La voix du vrai
patriote
catholique, oppose?
Cult of the Nation in France
, n.
21), 89-188; Guiomar, La na-
tion (see Intro. , n. 18); Englund, "The Ghost of Nation Past" (see Intro. , n. 35);
Bickart, Les parlements (see Intro. , n. 45).
8. Henri de Boulainvilliers, Essais sur la noblesse de France (Amsterdam, 1732).
9. See again Greenfeld, Nationalism, 89-188; Guiomar, La nation; Englund,
"The Ghost of Nation Past. "
10. See William Farr Church, Constitutional Thought in Sixteenth-Century France
(Cambridge, Mass. , 1941); Franc? ois Hotman, Francogallia, ed. Ralph Giesey
(Cambridge, 1972).
Notes to Pages 22-25
11. Boulainvilliers did use the phrase "natural rights. " See the cogent discussion in Robert Morrissey, L'empereur a` la barbe fleurie: Charlemagne dans la mythologie et l'histoire de France (Paris, 1997), 270-80.
12. I have developed this point in reference to Louis-Adrien Le Paige in David A. Bell, Lawyers and Citizens: The Making of a Political Elite in Old Regime France (New York, 1994), 117-19. For a recent survey of the ongoing debate over these matters, see Michael Sonenscher, "Enlightenment and Revolution," The Journal of Modern History, LXX/2 (1998), 371-83.
13. On semantic changes in general in France, see Rolf Reichardt et al. 's indis- pensable Handbuch politisch-sozialer Grundbegriffe (see Intro. , n. 46), which is in turn indebted to Otto Brunner, Werner Conze, and Reinhart Koselleck, eds. , Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe: Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland (Stuttgart, 1972). In his general introduction (I, 39- 148), Reichardt suggests (p. 40) that there was a general shift of "leading rep- resentational and behavior-directing fundamental concepts" ("vorstellungs- und handlungssteuernden Grundbegriffe") between 1680 and 1820. But he does not attempt to analyze any particular group of concepts. His explana- tory framework (70-78) draws on Habermas in a manner similar to my sec- tion below, "The Realm of Material Organization. "
14. Lucien Febvre, "Civilisation: Evolution of a Word and a Group of Ideas," in A New Kind of History: From the Writings of Febvre, Peter Burke, ed. , K. Folca,
Notes to Pages 22-25 229
? 230
Notes to Pages 25-26
? 15.
16.
17.
trans. (New York, 1973), 219-57; also Joachim Moras, Ursprung und Ent- wicklung des Begriffs der Zivilisation in Frankreich (1756-1830), Hamburger Studien zu Volkstum und Kultur der Romanen, VI (Hamburg, 1930); Pierre Michel, "Barbarie, civilisation, vandalisme," in Reichardt and Schmitt, Hand- buch, VIII (1988), 1-43; Anthony Pagden, "The 'Defence of Civilisation' in Eighteenth-Century Social Theory," History of the Human Sciences, I/1 (1988), 33-45.
Keith Michael Baker, "Enlightenment and the Institution of Society: Notes for a Conceptual History," in Willem Melching and Wyger Velema, eds. , Main Trends in Cultural History (Amsterdam, 1992), 95-120, quote from 119; Dan- iel Gordon, Citizens without Sovereignty: Equality and Sociability in French Thought, 1670-1789 (Princeton, 1994), esp. 43-85.
The most useful starting points remain Mona Ozouf, "L'opinion publique," in Baker, ed. , The Political Culture of the Old Regime, 419-34 (see Intro. , n. 32), and Baker, Inventing the French Revolution (see Intro. , n. 17), 167-99.
On moeurs, see Roberto Romani, "All Montesquieu's Sons: The Place of esprit ge? ne? ral, caracte`re national, and moeurs in French Political Philosophy, 1748- 1789," in Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, 362 (1998):189-235; Arthur M. Wilson, "The Concept of moeurs in Diderot's Social and Political Thought," in W. H. Barber et al. , eds. , The Age of the Enlightenment: Studies Presented to Theodore Besterman (Edinburgh, 1967), 188-99. On peuple, see Ge? rard Fritz, L'ide? e de peuple en France du XVIIe` au XIXe` sie`cle (Strasbourg, 1988); Henri Coulet, ed. , Images du peuple au XVIIIe` sie`cle (Paris, 1973). On police, see Gordon, 9-24. All in all, eighteenth-century French writers showed such a talent for such neologisms, redefinitions, and quarrels over words that industrious German disciples of Reinhart Koselleck have seen fit to create, in the Handbuch politisch-sozialer Grundbegriffe, a virtual encyclopedia on the subject.
On commerce, see Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Politi- cal Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton, 1976); J. G. A. Pocock, Virtue, Commerce and History (Cambridge, 1985). On politeness, see especially Roger Chartier, "From Texts to Manners, A Concept and Its Books: Civilite? between Aristocratic Distinction and Popular Appropriation," in The Cultural Uses of Print in Early Modern France (Princeton, 1987), 71-109. On citizenship, see Peter Sahlins, "Fictions of a Catholic France" (see Intro. , n. 33); and Sahlins, "The Eighteenth-Century Revolution of Citizenship," unpub- lished paper presented to the conference "Migration Controls in Nineteenth Century Europe and the United States," Universite? de Paris (June 1999), which summarizes some theses of his forthcoming book on the subject.
