t His amusing record of his
presentation
to the king and queen, will be
found in Dip.
found in Dip.
Hamilton - 1834 - Life on Hamilton - v2
And
it was also contended that its effect would be to dismem-
ber the government by a treaty of commerce, which could
not be done under a limited power to treat.
It would be difficult to select an instance in which the
United States had less motive to reserve or to exert the
power of discrimination or prohibition. As to vessels,
from the course of the trade, the cargoes and the superior
economy of American navigation, a successful competition
on the part of Spain was hopeless. How the policy of
the British navigation act could, under such circumstan-
ces, the United States being the carriers, have been ad-
vantageously adopted, it is not easy to suppose. As to
productions, the only object of Spanish traffic the impor-
tation of which this country has found it expedient to pro-
hibit, is that of slaves. As to manufactures, those of
Spain have never sought the American market.
But it was urged, if the commerce with Spain should be
placed on the footing of natives, that France and Sweden
would in virtue of their treaties be entitled to the same
terms, only by reciprocating to the United States the same
privilege. Was this an evil to be deprecated?
It cannot escape observation how entirely the principles
of this report are at variance with the instructions pro-
posed by Jefferson. Its details have been given chiefly to
show how great and rapid had been the change of opinion
as to the commercial policy of this country, two years
only having elapsed since the approval of those instruc-
tions by congress. That Virginia should have been the
first state since the peace to have proposed, and the first
41
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THE LIFE OF
to have objected to a system of free trade, is only an in-
stance of the error of applying rigidly general maxims of
policy to the conduct of nations, without regard to the
modifications circumstances may indicate. Nor will it fail
to be remarked as additional evidence of the timid coun-
sels by which that state had been governed, that though
in seventeen hundred and eighty-one, her legislature had
instructed Madison to authorize Jay to cede the right of
navigating the Mississippi to Spain absolutely and for
ever, she now declared that to consent to a suspension of
that right would be "to dismember" the government.
The importance Spain attached to that right, is shown
not only by her conduct during the war, but by the
promptitude witli which she opened a negotiation respect-
ing it after the peace. Claiming the exclusive right, and
denying the pretensions of this country, it was thought to
be an important object attained if a treaty could be made
which would imply that she accepted the use of the river
as the lessee of the United states for a specified time, and
thus virtually recognised the reversionary right to be in
them; thus terminating all questions of ownership.
Impelled by this strong motive, and little anticipating
the rapid growth of the western territory, Jay considering
that by this treaty the United States "gained much, and
sacrificed or gave up nothing," continued his negotiation
with the charge of Spain. He fortunately refused "to
admit the navigation of the Mississippi below their limits
on any terms, nor would he consent to any article acknow-
ledging their right in express terms, and stipulating to for-
bear the use of it for a given time," a difficulty that Jay
supposed could be overcome by implication, in which idea
Gardoqui concurred.
The vote prohibiting a surrender of the navigation of
the Mississippi. was a vote of nine states; that authorizing
this compromise was given by seven states. The consti-
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? II A MILTON.
323
tutionality of this vote was denied by the southern states:
and as the division was geographical, gave rise to much
excitement. On the part of the south, it was alleged that
New-England was solely actuated by a desire to check
the population of the west, and thus maintain her prepon-
derance in the union. The eastern states having opposed
the alienation or suspension of this right when the south-
ern states were its advocates, repelled the charge, and
urged that this temporary cession would fix the permanent
right in favour of this country, and prevent a coalition then
apprehended between Great Britain and Spain. A resolu-
tion passed directing Jay to report the state of the negotia-
tion; and as soon as the disposition of congress to consent
to a limited use of the navigation was disclosed, a wide
alarm was spread along the western frontier, and mutual
complaints of aggression by the borderers were heard.
These complaints were referred to Jay, who having stated
acts of hostility by both parties, and his conviction of the
right of the United States to navigate that river from its
source to the ocean, expressed the opinion that if inter-
rupted by her " it will be proper to declare war against
Spain. "
In this state of the question Madison proposed to refer
the consideration of the American grievances to a com-
mittee, but was unsuccessful. In the mean time the agents
of France had manifested great solicitude. It was their
wish* that the negotiation should be committed to Jeffer-
son and transferred to Madrid. With this view Madison,
* March 19, 1787--Madison to Jefferson:--" I discover, through several
channels, that it would be very grateful to the French politicians here to see
our negotiations with Spain shifted into your hands, and carried on under
the mediating auspices of their court. "
April 15, 1787--Madison to Edmund Randolph:--" We mean to propose
that Jefferson be sent under a special commission, to plead the cause of the
Mississippi at Madrid. "--Madison Papers, vol. 2, p. 625, 637.
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THE LIFE OF
on the eighteenth of April, proposed that a special com-
mission should be issued to Jefferson to proceed to Ma-
drid " to enter into commercial stipulations, and to make
such representations and urge such negotiations as will
be most likely to impress on Spain the friendly disposition
of the United States, and to induce her to make such con-
cessions touching the southern limits and their right to
navigate the Mississippi below them, as might most effec-
tually guard against a rupture of the subsisting harmony,
and promote the mutual interests of the two nations. "
This proposal was referred to Jay; he had previously
made a report showing the disposition of France to pro-
mote the views of Spain, and he now strongly dissuaded
this measure. He stated that it was more advantageous
and more honourable to negotiate at home; that this trans-
fer would offend the Spanish charge^ who would confirm
the suspicions which this measure might excite in his court
of an intention to amuse her, a suspicion to which the lan-
guage of this resolution, as it only empowered him to con-
fer, but not to conclude a treaty,* would be too apt to
give colour. Twelve months after, the excitement in the
western region having increased by the extended rumour
of a disposition to surrender this right, the delegates from
North Carolina proposed a declaration by congress that
the United States " have a clear, absolute, and unalienable"
claim to it. Jay, to whom it was referred, reported that a
declaration ought to be made that this rumour was not
* In this report, Jay observed in reference to the terms of this resolution:
"Perhaps this may only be an inadvertent inaccuracy in the motion; if not,
it gives much colour to the inferences above suggested. "--4 S. J. 342. At
the sitting of the Virginia convention, Monroe reproved the conduct of this
negotiation. Madison replied:--" From the best information, it never was the
sense of the people at large or the prevailing characters of the eastern states
to approve of the measure. "--2 Elliot's Debates, 262-3. But see Madison
Papers, v. 2, p. 637, 642.
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? HAMILTON.
325
founded in fact; but objected to an assertion that the right
was unalienable, lest it might exclude the possibility of
such modifications as, without impairing it, might be ad-
vantageous to the country and satisfactory to its citizens.
A new committee was then raised, of which Hamilton was
chairman. He introduced resolutions, which were adopt-
ed,* that the reported purpose to surrender this right, not
being founded in fact, the delegates be at liberty to com-
municate all such circumstances as may be necessary to
contradict it and remove misconceptions: "That the free
navigation of the river Mississippi is a clear and essential
right of the United States, and that the same ought to be
considered and supported as such. "
The same disposition which had been evinced upon this
question in seventeen hundred and eighty-two, continued
to be manifested by Vergennes. In answer to an inquiry
as to the extent of the guarantee in the treaty of alliance,
he intimated that "our limits were not fixed;" and the
French charge d'affaires was selected by Spain to commu-
nicate to congress the menace of confiscation, previously
mentioned, if their vessels continued to commerce on the
Mississippi.
