an
eternally postponed fruition. With a being capable of infinite
satisfaction, he is doomed to realize failure in attainment. In all that
is best and most enjoyable, "the rapturous moment and the placid hour,"
there is a foretaste of "Death the Unknown"! The tragedy of _Manfred_
lies in remorse for the inevitable past; the tragedy of _Cain_, in
revolt against the limitations of the inexorable present.

The investigation of the "sources" of _Cain_ does not lead to any very
definite conclusion (see _Lord Byron's Cain und Seine Quellen_, von
Alfred Schaffner, 1880). He was pleased to call his play "a Mystery,"
and, in his Preface (_vide post_, p. 207), Byron alludes to the Old
Mysteries as "those very profane productions, whether in English,
French, Italian, or Spanish. " The first reprint of the _Chester Plays_
was published by the Roxburghe Club in 1818, but Byron's knowledge of
Mystery Plays was probably derived from _Dodsley's Plays_ (ed. 1780, l. ,
xxxiii. -xlii. ), or from John Stevens's Continuation of Dugdale's
_Monasticon_ (_vide post_, p. 207), or possibly, as Herr Schaffner
suggests, from Warton's _History of English Poetry_, ed. 1871, ii.
222-230. He may, too, have witnessed some belated _Rappresentazione_ of
the Creation and Fall at Ravenna, or in one of the remoter towns or
villages of Italy. There is a superficial resemblance between the
treatment of the actual encounter of Cain and Abel, and the conventional
rendering of the same incident in the _Ludus Coventriae_, and in the
_Mistere du Viel Testament_; but it is unlikely that he had closely
studied any one Mystery Play at first hand. On the other hand, his
recollections of Gessner's _Death of Abel_ which "he had never read
since he was eight years old," were clearer than he imagined. Not only
in such minor matters as the destruction of Cain's altar by a whirlwind,
and the substitution of the Angel of the Lord for the _Deus_ of the
Mysteries, but in the Teutonic domesticities of Cain and Adah, and the
evangelical piety of Adam and Abel, there is a reflection, if not an
imitation, of the German idyll (see Gessner's _Death of Abel_, ed. 1797,
pp. 80, 102).

Of his indebtedness to Milton he makes no formal acknowledgment, but he
was not ashamed to shelter himself behind Milton's shield when he was
attacked on the score of blasphemy and profanity. "If _Cain_ be
blasphemous, _Paradise Lost_ is blasphemous" (letter to Murray, Pisa,
February 8, 1822), was, he would fain believe, a conclusive answer to
his accusers. But apart from verbal parallels or coincidences, there is
a genuine affinity between Byron's Lucifer and Milton's Satan. Lucifer,
like Satan, is "not less than Archangel ruined," a repulsed but
"unvanquished Titan," marred by a demonic sorrow, a confessor though a
rival of Omnipotence. He is a majestic and, as a rule, a serious and
solemn spirit, who compels the admiration and possibly the sympathy of
the reader. There is, however, another strain in his ghostly attributes,
which betrays a more recent consanguinity: now and again he gives token
that he is of the lineage of Mephistopheles. He is sometimes, though
rarely, a mocking as well as a rebellious spirit, and occasionally
indulges in a grim _persiflage_ beneath the dignity if not the capacity
of Satan. It is needless to add that Lucifer has a most lifelike
personality of his own. The conception of the spirit of evil justifying
an eternal antagonism to the Creator from the standpoint of a superior
morality, may, perhaps, be traced to a Manichean source, but it has been
touched with a new emotion. Milton's devil is an abstraction of infernal
pride--

"Sole Positive of Night!
Antipathist of Light!
Fate's only essence! primal scorpion rod--
The one permitted opposite of God! "

Goethe's devil is an abstraction of scorn. He "maketh a mock" alike of
good and evil! But Byron's devil is a spirit, yet a mortal too--the
traducer, because he has suffered for his sins; the deceiver, because he
is self-deceived; the hoper against hope that there is a ransom for the
soul in perfect self-will and not in perfect self-sacrifice. Byron did
not uphold Lucifer, but he "had passed that way," and could imagine a
spiritual warfare not only against the _Deus_ of the Mysteries or of the
Book of Genesis, but against what he believed and acknowledged to be
the Author and Principle of good.