On this point, I am endebted to Craig Calhoun, "Nationalism and Difference: The Politics of Identity Writ Large," in his Critical Social Theory: Culture, His- tory and the Challenge of Difference (Oxford, 1995), 231-82, esp. 233.
Notes to Pages 25-26
18.
19.
Notes to Pages 26-28 231
? 20. Thus Baker and Gordon identify "society" as fundamental (e. g. Gordon, Citi- zens without Sovereignty, 7), while Greenfeld, by contrast, calls the idea of the nation the "constitutive element of modernity" (Greenfeld, Nationalism, 18). Gordon argues that "nation" has a more specifically political, statist reso- nance than "society. " Without attempting to go into this point in detail, I would suggest that such resonances are historically variable and that in some historical situations "nation" may well seem a more inclusive, neutral term than "society," which itself can carry resonances of hierarchy and exclusion. See on this last point Linda Colley, "Whose Nation? Class and National Con- sciousness in Britain, 1750-1830," Past and Present, 113 (1986), 96-117, and Sarah Maza, "Luxury, Morality and Social Change: Why There Was No Mid- dle-Class Consciousness in Prerevolutionary France," Journal of Modern His- tory, LXIX/2 (1997), 199-229. It is precisely to avoid assigning priority to any particular term that I resort here to terms such as "community," "human co- existence," and "human relations. "
21. Particularly Marcel Gauchet, The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion, trans. Oscar Burge (Princeton, 1998), Reinhart Koselleck, Kritik und Krise: Eine Studie zur Pathogenese der bu? rgerlichen Welt (Frankfurt, 1959, repr. 1979); and Ju? rgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, Thomas Burger and Frederick Lawrence, trans. (Cambridge, Mass. , 1989). I have also bene- fited greatly from J. G. A. Pocock's article "Conservative Enlightenment and Democratic Revolution: The American and French Cases in British Perspec- tive," Government and Opposition, XXIV (1989), 81-106. Notes to Pages 26-28
22. This idea of distinct if connected realms is indebted to Daniel Bell's discus- sion of the "disjunction of realms" in The Cultural Contradictions of Capital- ism (New York, 1976), 3-30.
23. Paul Hazard, La crise de la conscience europe? enne, 1680-1715 (Paris, 1961). See especially the preface, vii-xi, in which Hazard gives full rein to his fondness for martial metaphors.
24. Gauchet, Disenchantment. While Gauchet obviously borrows the term "dis- enchantment" from Weber, he uses it to refer not to the progress of reason, but to the liberation of mankind from divine "determination. "
25. Ibid. , 162.
26. Ibid. , 23-24.
27. "Rationality, individual freedom, and appropriation of the natural world . . .
All three are incipient in the new articulation of the visible and the invisible
presupposed by the Christian deity. " Ibid. , 62.
28. Ibid. , 57.
29. He mentions Jansenism only in passing (61), but then again, in attempting to write a universal history of religion in just 200 pages, he abandons specificity more or less entirely.
232
Notes to Pages 28-31
? 30.
31.
32. 33. 34. 35.
36.
Notes to Pages 28-31
37.
38.
39. 40.
41.
42. 43. 44.
45.
On Jansenism, most recently, see Monique Cottret, Janse? nismes et lumie`res: Pour un autre XVIIIe` sie`cle (Paris, 1998); Maire, De la cause de Dieu (see Intro. , n. 65); Van Kley, The Religious Origins (see Intro. , n. 65).
An important recent work on this period of French history that supports the idea of placing "orthodox" religious and skeptical philosophical works side by side is Alan Charles Kors, Atheism in France, 1650-1729, vol. I (Princeton, 1990).
Soanen, "Sur l'amour de la patrie" (see Intro. , n. 36), 1281.
Ibid. , 1281-82.
Baker, "Enlightenment and the Institution of Society," esp. 119-20.
Marcel Gauchet, "Les Lettres sur l'histoire de France d'Augustin Thierry," in Nora, ed. , Les lieux de me? moire (see Intro. , n. 33), Part 2, I, 247-316. See esp 286: "the Nation is the consequence [re? sultante] and expression of the pas- sage from a society structured by subjection to an external principle of order to a society structurally subject to itself . . . The root of the transformation is religious; it rests on the exploitation of a fundamental virtuality of Christian- ity, namely the unlinking of the celestial order and the terrestrial order. " Pocock, "Conservative Enlightenment," 84. Pocock has recently put this idea at the heart of his magisterial work on Edward Gibbon, Barbarism and Reli- gion, 2 vols. to date (Cambridge, 2000).
"O ruined France! O bloody land, / Not land, but ash. " Agrippa d'Aubigne? , Les tragiques, Jean-Raymond Fanlo, ed. , 2 vols. (Paris, 1995, orig. 1616), I, 61- 62.