The jealousies to which this negotiation gave rise, were
fanned by the partisans of France, and were among the
means of exciting hostility against some of the most promi-
nent friends of the federal constitution.
The relations with Great Britain still more exhibit the
disunion and impotence of this assemblage of states.
As soon as her restrictive proclamations were known, a
general shock was felt throughout the confederacy. Com-
merce was thrown out of its usual channels, and the mer-
chants, largely indebted for the extensive importations they
had made, looked round in despair for an outlet to the produc-
* September 16, 1788.
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THE LIFE OF
tions, with the proceeds of which, they were to meet their
engagements.
To judge of the extent of the evil, it is only necessary
to recur to the fact, that of the whole amount of their ex-
ports when colonies, those to the West Indies exceeded
one-fourth. It was the more severely felt, because it
chiefly fell upon the fisheries; that prolific treasure of the
ocean, which the population of New-England regarded as
a source of exhaustless wealth, whereof the product had
composed more than one half of the articles of commerce in
the West India markets, and a very large proportion of the
whole exports of the colonies. * Cramped as they had
been by the restrictive policy of the parent country, they
had always found in the valuable products of the West
Indies a return for the fruits of their enterprise, which
afforded them continual relief. When deprived of this re-
source, universal irritation followed. The merchants were
first aroused to opposition. This feeling soon extended to
the people. Wholly unprepared to encounter the difficul-
ties incident to their existence as an independent nation, and
overlooking the rigid restrictions of France on the commerce
with her dependencies, they denounced, as an act of hos-
tility, the exercise of the unquestionable right of another
independent nation to pursue its own distinct interests.
General combinations were instantly entered into to
prevent the unlading of British vessels. New-Haven,
where the occlusion was much felt, was foremost in the
measures to induce the prohibition of English ships arriving
* The markets of Canada, Newfoundland, and Nova Scotia, and of a
part of Europe, were cut off, and the annual government bounty of . ? 20,000
sterling had ceased.
The product of the fisheries was estimated in congress to be one-sixth of
the whole exports of the United States; elsewhere, at one-tenth. In 1775,
Massachusetts employed in them, fourteen thousand tons; in 1787, four
thousand.
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? HAMILTON.
327
from the West Indies. A meeting was held at Philadel-
phia, urging in strong terms the same policy, which was re-
echoed throughout the impoverished confederacy. While
such was the temper of this country, an essay appeared in
London, which being considered as an expression of the
sentiments of the ministry of Great Britain, had much in-
fluence. It espoused with warmth the system of monopo-
lies, argued the dependence of the confederacy upon Brit-
ish supplies, and promised to England, without further
concessions, the exclusive trade of the United States. It
also took an extensive view of their political condition;
disclosed an undisguised contempt of the articles of the
confederation; a full consciousness of the inability of con-
gress to fulfil any treaty, from the conflicting powers re-
served to the states; and a hope to avail themselves of the
anarchy which must arise from the contending interests of
various legislation, and of the facilities which the want of
a uniform policy must give to the introduction of British
manufactures.
Various replies to this pamphlet were made, showing
great diversity of opinion, indicative rather of the ingenuity
and fertility of the popular mind, than of sound and practical
views of the true interests of the country. An essay at
last appeared, containing " Strictures on commerce," which,
taking an enlarged view of the British system, showed the im-
policy of her monopolies, and that a general power of com-
mercial regulation vested in congress would alone protect the
commerce of this country, and prevent a dissolution of the
union. * This opinion gained rapidly, and being accelera-
* This pamphlet was from the pen of William Bingham, late agent of
congress at Martinique, elected to that body in 1786, and subsequently a
senator of the United States. His language is, "The states, from a sense of
common danger and common interest, will more closely unite together, and
form one general system of exclusive navigation, in regard to Great Britain,
established on clear, equal, and determinate principles of commercial retalia-
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THE LIFE OF
ted by the remonstrances of the West India islands, indu-
ced, at last, a definitive action by congress. The states
were invited to invest them with this power for a short
term; but this salutary proposition was opposed, and
it was sought to substitute a recommendation to each le-
gislature to make the discrimination. * Though this oppo-
sition proceeded principally from jealousy of a central
jurisdiction, other causes had influence. Of these, the
chief was a great diversity of opinion, whether the United
States should promote their own maritime importance, or
should abandon the ocean to foreigners. The former
opinion was maintained by the eastern and middle states;
those of the south having no vessels, were disinclined to a
system which would temporarily increase the value of
freight, and might, as they apprehended, render them tri-
butary to the north. There was little prospect of an early
concurrence in this measure. Meanwhile, the various
delicate questions which had arisen out of the definitive
treaty, and the growing animosities of the nations, showed
the importance of closing the widening breach. This could
only be effected by a commercial treaty; but the power of
making an effective treaty had not been conferred on the
confederation; and it has been seen from her reply to the
overtures of the joint commission, that England was aware
of it. This was a serious difficulty; but had the power
existed, great doubts were entertained of the disposition
of her councils. How long Jefferson continued to flatter
tion, which will pervade the whole union. An American looking forward to
the future prosperity and power of his country, and contemplating the ten.
dency of this system towards strengthening the union of the states, and making
it indissoluble, will not hesitate to acquiesce, without a murmur, to the ex-
istence of theso restraining regulations. " Yet of Aim Madison states, " Mr.
Bingham alone avowed his wishes that the Confederacy might be divided in-
to several distinct confederacies, its great extent and various interests being
incompatible with a single government. "--Madison Papers, v. 2, p. 589.
* April 30,1784.
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? HAMILTON.
329
himself, is not known, but the hopeless prospect of the
joint commission flashed on the mind of Adams soon after
the annunciation of Great Britain, that she would re-
quire an embassy to London.
In a letter of the thirty-first January, seventeen hundred
and eighty-five, to Gerry, a delegate to congress, he puts
the inquiry, "What shall be done V and answers by the
observation, " There are but two things--either to send a
minister to London, according to the king's polite invita-
tion, and try what can be done there; or, commence im-
mediately the sour work of retaliation. Will the states
agree to exclude British ships from their ports, and Brit-
ish manufactures, or any of them? and can such prohibi-
tions be executed, or high duties be levied? Suppose you
lay a heavy duty upon every British vessel, or upon Brit-
ish manufactures, to retaliate for the duty on oil, &c. , can
we go through with it? We have no answers to any of
the many things proposed to the British ministry through
the Duke of Dorset, and I really think nothing will ever
be done but by an exchange of ministers. *"
In another letter of the ninth of March following, he
observes, "I think the invitation to send a minister to
London should be accepted, as it is undoubtedly our place
to send first, and as the neglect of exchanging ambassa-
dors will forever be regarded as a proof of coldness and
* Life of Gerry, vol. 1, 464. --A preceding paragraph of the same letter
shows the sacrifices Adams supposed he had made by his long residence in
Paris. "I see the people have not lost sight of their old friends. I really
feel an earnest desire to be one of you; but when will that be possible? It
is more agreeable to be at home among one's equals, and to enjoy some de-
gree of respect and esteem among those we feel a regard for, than to be ad-
mired by strangers; but to be in a foreign country, among strange faces,
manners, languages, and looked at with terror--rarely finding a person who
dares to speak to one, as has been my case, Mr. Dumas', Mr. Jay's, and oth-
ers, for years together, is horrible; oh ! 'tis horrible. "
42
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jealousy by the people of England, the people of America,
and by all the courts and nations of Europe. " A letter
from him to the secretary of foreign affairs of the same
date observes, " I am sure we could not do less, sepa-
rately, than we are likely to do together I make
no scruple, no hesitation to advise that a minister may be
sent; nor will I be intimidated from giving this advice
by any apprehension that I shall be suspected of a design
or desire of going to England myself. Whoever goes will
neither find it a lucrative nor a pleasant employment, nor
will he be envied by me. "*
The reply of Jay enclosed his credentials to the court
of St. James.