_Autres temps, autres moeurs! _ It is all but impossible for the modern
reader to appreciate the audacity of _Cain_, or to realize the alarm and
indignation which it aroused by its appearance. Byron knew that he was
raising a tempest, and pleads, in his Preface, "that with regard to the
language of Lucifer, it was difficult for me to make him talk like a
clergyman," and again and again he assures his correspondents (_e. g. _ to
Murray, November 23, 1821, "_Cain_ is nothing more than a drama;" to
Moore, March 4, 1822, "With respect to Religion, can I never convince
you that _I_ have no such opinions as the characters in that drama,
which seems to have frightened everybody? " _Letters_, 1901, v. 469; vi.
30) that it is Lucifer and not Byron who puts such awkward questions
with regard to the "politics of paradise" and the origin of evil. Nobody
seems to have believed him. It was taken for granted that Lucifer was
the mouthpiece of Byron, that the author of _Don Juan_ was not "on the
side of the angels. "

Little need be said of the "literature," the pamphlets and poems which
were evoked by the publication of _Cain: A Mystery_. One of the most
prominent assailants (said to be the Rev. H. J. Todd (1763-1845),
Archdeacon of Cleveland, 1832, author _inter alia_ of _Original Sin_,
_Free Will_, etc. , 1818) issued _A Remonstrance to Mr. John Murray,
respecting a Recent Publication_, 1822, signed "Oxoniensis. " The sting
of the _Remonstrance_ lay in the exposure of the fact that Byron was
indebted to Bayle's _Dictionary_ for his rabbinical legends, and that he
had derived from the same source his Manichean doctrines of the _Two
Principles, etc. _, and other "often-refuted sophisms" with regard to the
origin of evil. Byron does not borrow more than a poet and a gentleman
is at liberty to acquire by way of raw material, but it cannot be denied
that he had read and inwardly digested more than one of Bayle's "most
objectionable articles" (_e. g. _ "Adam," "Eve," "Abel," "Manichees,"
"Paulicians," etc. ). The _Remonstrance_ was answered in _A Letter to Sir
Walter Scott, etc. _, by "Harroviensis. " Byron welcomed such a "Defender
of the Faith," and was anxious that Murray should print the letter
together with the poem. But Murray belittled the "defender," and was
upbraided in turn for his slowness of heart (letter to Murray, June 6,
1822, _Letters_, 1901, vi. 76).

Fresh combatants rushed into the fray: "Philo-Milton," with a
_Vindication of the "Paradise Lost" from the charge of exculpating
"Cain: A Mystery_," London, 1822; "Britannicus," with a pamphlet
entitled, _Revolutionary Causes, etc. , and A Postscript containing
Strictures on "Cain," etc. _, London, 1822, etc. ; but their works, which
hardly deserve to be catalogued, have perished with them. Finally, in
1830, a barrister named Harding Grant, author of _Chancery Practice_,
compiled a work (_Lord Byron's "Cain," etc. , with Notes_) of more than
four hundred pages, in which he treats "the proceedings and speeches of
Lucifer with the same earnestness as if they were existing and earthly
personages. " But it was "a week too late. " The "Coryphaeus of the Satanic
School" had passed away, and the tumult had "dwindled to a calm. "

_Cain_ "appeared in conjunction with" _Sardanapalus_ and _The Two
Foscari_, December 19, 1821. Last but not least of the three plays, it
had been announced "by a separate advertisement (_Morning Chronicle_,
November 24, 1821), for the purpose of exciting the greater curiosity"
(_Memoirs of the Life, etc. _ [by John Watkins], 1822, p. 383), and it
was no sooner published than it was pirated. In the following January,
"_Cain: A Mystery_, by the author of _Don Juan_," was issued by W.
Benbow, at Castle Street, Leicester Square (the notorious "Byron Head,"
which Southey described as "one of those preparatory schools for the
brothel and the gallows, where obscenity, sedition, and blasphemy are
retailed in drams for the vulgar"! ).