Voltaire, La Henriade: Poe`me en dix chants (Paris, 1869), esp. chant II (42-52). Voltaire also dwelt at length on the period in his Essai sur les moeurs, in much of his poetry, and indirectly in his fiction, including Candide. On the cult of Henri IV, and in general on the persistence of the memory of the wars, see Marcel Reinhard, La le? gende de Henri IV (Saint-Brieuc, 1935).
Diderot, Essai sur le me? rite, quoted in Gordon, Citizens without Sovereignty, 82.
On the theater, see Clarence D. Brenner, "Henri IV on the French Stage in the Eighteenth Century," P. M. L. A. , XLVI/2 (1931), 540-53; Jean-Alexis Rivoire, Le patriotisme dans le the? a^tre se? rieux de la Re? volution (Paris, 1950), esp. 44-45.
La voix du vrai patriote catholique, oppose? e a` celle des faux patriotes tole? rans (n. p. , 1756), 229.
Quoted in Koselleck, Kritik und Krise, 118.
Quoted in Bonnet, Naissance du Panthe? on (see Intro. , n. 43), 260.
"It is religion whose inhuman zeal / Puts weapons in every Frenchman's hands. " Voltaire, La Henriade, 42.
See Yardeni, La conscience nationale (see Intro. , n. 12), 81; Peter Campbell, Power and Politics in Old Regime France, 1720-1745 (London, 1996); Isabelle
Notes to Pages 31-34 233
? Storez, Le chancelier Henri Franc? ois d'Aguesseau (1688-1751): Monarchiste et
libe? ral (Paris, 1996), esp. 360-61.
46. See Yardeni, La conscience nationale, 77-98; Beaune, Naissance (see Intro. ,
n. 12), 4-5. "This threat to the very survival of the patrie called forth one of the most massive outbursts of patriotic writing in the early-modern period": William Farr Church, "France," in Orest Ranum, ed. , National Consciousness, History and Political Culture in Early Modern Europe (Baltimore, 1975), 43- 66, at 46.
47. Koselleck, Kritik und Krise, 11-39.
48. Koselleck argues that the theorists of absolute monarchy demanded, in the
name of civic order, that individuals sever the connection between their exte- rior actions and their interior convictions, effectively splitting human beings into public and private halves. But in the eighteenth century, the new private conscience ironically emerged as the basis for a powerful moral critique of absolutism. Despite the way it underestimates the religious underpinnings of absolute monarchy, Koselleck's argument remains enormously valuable.
49. "O Charles! It is time to expiate the crime / Impious corpse, leave your royal tomb! " Ponce-Denis Ecouchard ("Lebrun"), "Fragment sur Charles IX," in Poe? sies nationales de la Re? volution franc? aise (Paris, 1836), 9. See also Marie- Joseph Che? nier, Charles IX, ou l'e? cole des rois (Paris, 1790); Louis-Se? bastien Mercier, La destruction de la Ligue, ou la re? duction de Paris (Amsterdam,
1782). Notes to Pages 31-34
50. The classic theoretical expositions of this perspective are Karl Deutsch, Na- tionalism and Social Communication (Cambridge, Mass. , 1966), and Gellner, Nations and Nationalism.
51. Two works exemplifying the cultural historical approach to nationalism are Ford, Creating the Nation, and Lehning, Peasant and French (see Intro. , n. 28). More generally, see J. G. A. Pocock, Politics, Language and Time (Cambridge, 1985), 1-34; Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History, 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); Dror Wahrman, Imag- ining the Middle Class: The Political Representation of Class in Britain, c. 1780- 1840 (Cambridge, 1995). On the French state as nation-builder, see Englund, "The Ghost of Nation Past," and Bell, "Paris Blues" (see Intro. , n. 27).
52. See Chapter 6, below.
53. See James B. Collins, The State in Early Modern France (Cambridge, 1995).
54. See Theodore K. Rabb, The Struggle for Stability in Early Modern Europe (Ox-
ford, 1975), 116-45.
55. Michael Kwass, "A Kingdom of Taxpayers: State Formation, Privilege, and Po-
litical Culture in Eighteenth-Century France," Journal of Modern History, LII/
2 (1998), 295-339, quote from 301-2.
56. Quoted in Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV: The Political and Social
234
Notes to Pages 34-37
? 57. 58.
59. 60.
Notes to Pages 34-37
61. 62.
63.
64. 65.
66. 67. 68.
Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965), 284-85. See also Dan- iel Nordman and Jacques Revel, "La connaissance du territoire," in Jacques Revel and Andre? Burguie`re, eds. , Histoire de la France: L'espace franc? ais (Paris, 1989), 71-115, esp. 83-87 ("La naissance de la statistique") and 108-15. See also "Instruction pour les Mai^tres des Reque^tes, commissaires de? partis dans les provinces," Sept. 1663, in Lettres, instructions et me? moires de Colbert, ed. Pierre Cle? ment (Paris, 1877), IV, 27-43. My thanks to Orest Ranum for pointing out this text to me.