Having remained some weeks in Paris, as he states, to
perform the ceremonial of taking leave of the court of
France, he arrived in London in May, prepared for his
presentation at that of Great Britain. f These matters of
etiquette being disposed of, Adams soon after entered up-
on the business of his mission.
It has been seen in his letter of January, written previ-
ous to his appointment, that an "embassy or retaliation"
are presented as the alternatives. Those subsequent to it
approve of the discriminating resolutions of certain states,
and urge "that we have no means to make an impres- ,
sion, but by commercial regulations, which the vulgar may
see strike essentially at their interests without injuring our
own. " The extent of the constitutional treaty power is
also discussed ; the supposed absurdity of thirteen minis-
ters at every court, is indicated; the necessity of enlarg-
ing it, is zealously inculcated. This question had not oc-
curred to the American commissioners on the annuncia-
tion to England of their joint authority.
* 2 Dip. Cor. 167.
t His amusing record of his presentation to the king and queen, will be
found in Dip. Cor. vol. 4, p. 211.
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? HAMILTON.
331
The instructions to Adams directed him to insist upon
the surrender of the posts and territories within the limits
of the United States; to remonstrate against the infrac-
tion of the definitive treaty by the deportation of slaves
and other property; and to represent the necessary ten-
dency of the British restrictions to incapacitate our mer-
chants from remitting to theirs, and the losses which would
be sustained by an immediate pressure for the payment of
debts contracted before the war. These claims were stated
to the British minister at length. In prosecution of his
object, the draft of a commercial treaty, the terms of which
were subsequently approved by congress, was soon after
submitted to the English cabinet.
England had expressed her readiness to receive propo-
sals, but no disposition was evinced by her to enter upon
a negotiation, nor to accredit an ambassador to the Uni-
ted States. The only reply given to the plan of treaty,
was the inquiry, " Can the United States secure any priv-
ilege to Great Britain in which France will not partici-
pate ? "* and the embassy to London was acknowedged by
the appointment of a consul.
These were things not to be endured, and yet not to be
resented by the American envoy. Feeling that from the
magic circle of court formalities there was no escape, Ad-
ams, relying upon the vast results he attributed to a simi-
lar procedure at the Hague, resolved to bring the British
ministry to a stand by presenting a memorial demanding
the evacuation of the frontier posts. But again delay was
followed by delay--all was ceremony--month after month
elapsed, when a reply was at last given. This reply
avowed the determination of Great Britain to act in per-
fect conformity with the strictest principles of justice and
good faith, and her readiness to carry every article of the
? 4 Dip. Cor. 333.
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definitive treaty into full effect whenever America should
manifest a real determination to fulfil her part of it. It
recapitulated the legislative acts of eight states, contra-
vening its fourth article, and insisted on the injustice of
being obliged to a strict observance of the public faith,
while America held herself free to deviate from her en-
gagements.
This answer was referred to Jay, who, after a full ex-
amination of it, in which it appeared that many of the
charges were unsustained, admitted that the first of the
imputed violations of the treaty had been committed by
the states, some of which were still existing and ope-
rating; and that, under the circumstances, it was not a
matter of surprise that the posts were detained, and that
Britain would not be to blame in continuing to hold them,
until America should cease to impede her enjoying every
essential right secured to her and to her people and adhe-
rents by the treaty. The report closed with a recom-
mendation, that congress should resolve that the states had
no right to construe, retard, or counteract the execution of
the treaty; and that all their acts inconsistent therewith
should be repealed by their legislatures, in general terms.
He also recommended that the American minister should
admit to Great Britain the violation of the fourth and sixth
articles of the treaty; should state that measures were in
progress to correct this; should conclude a convention for
the estimation of property removed in violation of the
seventh article, and for the remission of interest on private
contracts during the war, and should express the deter-
mination of the United States to execute the treaty with
good faith.
This unwelcome duty was imposed on Adams. The
British ministry approved the spirit of the resolutions, but
still adhered to the system it had adopted; in pursuance
of which an act was passed for the regulation of their
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? II A MILTON.
333
trade with the United States, extending still further the
prohibition from her islands of American products. Mean-
while, the tone of the public feeling, the omission to appoint
a minister in return, frequent disappointments, and studied
procrastinations, wore upon the temper of Adams, who at
last, in his correspondence with the United States, cast off
all restraint. At times he deemed an abandonment by Ame-
rica of her commerce, the wisest course. * Again, he
urged a vindictive retaliation, as the only means of redress,
and poured out philippics, denouncing, with indiscriminate
wrath, England--her institutions--her king--her states-
men--her policy--her people. f
This was a wide departure from the opinions he had
expressed at an earlier period. "Let us banish forever
from our minds, my countrymen, all such unworthy ideas
of the king, his ministry, and the parliament. Let us not
suppose that all are become luxurious, effeminate, and un-
? 4D. c. 500.
t" There is no resource for me in this nation. The people are discouraged
and dispirited, from the general profligacy and want of principle, from the
want of confidence in any of the leaders, from the frequent disappointments
and impositions they have experienced in turn from all parties. Patriotism is
no more; nor is any hypocrite successful enough to make himself believed to
be one Fox, and his friends and patrons, are ruined by the endless ex-
penses of the last election, and have no longer any spirit, or any enterprise.
North and his friends are afraid of impeachment and vengeance, and there-
fore will avoid all hazardous experiments, by which the popular cry might be
excited. Pitt is but a tool and an ostensible pageant, a nose of tender virgin:
wax; he could not carry in Parliament, nor in the cabinet, any honest system
with America, if he meant to do it; but he is himself very far from being steady
in his American politics, any more than Camden or Richmond; and Sydney
and Carmarthen are cyphers. "--4 D. C. 444-5, 468,471. "This nation
would now crouch to France, for the sake of being insolent to us. "--480.
"The most remarkable thing in the king's speech and the debates is, that the
king, and every member of each house, has entirely forgotten that there is
any such place upon the earth as the United States of America. We appear
to be considered as of no consequence at all in the scale of the world. "--
4D. C. 481.