Murray had paid Byron ? 2710 for the three tragedies, and in order to
protect the copyright, he applied, through counsel (Lancelot Shadwell,
afterwards Vice-Chancellor), for an injunction in Chancery to stop the
sale of piratical editions of _Cain_. In delivering judgment (February
12, 1822), the Chancellor, Lord Eldon (see _Courier_, Wednesday,
February 13), replying to Shadwell, drew a comparison between _Cain_ and
_Paradise Lost_, "which he had read from beginning to end during the
course of the last Long Vacation--_solicitae jucunda oblivia vitae_. " No
one, he argued, could deny that the object and effects of _Paradise
Lost_ were "not to bring into disrepute," but "to promote reverence for
our religion," and, _per contra_, no one could affirm that it was
impossible to arrive at an opposite conclusion with regard to "the
Preface, the poem, the general tone and manner of _Cain_. " It was a
question for a jury. A jury might decide that _Cain_ was blasphemous,
and void of copyright; and as there was a reasonable doubt in his mind
as to the character of the book, and a doubt as to the conclusion at
which a jury would arrive, he was compelled to refuse the injunction.
According to Dr. Smiles (_Memoir of John Murray_, 1891, i. 428), the
decision of a jury was taken, and an injunction eventually granted. If
so, it was ineffectual, for Benbow issued another edition of _Cain_ in
1824 (see Jacob's _Reports_, p. 474, note). See, too, the case of
Murray _v_. Benbow and Another, as reported in the _Examiner_, February
17, 1822; and cases of Wolcot _v_. Walker, Southey _v_. Sherwood, Murray
_v_. Benbow, and Lawrence _v_. Smith [_Quarterly Review_, April, 1822,
vol. xxvii. pp. 120-138].

"_Cain_," said Moore (February 9, 1822), "has made a sensation. " Friends
and champions, the press, the public "turned up their thumbs. " Gifford
shook his head; Hobhouse "launched out into a most violent invective"
(letter to Murray, November 24, 1821); Jeffrey, in the _Edinburgh_, was
regretful and hortatory; Heber, in the _Quarterly_, was fault-finding
and contemptuous. The "parsons preached at it from Kentish Town to Pisa"
(letter to Moore, February 20, 1822). Even "the very highest authority
in the land," his Majesty King George IV. , "expressed his disapprobation
of the blasphemy and licentiousness of Lord Byron's writings"
(_Examiner_, February 17, 1822). Byron himself was forced to admit that
"my Mont Saint Jean seems Cain" (_Don Juan_, Canto XI. stanza lvi. line
2). The many were unanimous in their verdict, but the higher court of
the few reversed the judgment.

Goethe said that "Its beauty is such as we shall not see a second time
in the world" (_Conversations, etc. _, 1874, p. 261); Scott, in speaking
of "the very grand and tremendous drama of _Cain_," said that the author
had "matched Milton on his own ground" (letter to Murray, December 4,
1821, _vide post_, p. 206); "_Cain_," wrote Shelley to Gisborne (April
10, 1822), "is apocalyptic; it is a revelation never before communicated
to man. "

Uncritical praise, as well as uncritical censure, belongs to the past;
but the play remains, a singular exercise of "poetic energy," a
confession, _ex animo_, of "the burthen of the mystery, . . . the heavy
and the weary weight Of all this unintelligible world. "

For reviews of _Cain: A Mystery_, _vide ante_, "Introduction to
_Sardanapalus_," p. 5; see, too, _Eclectic Review_, May, 1822, N. S. vol.
xvii. pp.