See Rothkrug, 356-60.
On the Dutch papers, see Jeremy D. Popkin, News and Politics in the Age of Revolution: Jean de Luzac's Gazette de Leyde (Ithaca, 1989). Good surveys of the press are found in Jack Censer, The French Press in the Age of Enlighten- ment (London, 1994); Jeremy D. Popkin, "The Prerevoluionary Origins of Political Journalism," in Baker, ed. , Political Culture, 203-224.
Habermas, Structural Transformation, 14ff.
Margaret C. Jacob, Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Europe (New York, 1991), 27; Dena Goodman, The Re- public of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca, 1994), 74-77.
See Chartier, Cultural Origins (see Intro. , n. 32), 20-35. Chartier notes the shift from seventeenth- to eighteenth-century ideas of the public.
Robert A. Schneider, Public Life in Toulouse, 1463-1789: From Municipal Re- public to Cosmopolitan City (Ithaca, 1989), esp. 255-61, quote from 255. For a view of somewhat similar processes occurring in Britain, see Dror Wahrman, "National Society, Communal Culture: An Argument about the Recent His- toriography of Eighteenth-Century Britain," Social History, XVII/1 (1992), 43-62.
Jean-Franc? ois Sobry, Le mode franc? ois, ou discours sur les principaux usages de la nation franc? oise (Paris, 1786), 10. On the book, see Barbier's Dictionnaire des anonymes. The book was suppressed by the Breteuil ministry because of its attack on state finances.
Quoted in Moras, Ursprung, 6.
John Brewer has made much this argument about politeness in the first chapter of his The Pleasures of the Imagination (London, 1997). See also Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests; Pocock, Virtue, Commerce and His- tory, and Chartier, "From Texts to Manners. "
See Sahlins, "The Eighteenth-Century Revolution of Citizenship. "
See Chartier, Cultural Origins, 92-110.
Bernard Groethuysen, The Bourgeois: Catholicism versus Capitalism in Eigh- teenth-Century France, trans. Mary Ilford (New York, 1968, orig. 1927), 39, 40. See on this subject Daniel Gordon, "Bernard Groethuysen and the Hu- man Conversation," History and Theory, 36/2 (1997), 289-311.
69. On this point, see esp. Koselleck, 18-32.
70. Rousseau, Oeuvres, III, 464-5. Maurice Cranston's admittedly too free trans-
lation (The Social Contract, London, 1968), renders "the religion of man" as
"the religion of the private person" (182).
71. On this point see Gordon, Citizens without Sovereignty, 76-85.
72. Encyclope? die, XII (1765), 510. Cited in Gordon, 83.
73. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political
Theology (Princeton, 1957), 232-72, quote from 267. On the original reli- gious connotations of patria, see also Viroli, For Love of Country (see Intro. , n. 68), 18-19.
74. Quoted in Church, "France," 49, and Yardeni, La conscience nationale, 107.
75. Chateaubrun, Philocte`te (Paris, 1756), 5; Me? tal, Description et explication de la Philopatrie, personnage iconologique . . . (Paris, 1782), 27; Chevalier de Jaucourt, "Patrie," in Encyclope? die (1765), XII, 178-80, quote from 178; Fran- c? ois Ferlus, Le patriotisme chre? tien (Montpellier, 1787), 12; [Claude-Rigobert Lefe`bvre de Beauvray], Adresse a` la nation Angloise, poe`me patriotique (Am-
sterdam, 1757), 6; Foix, Le patriotisme, ou la France sauve? e (n. p. , 1789), 3.
76. Quoted in Perkins, Nation and Word, 270.
77. Rousseau, Oeuvres, III, 347-470, and esp. 381-84 on the Lawgiver and 460-69
on Civil Religion.
78. Ibid. , III, 956.
79. Ibid. , III, 957-58. Rousseau put Numa and Moses alongside the Spartan
Lycurgus.
80. On patrie, see Nathalie Elie-Lefebvre, "Le de? bat sur l'ide? e de patrie et sur le
patriotisme, 1742-1789," unpublished Me? moire de Mai^trise, Universite? de Paris I, 1974; Dupuy, "Gene`se de la Patrie Moderne"; Dziembowski, Un nou- veau patriotisme franc? ais (see Intro. , n. 33), 321-68.
81. Voltaire, in Philosophical Dictionary, http://www. voltaire-integral. com/20/ patrie. htm; quoted in Alphonse Aulard, Le patriotisme franc? ais de la Renais- sance a` la Re? volution (Paris, 1921), 58, and Goodman, The Republic of Letters, 50.
82. Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, 25-27 (III, chs. 5-7). The point is con- vincingly demonstrated by Viroli, in For Love of Country, esp. 63-94. The di- vergence of meaning in France, however, does call into question Viroli's as- sertion that patriotism was a coherent "language," as opposed to a loose set of associations.
83. On notions of time in republican thought, see J. G. A. Pocock, The Machia- vellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tra- dition (Princeton, 1975), esp 3-80.