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reasonable on the other side of the water, as many design-
ing persons would insinuate. Let us presume, what in
fact is true, that the spirit of liberty is as arde. nt as ever
among the body of her nation, though a few individuals
may be corrupted," &c. *
Alarmed by his extravagance, and apprehensive of be-
ing precipitated by his rashness into a contest for which
the country was not prepared, a formal motion was made
in congress and adopted, forbidding him to demand a cat-
egorical answer to his memorial, lest they should be involv-
ed in a war or in disgrace. f These orders were transmit-
ted by Jay,J who, at the same time, recommended as the
true policy of the nation, that" what wrong may have been
done should be undone, and that the United States should,
if it were only to preserve peace, be prepared for war. "
Adams now began to meditate his return to the United
States. The prospect of a new government opened more
grateful scenes, and congress yielded to his desire to leave
a position which he had prophetically anticipated would be
a "thicket of briers. " Dissatisfied with every thing, he
bade adieu to England, where his worst fears had been
realized of " the insignificance" to which he would sink,
and of the alike "dry decency and cold civility" with
which he would be treated by the administration and the
opposition. On his return to the United States, he found
new sources of discontent in the circumstances of his re-
call. On the twenty-fourth of September, seventeen hun-
dred and eighty-seven, a report was made by Jay, em-
bracing two points--an approval of his conduct, and a
vote of thanks. It was rejected after a division on each
poinf; but on the fifth of October the congress were in-
* "Essay on Crown and Feudal Laws, by J. Adams, Ambassador
Flen. " &c.
t 5 D. C. 358. t May 8, 1786.
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? HAMILTON.
335
duced to relent. For this decision, he is believed to have
been chiefly indebted to the exertions of a leading dele-
gate* from Massachusetts. f
Much as there was in the conduct of Great Britain to
disappoint expectation and wound national pride, yet on
a dispassionate view, it is to be deemed the natural result
of the relative situations of the two countries. Many of
her statesmen saw, or imagined that they saw, in a close
adherence to the colonial system the chief sources of her
wealth. Her jealousy had long been awakened to the
competition which the character and condition of the
American people would produce, and every effort to relieve
themselves from the pressure of her monopolies confirmed
her adherence to them, and was followed by more minute
and rigorous exactions. It could therefore with little pro-
bability be expected, that while she maintained her navi-
gation act towards other nations, she would relax her sys-
tem towards that power whose interference with her trade
she most feared, especially as the United States were, by
the treaties they had formed, precluded offering to her
any equivalent for such an exemption.
England also confided in the magnitude of her capital,
in the credits she could give, and in the cheapness of her
productions, as ensuring the introduction of them to the
American market, where the habits of the people had al-
ways secured to her a preference. The efforts of France
to compete with her had failed, and while the British mer-
chants were engrossing the trade, France was occupied in
speculating on the grounds of such a preference.
These circumstances, combined with too great a defer-
ence to the feelings of the monarch, had weight, but the
consideration which chiefly influenced the court of St.
James, was the political condition of the confederacy.
* Rufus King.
t 5D. C. 312.
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? 336 THE LIFE OF
Whatever might be the future resources of this nation,
whatever were the capacities of the people, America now
presented an unrelieved picture of anarchy and disunion.
Her public engagements had nearly all been violated, her
private resources appeared either to be exhausted, or
could not be called into action; and while the individual
states were pursuing measures of mutual hostility and de-
triment, the confederation was powerless over their laws,
powerless over public opinion. Hence, to every argu-
ment or inducement in favour of a commercial treaty,
there was an irrefutable reply--America will not, or if
she would, she cannot fulfil it. "Our ambassadors," Ham-
ilton observed, "were the mere pageants of mimic sove-
reignty. "
In this brief retrospect of the negotiations with the two
leading powers of Europe, nothing is more obvious than
the want of that practical common sense, which had car-
ried this country through the revolution both in the ob-
jects, and in the conduct of them. This country was, in
fact, without a government. Could it be hoped, that
either France or England would treat on advantageous
terms with a people who had not the power to fulfil their
engagements? Could it be supposed, for a moment, that
those old governments would abandon their artificial sys-
tems and fixed maxims, affecting so many public and pri-
vate interests, for an untried theory?
Jefferson* at an early period advised that "the Ameri-
can workshops should remain in Europe;" that " perhaps
it might be better for us to abandon the ocean altogether,
that being the element whereon we shall be principally
exposed to jostle with other nations; to leave to others to
bring what we shall want, and to carry what we can spare. "
Now he is the projector of a system of entangling connec-
? Notas on Virginia, p. 175, 176.
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? n AMILTON.
337
tions with all the nations of Europe. He voted against a
proposition to adopt the commerce of " natives" as the basis
of treaties, and he proposed to treat with England on that
basis. "I know," he wrote to Adams, "it goes beyond our
powers, and beyond the powers of congress too; but it is
evidently for the good of all the states that I should not
be afraid to risk myself on it, if you are of the same
opinion. "*
Abandoning the principle of his own instructions,f he
suggested to Vergennes J "that both nations would cement
their friendship by approaching the conditions of their citi-
zens reciprocally to that of 'natives,' as a better ground of
intercourse than that of'the most favoured nation. '" The
reply of France was an arret, approving in its preamble
a general freedom of commerce; but vindicating the "ex-
clusion of foreign goods, as required under existing cir-
cumstances by the interest of the kingdom. "
Yet he at the same period avows, " were I to indulge my
own theory, I should wish them (the United States) to prac-
tise neither commerce nor navigation, but to stand, with
respect to Europe, precisely on the footing of China. "?
The opinions of Adams as to the foreign policy of this
country, were not less various.
At one time he avowed, "that it is in the power of
America to tax all Europe whenever she pleases, by laying
duties upon her exports, enough to pay the interest of
money enough to answer all their purposes. "|| He then
enters into this project of commercial freedom; then de-
nounces it, declaring, " that we had hitherto been the bub-
bles of our own philosophical and equitable liberality;"
and indicates as the only means of redress, " commercial
regulations. "! !
? 2D. C. 338. -July28,1785. t Niles, v. 12, p. 82. t November, 1785.
? October 13, 1785. --Jeff. Works, vol. 1, 344. II 5 D. C. 502.
12D. C. 338.
43
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THE LIFE OF
The course of events had proved the correctness of
Hamilton's views, as he calmly consulted the great perma-
nent interests of the country. Though in his liberal spirit
the advocate of a policy which he observed would estab-
lish " our system with regard to foreign nations upon those
grounds of moderation and equity by which reason, reli-
gion, and philosophy had tempered the harsh maxims of
more early times, and that rejects those principles of re-
striction and exclusion which are the foundations of the
mercantile and navigating system of Europe;" yet, judg-
ing wisely of human nature, of the force of habit, preju-
dice, and passion, he had from the earliest period indicated
the necessity of conferring upon congress the power "of
regulating trade, laying prohibitions, granting bounties
and premiums. "* And when he saw the confederacy
nerveless--the states in collision--the people desponding
--their energies withering under the restrictive regula-
tions of Europe--he then again avowed the necessity of
counteracting "a policy so unfriendly to their prosperity,
by prohibitory regulations extending at the same time
throughout the states," as a means of compelling an equal
traffic; of raising the American navigation so as to estab-
lish "an active" instead of "a passive commerce;" of "a
federal navy, to defend the rights of neutrality. "
These views, as the perspective of this vast republic
rose before him, were embraced in the exhortation--" Let
Americans disdain to be the instruments of European
greatness! Let the thirteen states, bound together in a
strict and indissoluble union, concur in erecting one great
American system, superior to the control of transatlantic
force or influence, and able to dictate the connection be-
tween the old and the new world ! "f
* The Constitutionalist, No. 4, August, 1781--No. 6, July 4, 1782.
t The Federalist, No.
it was also contended that its effect would be to dismem-
ber the government by a treaty of commerce, which could
not be done under a limited power to treat.
It would be difficult to select an instance in which the
United States had less motive to reserve or to exert the
power of discrimination or prohibition. As to vessels,
from the course of the trade, the cargoes and the superior
economy of American navigation, a successful competition
on the part of Spain was hopeless. How the policy of
the British navigation act could, under such circumstan-
ces, the United States being the carriers, have been ad-
vantageously adopted, it is not easy to suppose. As to
productions, the only object of Spanish traffic the impor-
tation of which this country has found it expedient to pro-
hibit, is that of slaves. As to manufactures, those of
Spain have never sought the American market.
But it was urged, if the commerce with Spain should be
placed on the footing of natives, that France and Sweden
would in virtue of their treaties be entitled to the same
terms, only by reciprocating to the United States the same
privilege. Was this an evil to be deprecated?
It cannot escape observation how entirely the principles
of this report are at variance with the instructions pro-
posed by Jefferson. Its details have been given chiefly to
show how great and rapid had been the change of opinion
as to the commercial policy of this country, two years
only having elapsed since the approval of those instruc-
tions by congress. That Virginia should have been the
first state since the peace to have proposed, and the first
41
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? 322
THE LIFE OF
to have objected to a system of free trade, is only an in-
stance of the error of applying rigidly general maxims of
policy to the conduct of nations, without regard to the
modifications circumstances may indicate. Nor will it fail
to be remarked as additional evidence of the timid coun-
sels by which that state had been governed, that though
in seventeen hundred and eighty-one, her legislature had
instructed Madison to authorize Jay to cede the right of
navigating the Mississippi to Spain absolutely and for
ever, she now declared that to consent to a suspension of
that right would be "to dismember" the government.
The importance Spain attached to that right, is shown
not only by her conduct during the war, but by the
promptitude witli which she opened a negotiation respect-
ing it after the peace. Claiming the exclusive right, and
denying the pretensions of this country, it was thought to
be an important object attained if a treaty could be made
which would imply that she accepted the use of the river
as the lessee of the United states for a specified time, and
thus virtually recognised the reversionary right to be in
them; thus terminating all questions of ownership.
Impelled by this strong motive, and little anticipating
the rapid growth of the western territory, Jay considering
that by this treaty the United States "gained much, and
sacrificed or gave up nothing," continued his negotiation
with the charge of Spain. He fortunately refused "to
admit the navigation of the Mississippi below their limits
on any terms, nor would he consent to any article acknow-
ledging their right in express terms, and stipulating to for-
bear the use of it for a given time," a difficulty that Jay
supposed could be overcome by implication, in which idea
Gardoqui concurred.
The vote prohibiting a surrender of the navigation of
the Mississippi. was a vote of nine states; that authorizing
this compromise was given by seven states. The consti-
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? II A MILTON.
323
tutionality of this vote was denied by the southern states:
and as the division was geographical, gave rise to much
excitement. On the part of the south, it was alleged that
New-England was solely actuated by a desire to check
the population of the west, and thus maintain her prepon-
derance in the union. The eastern states having opposed
the alienation or suspension of this right when the south-
ern states were its advocates, repelled the charge, and
urged that this temporary cession would fix the permanent
right in favour of this country, and prevent a coalition then
apprehended between Great Britain and Spain. A resolu-
tion passed directing Jay to report the state of the negotia-
tion; and as soon as the disposition of congress to consent
to a limited use of the navigation was disclosed, a wide
alarm was spread along the western frontier, and mutual
complaints of aggression by the borderers were heard.
These complaints were referred to Jay, who having stated
acts of hostility by both parties, and his conviction of the
right of the United States to navigate that river from its
source to the ocean, expressed the opinion that if inter-
rupted by her " it will be proper to declare war against
Spain. "
In this state of the question Madison proposed to refer
the consideration of the American grievances to a com-
mittee, but was unsuccessful. In the mean time the agents
of France had manifested great solicitude. It was their
wish* that the negotiation should be committed to Jeffer-
son and transferred to Madrid. With this view Madison,
* March 19, 1787--Madison to Jefferson:--" I discover, through several
channels, that it would be very grateful to the French politicians here to see
our negotiations with Spain shifted into your hands, and carried on under
the mediating auspices of their court. "
April 15, 1787--Madison to Edmund Randolph:--" We mean to propose
that Jefferson be sent under a special commission, to plead the cause of the
Mississippi at Madrid. "--Madison Papers, vol. 2, p. 625, 637.
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THE LIFE OF
on the eighteenth of April, proposed that a special com-
mission should be issued to Jefferson to proceed to Ma-
drid " to enter into commercial stipulations, and to make
such representations and urge such negotiations as will
be most likely to impress on Spain the friendly disposition
of the United States, and to induce her to make such con-
cessions touching the southern limits and their right to
navigate the Mississippi below them, as might most effec-
tually guard against a rupture of the subsisting harmony,
and promote the mutual interests of the two nations. "
This proposal was referred to Jay; he had previously
made a report showing the disposition of France to pro-
mote the views of Spain, and he now strongly dissuaded
this measure. He stated that it was more advantageous
and more honourable to negotiate at home; that this trans-
fer would offend the Spanish charge^ who would confirm
the suspicions which this measure might excite in his court
of an intention to amuse her, a suspicion to which the lan-
guage of this resolution, as it only empowered him to con-
fer, but not to conclude a treaty,* would be too apt to
give colour. Twelve months after, the excitement in the
western region having increased by the extended rumour
of a disposition to surrender this right, the delegates from
North Carolina proposed a declaration by congress that
the United States " have a clear, absolute, and unalienable"
claim to it. Jay, to whom it was referred, reported that a
declaration ought to be made that this rumour was not
* In this report, Jay observed in reference to the terms of this resolution:
"Perhaps this may only be an inadvertent inaccuracy in the motion; if not,
it gives much colour to the inferences above suggested. "--4 S. J. 342. At
the sitting of the Virginia convention, Monroe reproved the conduct of this
negotiation. Madison replied:--" From the best information, it never was the
sense of the people at large or the prevailing characters of the eastern states
to approve of the measure. "--2 Elliot's Debates, 262-3. But see Madison
Papers, v. 2, p. 637, 642.
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? HAMILTON.
325
founded in fact; but objected to an assertion that the right
was unalienable, lest it might exclude the possibility of
such modifications as, without impairing it, might be ad-
vantageous to the country and satisfactory to its citizens.
A new committee was then raised, of which Hamilton was
chairman. He introduced resolutions, which were adopt-
ed,* that the reported purpose to surrender this right, not
being founded in fact, the delegates be at liberty to com-
municate all such circumstances as may be necessary to
contradict it and remove misconceptions: "That the free
navigation of the river Mississippi is a clear and essential
right of the United States, and that the same ought to be
considered and supported as such. "
The same disposition which had been evinced upon this
question in seventeen hundred and eighty-two, continued
to be manifested by Vergennes. In answer to an inquiry
as to the extent of the guarantee in the treaty of alliance,
he intimated that "our limits were not fixed;" and the
French charge d'affaires was selected by Spain to commu-
nicate to congress the menace of confiscation, previously
mentioned, if their vessels continued to commerce on the
Mississippi.