84. The word civilisation did exist before the eighteenth century, but meant the transformation of a criminal trial into a civil one. The verb "to civilize" dated back to the seventeenth century.
tion (see Intro. , n. 18); Englund, "The Ghost of Nation Past" (see Intro. , n. 35);
Bickart, Les parlements (see Intro. , n. 45).
8. Henri de Boulainvilliers, Essais sur la noblesse de France (Amsterdam, 1732).
9. See again Greenfeld, Nationalism, 89-188; Guiomar, La nation; Englund,
"The Ghost of Nation Past. "
10. See William Farr Church, Constitutional Thought in Sixteenth-Century France
(Cambridge, Mass. , 1941); Franc? ois Hotman, Francogallia, ed. Ralph Giesey
(Cambridge, 1972).
Notes to Pages 22-25
11. Boulainvilliers did use the phrase "natural rights. " See the cogent discussion in Robert Morrissey, L'empereur a` la barbe fleurie: Charlemagne dans la mythologie et l'histoire de France (Paris, 1997), 270-80.
12. I have developed this point in reference to Louis-Adrien Le Paige in David A. Bell, Lawyers and Citizens: The Making of a Political Elite in Old Regime France (New York, 1994), 117-19. For a recent survey of the ongoing debate over these matters, see Michael Sonenscher, "Enlightenment and Revolution," The Journal of Modern History, LXX/2 (1998), 371-83.
13. On semantic changes in general in France, see Rolf Reichardt et al. 's indis- pensable Handbuch politisch-sozialer Grundbegriffe (see Intro. , n. 46), which is in turn indebted to Otto Brunner, Werner Conze, and Reinhart Koselleck, eds. , Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe: Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland (Stuttgart, 1972). In his general introduction (I, 39- 148), Reichardt suggests (p. 40) that there was a general shift of "leading rep- resentational and behavior-directing fundamental concepts" ("vorstellungs- und handlungssteuernden Grundbegriffe") between 1680 and 1820. But he does not attempt to analyze any particular group of concepts. His explana- tory framework (70-78) draws on Habermas in a manner similar to my sec- tion below, "The Realm of Material Organization. "
14. Lucien Febvre, "Civilisation: Evolution of a Word and a Group of Ideas," in A New Kind of History: From the Writings of Febvre, Peter Burke, ed. , K. Folca,
Notes to Pages 22-25 229
? 230
Notes to Pages 25-26
? 15.
16.
17.
trans. (New York, 1973), 219-57; also Joachim Moras, Ursprung und Ent- wicklung des Begriffs der Zivilisation in Frankreich (1756-1830), Hamburger Studien zu Volkstum und Kultur der Romanen, VI (Hamburg, 1930); Pierre Michel, "Barbarie, civilisation, vandalisme," in Reichardt and Schmitt, Hand- buch, VIII (1988), 1-43; Anthony Pagden, "The 'Defence of Civilisation' in Eighteenth-Century Social Theory," History of the Human Sciences, I/1 (1988), 33-45.
Keith Michael Baker, "Enlightenment and the Institution of Society: Notes for a Conceptual History," in Willem Melching and Wyger Velema, eds. , Main Trends in Cultural History (Amsterdam, 1992), 95-120, quote from 119; Dan- iel Gordon, Citizens without Sovereignty: Equality and Sociability in French Thought, 1670-1789 (Princeton, 1994), esp. 43-85.
The most useful starting points remain Mona Ozouf, "L'opinion publique," in Baker, ed. , The Political Culture of the Old Regime, 419-34 (see Intro. , n. 32), and Baker, Inventing the French Revolution (see Intro. , n. 17), 167-99.
On moeurs, see Roberto Romani, "All Montesquieu's Sons: The Place of esprit ge? ne? ral, caracte`re national, and moeurs in French Political Philosophy, 1748- 1789," in Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, 362 (1998):189-235; Arthur M. Wilson, "The Concept of moeurs in Diderot's Social and Political Thought," in W. H. Barber et al. , eds. , The Age of the Enlightenment: Studies Presented to Theodore Besterman (Edinburgh, 1967), 188-99. On peuple, see Ge? rard Fritz, L'ide? e de peuple en France du XVIIe` au XIXe` sie`cle (Strasbourg, 1988); Henri Coulet, ed. , Images du peuple au XVIIIe` sie`cle (Paris, 1973). On police, see Gordon, 9-24. All in all, eighteenth-century French writers showed such a talent for such neologisms, redefinitions, and quarrels over words that industrious German disciples of Reinhart Koselleck have seen fit to create, in the Handbuch politisch-sozialer Grundbegriffe, a virtual encyclopedia on the subject.
On commerce, see Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Politi- cal Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton, 1976); J. G. A. Pocock, Virtue, Commerce and History (Cambridge, 1985). On politeness, see especially Roger Chartier, "From Texts to Manners, A Concept and Its Books: Civilite? between Aristocratic Distinction and Popular Appropriation," in The Cultural Uses of Print in Early Modern France (Princeton, 1987), 71-109. On citizenship, see Peter Sahlins, "Fictions of a Catholic France" (see Intro. , n. 33); and Sahlins, "The Eighteenth-Century Revolution of Citizenship," unpub- lished paper presented to the conference "Migration Controls in Nineteenth Century Europe and the United States," Universite? de Paris (June 1999), which summarizes some theses of his forthcoming book on the subject.