The jealousies to which this negotiation gave rise, were
fanned by the partisans of France, and were among the
means of exciting hostility against some of the most promi-
nent friends of the federal constitution.
The relations with Great Britain still more exhibit the
disunion and impotence of this assemblage of states.
As soon as her restrictive proclamations were known, a
general shock was felt throughout the confederacy. Com-
merce was thrown out of its usual channels, and the mer-
chants, largely indebted for the extensive importations they
had made, looked round in despair for an outlet to the produc-
* September 16, 1788.
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THE LIFE OF
tions, with the proceeds of which, they were to meet their
engagements.
To judge of the extent of the evil, it is only necessary
to recur to the fact, that of the whole amount of their ex-
ports when colonies, those to the West Indies exceeded
one-fourth. It was the more severely felt, because it
chiefly fell upon the fisheries; that prolific treasure of the
ocean, which the population of New-England regarded as
a source of exhaustless wealth, whereof the product had
composed more than one half of the articles of commerce in
the West India markets, and a very large proportion of the
whole exports of the colonies. * Cramped as they had
been by the restrictive policy of the parent country, they
had always found in the valuable products of the West
Indies a return for the fruits of their enterprise, which
afforded them continual relief. When deprived of this re-
source, universal irritation followed. The merchants were
first aroused to opposition. This feeling soon extended to
the people. Wholly unprepared to encounter the difficul-
ties incident to their existence as an independent nation, and
overlooking the rigid restrictions of France on the commerce
with her dependencies, they denounced, as an act of hos-
tility, the exercise of the unquestionable right of another
independent nation to pursue its own distinct interests.
General combinations were instantly entered into to
prevent the unlading of British vessels. New-Haven,
where the occlusion was much felt, was foremost in the
measures to induce the prohibition of English ships arriving
* The markets of Canada, Newfoundland, and Nova Scotia, and of a
part of Europe, were cut off, and the annual government bounty of . ? 20,000
sterling had ceased.
The product of the fisheries was estimated in congress to be one-sixth of
the whole exports of the United States; elsewhere, at one-tenth. In 1775,
Massachusetts employed in them, fourteen thousand tons; in 1787, four
thousand.
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? HAMILTON.
327
from the West Indies. A meeting was held at Philadel-
phia, urging in strong terms the same policy, which was re-
echoed throughout the impoverished confederacy. While
such was the temper of this country, an essay appeared in
London, which being considered as an expression of the
sentiments of the ministry of Great Britain, had much in-
fluence. It espoused with warmth the system of monopo-
lies, argued the dependence of the confederacy upon Brit-
ish supplies, and promised to England, without further
concessions, the exclusive trade of the United States. It
also took an extensive view of their political condition;
disclosed an undisguised contempt of the articles of the
confederation; a full consciousness of the inability of con-
gress to fulfil any treaty, from the conflicting powers re-
served to the states; and a hope to avail themselves of the
anarchy which must arise from the contending interests of
various legislation, and of the facilities which the want of
a uniform policy must give to the introduction of British
manufactures.
Various replies to this pamphlet were made, showing
great diversity of opinion, indicative rather of the ingenuity
and fertility of the popular mind, than of sound and practical
views of the true interests of the country. An essay at
last appeared, containing " Strictures on commerce," which,
taking an enlarged view of the British system, showed the im-
policy of her monopolies, and that a general power of com-
mercial regulation vested in congress would alone protect the
commerce of this country, and prevent a dissolution of the
union. * This opinion gained rapidly, and being accelera-
* This pamphlet was from the pen of William Bingham, late agent of
congress at Martinique, elected to that body in 1786, and subsequently a
senator of the United States. His language is, "The states, from a sense of
common danger and common interest, will more closely unite together, and
form one general system of exclusive navigation, in regard to Great Britain,
established on clear, equal, and determinate principles of commercial retalia-
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THE LIFE OF
ted by the remonstrances of the West India islands, indu-
ced, at last, a definitive action by congress. The states
were invited to invest them with this power for a short
term; but this salutary proposition was opposed, and
it was sought to substitute a recommendation to each le-
gislature to make the discrimination. * Though this oppo-
sition proceeded principally from jealousy of a central
jurisdiction, other causes had influence. Of these, the
chief was a great diversity of opinion, whether the United
States should promote their own maritime importance, or
should abandon the ocean to foreigners. The former
opinion was maintained by the eastern and middle states;
those of the south having no vessels, were disinclined to a
system which would temporarily increase the value of
freight, and might, as they apprehended, render them tri-
butary to the north. There was little prospect of an early
concurrence in this measure. Meanwhile, the various
delicate questions which had arisen out of the definitive
treaty, and the growing animosities of the nations, showed
the importance of closing the widening breach. This could
only be effected by a commercial treaty; but the power of
making an effective treaty had not been conferred on the
confederation; and it has been seen from her reply to the
overtures of the joint commission, that England was aware
of it. This was a serious difficulty; but had the power
existed, great doubts were entertained of the disposition
of her councils. How long Jefferson continued to flatter
tion, which will pervade the whole union. An American looking forward to
the future prosperity and power of his country, and contemplating the ten.
dency of this system towards strengthening the union of the states, and making
it indissoluble, will not hesitate to acquiesce, without a murmur, to the ex-
istence of theso restraining regulations. " Yet of Aim Madison states, " Mr.
Bingham alone avowed his wishes that the Confederacy might be divided in-
to several distinct confederacies, its great extent and various interests being
incompatible with a single government. "--Madison Papers, v. 2, p. 589.
* April 30,1784.
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? HAMILTON.
329
himself, is not known, but the hopeless prospect of the
joint commission flashed on the mind of Adams soon after
the annunciation of Great Britain, that she would re-
quire an embassy to London.
In a letter of the thirty-first January, seventeen hundred
and eighty-five, to Gerry, a delegate to congress, he puts
the inquiry, "What shall be done V and answers by the
observation, " There are but two things--either to send a
minister to London, according to the king's polite invita-
tion, and try what can be done there; or, commence im-
mediately the sour work of retaliation. Will the states
agree to exclude British ships from their ports, and Brit-
ish manufactures, or any of them? and can such prohibi-
tions be executed, or high duties be levied? Suppose you
lay a heavy duty upon every British vessel, or upon Brit-
ish manufactures, to retaliate for the duty on oil, &c. , can
we go through with it? We have no answers to any of
the many things proposed to the British ministry through
the Duke of Dorset, and I really think nothing will ever
be done but by an exchange of ministers. *"
In another letter of the ninth of March following, he
observes, "I think the invitation to send a minister to
London should be accepted, as it is undoubtedly our place
to send first, and as the neglect of exchanging ambassa-
dors will forever be regarded as a proof of coldness and
* Life of Gerry, vol. 1, 464. --A preceding paragraph of the same letter
shows the sacrifices Adams supposed he had made by his long residence in
Paris. "I see the people have not lost sight of their old friends. I really
feel an earnest desire to be one of you; but when will that be possible? It
is more agreeable to be at home among one's equals, and to enjoy some de-
gree of respect and esteem among those we feel a regard for, than to be ad-
mired by strangers; but to be in a foreign country, among strange faces,
manners, languages, and looked at with terror--rarely finding a person who
dares to speak to one, as has been my case, Mr. Dumas', Mr. Jay's, and oth-
ers, for years together, is horrible; oh ! 'tis horrible. "
42
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THE LIFE OF
jealousy by the people of England, the people of America,
and by all the courts and nations of Europe. " A letter
from him to the secretary of foreign affairs of the same
date observes, " I am sure we could not do less, sepa-
rately, than we are likely to do together I make
no scruple, no hesitation to advise that a minister may be
sent; nor will I be intimidated from giving this advice
by any apprehension that I shall be suspected of a design
or desire of going to England myself. Whoever goes will
neither find it a lucrative nor a pleasant employment, nor
will he be envied by me. "*
The reply of Jay enclosed his credentials to the court
of St. James.