On this point, I am endebted to Craig Calhoun, "Nationalism and Difference: The Politics of Identity Writ Large," in his Critical Social Theory: Culture, His- tory and the Challenge of Difference (Oxford, 1995), 231-82, esp. 233.
Notes to Pages 25-26
18.
19.
Notes to Pages 26-28 231
? 20. Thus Baker and Gordon identify "society" as fundamental (e. g. Gordon, Citi- zens without Sovereignty, 7), while Greenfeld, by contrast, calls the idea of the nation the "constitutive element of modernity" (Greenfeld, Nationalism, 18). Gordon argues that "nation" has a more specifically political, statist reso- nance than "society. " Without attempting to go into this point in detail, I would suggest that such resonances are historically variable and that in some historical situations "nation" may well seem a more inclusive, neutral term than "society," which itself can carry resonances of hierarchy and exclusion. See on this last point Linda Colley, "Whose Nation? Class and National Con- sciousness in Britain, 1750-1830," Past and Present, 113 (1986), 96-117, and Sarah Maza, "Luxury, Morality and Social Change: Why There Was No Mid- dle-Class Consciousness in Prerevolutionary France," Journal of Modern His- tory, LXIX/2 (1997), 199-229. It is precisely to avoid assigning priority to any particular term that I resort here to terms such as "community," "human co- existence," and "human relations. "
21. Particularly Marcel Gauchet, The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion, trans. Oscar Burge (Princeton, 1998), Reinhart Koselleck, Kritik und Krise: Eine Studie zur Pathogenese der bu? rgerlichen Welt (Frankfurt, 1959, repr. 1979); and Ju? rgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, Thomas Burger and Frederick Lawrence, trans. (Cambridge, Mass. , 1989). I have also bene- fited greatly from J. G. A. Pocock's article "Conservative Enlightenment and Democratic Revolution: The American and French Cases in British Perspec- tive," Government and Opposition, XXIV (1989), 81-106. Notes to Pages 26-28
22. This idea of distinct if connected realms is indebted to Daniel Bell's discus- sion of the "disjunction of realms" in The Cultural Contradictions of Capital- ism (New York, 1976), 3-30.
23. Paul Hazard, La crise de la conscience europe? enne, 1680-1715 (Paris, 1961). See especially the preface, vii-xi, in which Hazard gives full rein to his fondness for martial metaphors.
24. Gauchet, Disenchantment. While Gauchet obviously borrows the term "dis- enchantment" from Weber, he uses it to refer not to the progress of reason, but to the liberation of mankind from divine "determination. "
25. Ibid. , 162.
26. Ibid. , 23-24.
27. "Rationality, individual freedom, and appropriation of the natural world . . .
All three are incipient in the new articulation of the visible and the invisible
presupposed by the Christian deity. " Ibid. , 62.
28. Ibid. , 57.
29. He mentions Jansenism only in passing (61), but then again, in attempting to write a universal history of religion in just 200 pages, he abandons specificity more or less entirely.
232
Notes to Pages 28-31
? 30.
31.
32. 33. 34. 35.
36.
Notes to Pages 28-31
37.
38.
39. 40.
41.
42. 43. 44.
45.
On Jansenism, most recently, see Monique Cottret, Janse? nismes et lumie`res: Pour un autre XVIIIe` sie`cle (Paris, 1998); Maire, De la cause de Dieu (see Intro. , n. 65); Van Kley, The Religious Origins (see Intro. , n. 65).
An important recent work on this period of French history that supports the idea of placing "orthodox" religious and skeptical philosophical works side by side is Alan Charles Kors, Atheism in France, 1650-1729, vol. I (Princeton, 1990).
Soanen, "Sur l'amour de la patrie" (see Intro. , n. 36), 1281.
Ibid. , 1281-82.
Baker, "Enlightenment and the Institution of Society," esp. 119-20.
Marcel Gauchet, "Les Lettres sur l'histoire de France d'Augustin Thierry," in Nora, ed. , Les lieux de me? moire (see Intro. , n. 33), Part 2, I, 247-316. See esp 286: "the Nation is the consequence [re? sultante] and expression of the pas- sage from a society structured by subjection to an external principle of order to a society structurally subject to itself . . . The root of the transformation is religious; it rests on the exploitation of a fundamental virtuality of Christian- ity, namely the unlinking of the celestial order and the terrestrial order. " Pocock, "Conservative Enlightenment," 84. Pocock has recently put this idea at the heart of his magisterial work on Edward Gibbon, Barbarism and Reli- gion, 2 vols. to date (Cambridge, 2000).
"O ruined France! O bloody land, / Not land, but ash. " Agrippa d'Aubigne? , Les tragiques, Jean-Raymond Fanlo, ed. , 2 vols. (Paris, 1995, orig. 1616), I, 61- 62.