Having remained some weeks in Paris, as he states, to
perform the ceremonial of taking leave of the court of
France, he arrived in London in May, prepared for his
presentation at that of Great Britain. f These matters of
etiquette being disposed of, Adams soon after entered up-
on the business of his mission.
It has been seen in his letter of January, written previ-
ous to his appointment, that an "embassy or retaliation"
are presented as the alternatives. Those subsequent to it
approve of the discriminating resolutions of certain states,
and urge "that we have no means to make an impres- ,
sion, but by commercial regulations, which the vulgar may
see strike essentially at their interests without injuring our
own. " The extent of the constitutional treaty power is
also discussed ; the supposed absurdity of thirteen minis-
ters at every court, is indicated; the necessity of enlarg-
ing it, is zealously inculcated. This question had not oc-
curred to the American commissioners on the annuncia-
tion to England of their joint authority.
* 2 Dip. Cor. 167.
t His amusing record of his presentation to the king and queen, will be
found in Dip. Cor. vol. 4, p. 211.
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? HAMILTON.
331
The instructions to Adams directed him to insist upon
the surrender of the posts and territories within the limits
of the United States; to remonstrate against the infrac-
tion of the definitive treaty by the deportation of slaves
and other property; and to represent the necessary ten-
dency of the British restrictions to incapacitate our mer-
chants from remitting to theirs, and the losses which would
be sustained by an immediate pressure for the payment of
debts contracted before the war. These claims were stated
to the British minister at length. In prosecution of his
object, the draft of a commercial treaty, the terms of which
were subsequently approved by congress, was soon after
submitted to the English cabinet.
England had expressed her readiness to receive propo-
sals, but no disposition was evinced by her to enter upon
a negotiation, nor to accredit an ambassador to the Uni-
ted States. The only reply given to the plan of treaty,
was the inquiry, " Can the United States secure any priv-
ilege to Great Britain in which France will not partici-
pate ? "* and the embassy to London was acknowedged by
the appointment of a consul.
These were things not to be endured, and yet not to be
resented by the American envoy. Feeling that from the
magic circle of court formalities there was no escape, Ad-
ams, relying upon the vast results he attributed to a simi-
lar procedure at the Hague, resolved to bring the British
ministry to a stand by presenting a memorial demanding
the evacuation of the frontier posts. But again delay was
followed by delay--all was ceremony--month after month
elapsed, when a reply was at last given. This reply
avowed the determination of Great Britain to act in per-
fect conformity with the strictest principles of justice and
good faith, and her readiness to carry every article of the
? 4 Dip. Cor. 333.
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THE LIFE OF
definitive treaty into full effect whenever America should
manifest a real determination to fulfil her part of it. It
recapitulated the legislative acts of eight states, contra-
vening its fourth article, and insisted on the injustice of
being obliged to a strict observance of the public faith,
while America held herself free to deviate from her en-
gagements.
This answer was referred to Jay, who, after a full ex-
amination of it, in which it appeared that many of the
charges were unsustained, admitted that the first of the
imputed violations of the treaty had been committed by
the states, some of which were still existing and ope-
rating; and that, under the circumstances, it was not a
matter of surprise that the posts were detained, and that
Britain would not be to blame in continuing to hold them,
until America should cease to impede her enjoying every
essential right secured to her and to her people and adhe-
rents by the treaty. The report closed with a recom-
mendation, that congress should resolve that the states had
no right to construe, retard, or counteract the execution of
the treaty; and that all their acts inconsistent therewith
should be repealed by their legislatures, in general terms.
He also recommended that the American minister should
admit to Great Britain the violation of the fourth and sixth
articles of the treaty; should state that measures were in
progress to correct this; should conclude a convention for
the estimation of property removed in violation of the
seventh article, and for the remission of interest on private
contracts during the war, and should express the deter-
mination of the United States to execute the treaty with
good faith.
This unwelcome duty was imposed on Adams. The
British ministry approved the spirit of the resolutions, but
still adhered to the system it had adopted; in pursuance
of which an act was passed for the regulation of their
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? II A MILTON.
333
trade with the United States, extending still further the
prohibition from her islands of American products. Mean-
while, the tone of the public feeling, the omission to appoint
a minister in return, frequent disappointments, and studied
procrastinations, wore upon the temper of Adams, who at
last, in his correspondence with the United States, cast off
all restraint. At times he deemed an abandonment by Ame-
rica of her commerce, the wisest course. * Again, he
urged a vindictive retaliation, as the only means of redress,
and poured out philippics, denouncing, with indiscriminate
wrath, England--her institutions--her king--her states-
men--her policy--her people. f
This was a wide departure from the opinions he had
expressed at an earlier period. "Let us banish forever
from our minds, my countrymen, all such unworthy ideas
of the king, his ministry, and the parliament. Let us not
suppose that all are become luxurious, effeminate, and un-
? 4D. c. 500.
t" There is no resource for me in this nation. The people are discouraged
and dispirited, from the general profligacy and want of principle, from the
want of confidence in any of the leaders, from the frequent disappointments
and impositions they have experienced in turn from all parties. Patriotism is
no more; nor is any hypocrite successful enough to make himself believed to
be one Fox, and his friends and patrons, are ruined by the endless ex-
penses of the last election, and have no longer any spirit, or any enterprise.
North and his friends are afraid of impeachment and vengeance, and there-
fore will avoid all hazardous experiments, by which the popular cry might be
excited. Pitt is but a tool and an ostensible pageant, a nose of tender virgin:
wax; he could not carry in Parliament, nor in the cabinet, any honest system
with America, if he meant to do it; but he is himself very far from being steady
in his American politics, any more than Camden or Richmond; and Sydney
and Carmarthen are cyphers. "--4 D. C. 444-5, 468,471. "This nation
would now crouch to France, for the sake of being insolent to us. "--480.
"The most remarkable thing in the king's speech and the debates is, that the
king, and every member of each house, has entirely forgotten that there is
any such place upon the earth as the United States of America. We appear
to be considered as of no consequence at all in the scale of the world. "--
4D. C. 481.