Voltaire, La Henriade: Poe`me en dix chants (Paris, 1869), esp. chant II (42-52). Voltaire also dwelt at length on the period in his Essai sur les moeurs, in much of his poetry, and indirectly in his fiction, including Candide. On the cult of Henri IV, and in general on the persistence of the memory of the wars, see Marcel Reinhard, La le? gende de Henri IV (Saint-Brieuc, 1935).
Diderot, Essai sur le me? rite, quoted in Gordon, Citizens without Sovereignty, 82.
On the theater, see Clarence D. Brenner, "Henri IV on the French Stage in the Eighteenth Century," P. M. L. A. , XLVI/2 (1931), 540-53; Jean-Alexis Rivoire, Le patriotisme dans le the? a^tre se? rieux de la Re? volution (Paris, 1950), esp. 44-45.
La voix du vrai patriote catholique, oppose? e a` celle des faux patriotes tole? rans (n. p. , 1756), 229.
Quoted in Koselleck, Kritik und Krise, 118.
Quoted in Bonnet, Naissance du Panthe? on (see Intro. , n. 43), 260.
"It is religion whose inhuman zeal / Puts weapons in every Frenchman's hands. " Voltaire, La Henriade, 42.
See Yardeni, La conscience nationale (see Intro. , n. 12), 81; Peter Campbell, Power and Politics in Old Regime France, 1720-1745 (London, 1996); Isabelle
Notes to Pages 31-34 233
? Storez, Le chancelier Henri Franc? ois d'Aguesseau (1688-1751): Monarchiste et
libe? ral (Paris, 1996), esp. 360-61.
46. See Yardeni, La conscience nationale, 77-98; Beaune, Naissance (see Intro. ,
n. 12), 4-5. "This threat to the very survival of the patrie called forth one of the most massive outbursts of patriotic writing in the early-modern period": William Farr Church, "France," in Orest Ranum, ed. , National Consciousness, History and Political Culture in Early Modern Europe (Baltimore, 1975), 43- 66, at 46.
47. Koselleck, Kritik und Krise, 11-39.
48. Koselleck argues that the theorists of absolute monarchy demanded, in the
name of civic order, that individuals sever the connection between their exte- rior actions and their interior convictions, effectively splitting human beings into public and private halves. But in the eighteenth century, the new private conscience ironically emerged as the basis for a powerful moral critique of absolutism. Despite the way it underestimates the religious underpinnings of absolute monarchy, Koselleck's argument remains enormously valuable.
49. "O Charles! It is time to expiate the crime / Impious corpse, leave your royal tomb! " Ponce-Denis Ecouchard ("Lebrun"), "Fragment sur Charles IX," in Poe? sies nationales de la Re? volution franc? aise (Paris, 1836), 9. See also Marie- Joseph Che? nier, Charles IX, ou l'e? cole des rois (Paris, 1790); Louis-Se? bastien Mercier, La destruction de la Ligue, ou la re? duction de Paris (Amsterdam,
1782). Notes to Pages 31-34
50. The classic theoretical expositions of this perspective are Karl Deutsch, Na- tionalism and Social Communication (Cambridge, Mass. , 1966), and Gellner, Nations and Nationalism.
51. Two works exemplifying the cultural historical approach to nationalism are Ford, Creating the Nation, and Lehning, Peasant and French (see Intro. , n. 28). More generally, see J. G. A. Pocock, Politics, Language and Time (Cambridge, 1985), 1-34; Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History, 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); Dror Wahrman, Imag- ining the Middle Class: The Political Representation of Class in Britain, c. 1780- 1840 (Cambridge, 1995). On the French state as nation-builder, see Englund, "The Ghost of Nation Past," and Bell, "Paris Blues" (see Intro. , n. 27).
52. See Chapter 6, below.
53. See James B. Collins, The State in Early Modern France (Cambridge, 1995).
54. See Theodore K. Rabb, The Struggle for Stability in Early Modern Europe (Ox-
ford, 1975), 116-45.
55. Michael Kwass, "A Kingdom of Taxpayers: State Formation, Privilege, and Po-
litical Culture in Eighteenth-Century France," Journal of Modern History, LII/
2 (1998), 295-339, quote from 301-2.
56. Quoted in Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV: The Political and Social
234
Notes to Pages 34-37
? 57. 58.
59. 60.
Notes to Pages 34-37
61. 62.
63.
64. 65.
66. 67. 68.
Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965), 284-85. See also Dan- iel Nordman and Jacques Revel, "La connaissance du territoire," in Jacques Revel and Andre? Burguie`re, eds. , Histoire de la France: L'espace franc? ais (Paris, 1989), 71-115, esp. 83-87 ("La naissance de la statistique") and 108-15. See also "Instruction pour les Mai^tres des Reque^tes, commissaires de? partis dans les provinces," Sept. 1663, in Lettres, instructions et me? moires de Colbert, ed. Pierre Cle? ment (Paris, 1877), IV, 27-43. My thanks to Orest Ranum for pointing out this text to me.
See Rothkrug, 356-60.
On the Dutch papers, see Jeremy D. Popkin, News and Politics in the Age of Revolution: Jean de Luzac's Gazette de Leyde (Ithaca, 1989). Good surveys of the press are found in Jack Censer, The French Press in the Age of Enlighten- ment (London, 1994); Jeremy D. Popkin, "The Prerevoluionary Origins of Political Journalism," in Baker, ed. , Political Culture, 203-224.
Habermas, Structural Transformation, 14ff.
Margaret C. Jacob, Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Europe (New York, 1991), 27; Dena Goodman, The Re- public of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca, 1994), 74-77.
See Chartier, Cultural Origins (see Intro. , n. 32), 20-35. Chartier notes the shift from seventeenth- to eighteenth-century ideas of the public.
Robert A. Schneider, Public Life in Toulouse, 1463-1789: From Municipal Re- public to Cosmopolitan City (Ithaca, 1989), esp. 255-61, quote from 255. For a view of somewhat similar processes occurring in Britain, see Dror Wahrman, "National Society, Communal Culture: An Argument about the Recent His- toriography of Eighteenth-Century Britain," Social History, XVII/1 (1992), 43-62.
Jean-Franc? ois Sobry, Le mode franc? ois, ou discours sur les principaux usages de la nation franc? oise (Paris, 1786), 10. On the book, see Barbier's Dictionnaire des anonymes. The book was suppressed by the Breteuil ministry because of its attack on state finances.
Quoted in Moras, Ursprung, 6.
John Brewer has made much this argument about politeness in the first chapter of his The Pleasures of the Imagination (London, 1997). See also Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests; Pocock, Virtue, Commerce and His- tory, and Chartier, "From Texts to Manners. "
See Sahlins, "The Eighteenth-Century Revolution of Citizenship. "
See Chartier, Cultural Origins, 92-110.
Bernard Groethuysen, The Bourgeois: Catholicism versus Capitalism in Eigh- teenth-Century France, trans. Mary Ilford (New York, 1968, orig. 1927), 39, 40. See on this subject Daniel Gordon, "Bernard Groethuysen and the Hu- man Conversation," History and Theory, 36/2 (1997), 289-311.
69. On this point, see esp. Koselleck, 18-32.
70. Rousseau, Oeuvres, III, 464-5. Maurice Cranston's admittedly too free trans-
lation (The Social Contract, London, 1968), renders "the religion of man" as
"the religion of the private person" (182).
71. On this point see Gordon, Citizens without Sovereignty, 76-85.
72. Encyclope? die, XII (1765), 510. Cited in Gordon, 83.
73. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political
Theology (Princeton, 1957), 232-72, quote from 267. On the original reli- gious connotations of patria, see also Viroli, For Love of Country (see Intro. , n. 68), 18-19.
74. Quoted in Church, "France," 49, and Yardeni, La conscience nationale, 107.
75. Chateaubrun, Philocte`te (Paris, 1756), 5; Me? tal, Description et explication de la Philopatrie, personnage iconologique . . . (Paris, 1782), 27; Chevalier de Jaucourt, "Patrie," in Encyclope? die (1765), XII, 178-80, quote from 178; Fran- c? ois Ferlus, Le patriotisme chre? tien (Montpellier, 1787), 12; [Claude-Rigobert Lefe`bvre de Beauvray], Adresse a` la nation Angloise, poe`me patriotique (Am-
sterdam, 1757), 6; Foix, Le patriotisme, ou la France sauve? e (n. p. , 1789), 3.
76. Quoted in Perkins, Nation and Word, 270.
77. Rousseau, Oeuvres, III, 347-470, and esp. 381-84 on the Lawgiver and 460-69
on Civil Religion.
78. Ibid. , III, 956.
79. Ibid. , III, 957-58. Rousseau put Numa and Moses alongside the Spartan
Lycurgus.
80. On patrie, see Nathalie Elie-Lefebvre, "Le de? bat sur l'ide? e de patrie et sur le
patriotisme, 1742-1789," unpublished Me? moire de Mai^trise, Universite? de Paris I, 1974; Dupuy, "Gene`se de la Patrie Moderne"; Dziembowski, Un nou- veau patriotisme franc? ais (see Intro. , n. 33), 321-68.
81. Voltaire, in Philosophical Dictionary, http://www. voltaire-integral. com/20/ patrie. htm; quoted in Alphonse Aulard, Le patriotisme franc? ais de la Renais- sance a` la Re? volution (Paris, 1921), 58, and Goodman, The Republic of Letters, 50.
82. Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, 25-27 (III, chs. 5-7). The point is con- vincingly demonstrated by Viroli, in For Love of Country, esp. 63-94. The di- vergence of meaning in France, however, does call into question Viroli's as- sertion that patriotism was a coherent "language," as opposed to a loose set of associations.
83. On notions of time in republican thought, see J. G. A. Pocock, The Machia- vellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tra- dition (Princeton, 1975), esp 3-80.
84. The word civilisation did exist before the eighteenth century, but meant the transformation of a criminal trial into a civil one. The verb "to civilize" dated back to the seventeenth century.