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? 331
THE LIFE OF
reasonable on the other side of the water, as many design-
ing persons would insinuate. Let us presume, what in
fact is true, that the spirit of liberty is as arde. nt as ever
among the body of her nation, though a few individuals
may be corrupted," &c. *
Alarmed by his extravagance, and apprehensive of be-
ing precipitated by his rashness into a contest for which
the country was not prepared, a formal motion was made
in congress and adopted, forbidding him to demand a cat-
egorical answer to his memorial, lest they should be involv-
ed in a war or in disgrace. f These orders were transmit-
ted by Jay,J who, at the same time, recommended as the
true policy of the nation, that" what wrong may have been
done should be undone, and that the United States should,
if it were only to preserve peace, be prepared for war. "
Adams now began to meditate his return to the United
States. The prospect of a new government opened more
grateful scenes, and congress yielded to his desire to leave
a position which he had prophetically anticipated would be
a "thicket of briers. " Dissatisfied with every thing, he
bade adieu to England, where his worst fears had been
realized of " the insignificance" to which he would sink,
and of the alike "dry decency and cold civility" with
which he would be treated by the administration and the
opposition. On his return to the United States, he found
new sources of discontent in the circumstances of his re-
call. On the twenty-fourth of September, seventeen hun-
dred and eighty-seven, a report was made by Jay, em-
bracing two points--an approval of his conduct, and a
vote of thanks. It was rejected after a division on each
poinf; but on the fifth of October the congress were in-
* "Essay on Crown and Feudal Laws, by J. Adams, Ambassador
Flen. " &c.
t 5 D. C. 358. t May 8, 1786.
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? HAMILTON.
335
duced to relent. For this decision, he is believed to have
been chiefly indebted to the exertions of a leading dele-
gate* from Massachusetts. f
Much as there was in the conduct of Great Britain to
disappoint expectation and wound national pride, yet on
a dispassionate view, it is to be deemed the natural result
of the relative situations of the two countries. Many of
her statesmen saw, or imagined that they saw, in a close
adherence to the colonial system the chief sources of her
wealth. Her jealousy had long been awakened to the
competition which the character and condition of the
American people would produce, and every effort to relieve
themselves from the pressure of her monopolies confirmed
her adherence to them, and was followed by more minute
and rigorous exactions. It could therefore with little pro-
bability be expected, that while she maintained her navi-
gation act towards other nations, she would relax her sys-
tem towards that power whose interference with her trade
she most feared, especially as the United States were, by
the treaties they had formed, precluded offering to her
any equivalent for such an exemption.
England also confided in the magnitude of her capital,
in the credits she could give, and in the cheapness of her
productions, as ensuring the introduction of them to the
American market, where the habits of the people had al-
ways secured to her a preference. The efforts of France
to compete with her had failed, and while the British mer-
chants were engrossing the trade, France was occupied in
speculating on the grounds of such a preference.
These circumstances, combined with too great a defer-
ence to the feelings of the monarch, had weight, but the
consideration which chiefly influenced the court of St.
James, was the political condition of the confederacy.
* Rufus King.
t 5D. C. 312.
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? 336 THE LIFE OF
Whatever might be the future resources of this nation,
whatever were the capacities of the people, America now
presented an unrelieved picture of anarchy and disunion.
Her public engagements had nearly all been violated, her
private resources appeared either to be exhausted, or
could not be called into action; and while the individual
states were pursuing measures of mutual hostility and de-
triment, the confederation was powerless over their laws,
powerless over public opinion. Hence, to every argu-
ment or inducement in favour of a commercial treaty,
there was an irrefutable reply--America will not, or if
she would, she cannot fulfil it. "Our ambassadors," Ham-
ilton observed, "were the mere pageants of mimic sove-
reignty. "
In this brief retrospect of the negotiations with the two
leading powers of Europe, nothing is more obvious than
the want of that practical common sense, which had car-
ried this country through the revolution both in the ob-
jects, and in the conduct of them. This country was, in
fact, without a government. Could it be hoped, that
either France or England would treat on advantageous
terms with a people who had not the power to fulfil their
engagements? Could it be supposed, for a moment, that
those old governments would abandon their artificial sys-
tems and fixed maxims, affecting so many public and pri-
vate interests, for an untried theory?
Jefferson* at an early period advised that "the Ameri-
can workshops should remain in Europe;" that " perhaps
it might be better for us to abandon the ocean altogether,
that being the element whereon we shall be principally
exposed to jostle with other nations; to leave to others to
bring what we shall want, and to carry what we can spare. "
Now he is the projector of a system of entangling connec-
? Notas on Virginia, p. 175, 176.
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? n AMILTON.
337
tions with all the nations of Europe. He voted against a
proposition to adopt the commerce of " natives" as the basis
of treaties, and he proposed to treat with England on that
basis. "I know," he wrote to Adams, "it goes beyond our
powers, and beyond the powers of congress too; but it is
evidently for the good of all the states that I should not
be afraid to risk myself on it, if you are of the same
opinion. "*
Abandoning the principle of his own instructions,f he
suggested to Vergennes J "that both nations would cement
their friendship by approaching the conditions of their citi-
zens reciprocally to that of 'natives,' as a better ground of
intercourse than that of'the most favoured nation. '" The
reply of France was an arret, approving in its preamble
a general freedom of commerce; but vindicating the "ex-
clusion of foreign goods, as required under existing cir-
cumstances by the interest of the kingdom. "
Yet he at the same period avows, " were I to indulge my
own theory, I should wish them (the United States) to prac-
tise neither commerce nor navigation, but to stand, with
respect to Europe, precisely on the footing of China. "?
The opinions of Adams as to the foreign policy of this
country, were not less various.
At one time he avowed, "that it is in the power of
America to tax all Europe whenever she pleases, by laying
duties upon her exports, enough to pay the interest of
money enough to answer all their purposes. "|| He then
enters into this project of commercial freedom; then de-
nounces it, declaring, " that we had hitherto been the bub-
bles of our own philosophical and equitable liberality;"
and indicates as the only means of redress, " commercial
regulations. "! !
? 2D. C. 338. -July28,1785. t Niles, v. 12, p. 82. t November, 1785.
? October 13, 1785. --Jeff. Works, vol. 1, 344. II 5 D. C. 502.
12D. C. 338.
43
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? 338
THE LIFE OF
The course of events had proved the correctness of
Hamilton's views, as he calmly consulted the great perma-
nent interests of the country. Though in his liberal spirit
the advocate of a policy which he observed would estab-
lish " our system with regard to foreign nations upon those
grounds of moderation and equity by which reason, reli-
gion, and philosophy had tempered the harsh maxims of
more early times, and that rejects those principles of re-
striction and exclusion which are the foundations of the
mercantile and navigating system of Europe;" yet, judg-
ing wisely of human nature, of the force of habit, preju-
dice, and passion, he had from the earliest period indicated
the necessity of conferring upon congress the power "of
regulating trade, laying prohibitions, granting bounties
and premiums. "* And when he saw the confederacy
nerveless--the states in collision--the people desponding
--their energies withering under the restrictive regula-
tions of Europe--he then again avowed the necessity of
counteracting "a policy so unfriendly to their prosperity,
by prohibitory regulations extending at the same time
throughout the states," as a means of compelling an equal
traffic; of raising the American navigation so as to estab-
lish "an active" instead of "a passive commerce;" of "a
federal navy, to defend the rights of neutrality. "
These views, as the perspective of this vast republic
rose before him, were embraced in the exhortation--" Let
Americans disdain to be the instruments of European
greatness! Let the thirteen states, bound together in a
strict and indissoluble union, concur in erecting one great
American system, superior to the control of transatlantic
force or influence, and able to dictate the connection be-
tween the old and the new world ! "f
* The Constitutionalist, No. 4, August, 1781--No. 6, July 4, 1782.
t The Federalist, No.
