The advance of the nineteenth century upon
the eighteenth (at bottom we good Europeans
## p.
the eighteenth (at bottom we good Europeans
## p.
Nietzsche - v14 - Will to Power - a
The seventeenth
century seeks art in art, a piece of culture; the
eighteenth uses art in its propaganda for political
and social reforms.
Utopia,” the “ideal man,” the deification of
Nature, the vanity of making one's own personality
the centre of interest, subordination to the propa-
ganda of social ideas, charlatanism-all this we
derive from the eighteenth century.
The style of the seventeenth century: propre
exact et libre.
The strong individual who is self-sufficient, or
who appeals ardently to God—and that obtrusive.
ness and indiscretion of modern authors-these
things are opposites. “Showing-oneself-off”—what
a contrast to the Scholars of Port-Royal !
F
»
VOL. I.
## p. 82 (#106) #############################################
82
THE WILL TO POWER.
Alfieri had a sense for the grand style.
The hate of the burlesque (that which lacks
dignity), the lack of a sense of Nature belongs to
the seventeenth century.
98.
Against Rousseau. -Alas! man is no longer
sufficiently evil ; Rousseau's opponents, who say
that “man is a beast of prey,” are unfortunately
wrong Not the corruption of man, but the
softening and moralising of him is the curse. In
the sphere which Rousseau attacked most violently,
the relatively strongest and most successful type
of man was still to be found (the type which still
possessed the great passions intact: Will to Power,
Will to Pleasure, the Will and Ability to Com-
mand). The man of the eighteenth century must
be compared with the man of the Renaissance (also
with the man of the seventeenth century in France)
if the matter is to be understood at all: Rousseau
is a symptom of self-contempt and of inflamed
vanity—both signs that the dominating will is
lacking: he moralises and seeks the cause of his
own misery after the style of a revengeful man in
the ruling classes.
99.
-
Voltaire Rousseau. A state of nature is
terrible; man is a beast of prey: our civilisation
is an extraordinary triumph over this beast of
prey in nature—this was Voltaire's conclusion.
He was conscious of the mildness, the refinements,
## p. 83 (#107) #############################################
NIHILISM.
83
the intellectual joys of the civilised state; he
despised obtuseness, even in the form of virtue,
and the lack of delicacy even in ascetics and
monks.
The moral depravity of man seemed to pre-
occupy Rousseau ; the words “ unjust,” “ cruel," are
the best possible for the purpose of exciting the
instincts of the oppressed, who otherwise find
themselves under the ban of the vetitum and of
disgrace; so that their conscience is opposed to their
indulging any insurrectional desires. These
emancipators seek one thing above all: to give
their party the great accents and attitudes of
higher Nature
100.
hall and
Rousseau : the rule founded on sentiment;
Nature as the source of justice; man perfects
himself in proportion as he approaches Nature
(according to Voltaire, in proportion as he leaves
Nature behind). The very same periods seem to
the one to demonstrate the progress of humanity
and, to the other, the increase of injustice and
inequality.
Voltaire, who still understood umanità in the
sense of the Renaissance, as also virtù (as “higher
culture"), fights for the cause of the "honnêtes
gens," "la bonne compagnie," taste, science, arts,
and even for the cause of progress and civilisation.
The flare-up occurred towards 1760: On the
one hand the citizen of Geneva, on the other le
seigneur de Ferney. It is only from that moment
and henceforward that Voltaire was the man of
## p. 84 (#108) #############################################
84
THE WILL TO POWER.
his age, the philosopher, the representative of
Toleration and of Disbelief (theretofore he had
been merely un bel esprit). His envy and hatred
of Rousseau's success forced him upwards.
“ Pour la canaille' un dieu rémunérateur et
vengeur”- Voltaire,
.
The criticism of both standpoints in regard to
the value of civilisation. To Voltaire nothing
seems finer than the social invention : there is
no higher goal than to uphold and perfect it.
L'honnêteté consists precisely in respecting social
usage; virtue in a certain obedience towards
various necessary "prejudices” which favour the
maintenance of society. Missionary of Culture,
aristocrat, representative of the triumphant and
ruling classes and their values. But Rousseau
remained a plebeian, even as hommes de lettres, this
was preposterous; his shameless contempt for
everything that was not himself.
The morbid feature in Rousseau is the one
which happens to have been most admired and
imitated. (Lord Byron resembled him somewhat,
he too screwed himself up to sublime attitudes
and to revengeful rage—a sign of vulgarity ; later
;
on, when Venice restored his equilibrium, he under-
stood what was more alleviating and did more
good . . . l'insouciance. )
In spite of his antecedents, Rousseau is proud
of himself; but he is incensed if he is reminded of
his origin. :
In Rousseau there was undoubtedly some brain
trouble; in Voltaire-rare health and lightsome-
The revengefulness of the sick ; his periods
ness
## p. 85 (#109) #############################################
NIHILISM.
85
>>
of insanity as also those of his contempt of man,
and of his mistrust.
Rousseau's defence of Providence (against Vol-
taire's Pessimism): he had need of God in order
to be able to curse society and civilisation; every-
thing must be good per se, because God had
created it; man alone has corrupted man. The
good man as a man of Nature was pure fantasy ;
but with the dogma of God's authorship he became
something probable and even not devoid of found-
ation.
Romanticism à la Rousseau : passion (“the
sovereign right of passion "); "naturalness"; the
fascination of madness (foolishness reckoned as
greatness); the senseless vanity of the weak; the
revengefulness of the masses elevated to the posi-
tion of justice (“in politics, for one hundred years,
the leader has been an invalid").
IOI.
Kant: makes the scepticism of Englishmen, in
regard to the theory of knowledge, possible for
Germans.
(1) By enlisting in its cause the interest of the
German's religious and moral needs : just as the
new academicians used scepticism for the same
reasons, as a preparation for Platonism (vide
Augustine); just as
just as Pascal even used moral
scepticism in order to provoke (to justify) thel
need of belief;
(2) By complicating and entangling it with
scholastic flourishes in view of making it more
## p. 86 (#110) #############################################
86
THE WILL TO POWER.
acceptable to the German's scientific taste in form
(for Locke and Hume, alone, were too illuminating,
too clear--that is to say, judged according to the
German valuing instinct, "too superficial ”).
Kant: a poor psychologist and mediocre judge
of human nature, made hopeless mistakes in
regard to great historical values (the French
Revolution); a moral fanatic à la Rousseau ; with
a subterranean current of Christian values; a
thorough dogmatist, but bored to extinction by
this tendency, to the extent of wishing to tyrannise
over it, but quickly tired, even of scepticism; and
not yet affected by any cosmopolitan thought or
antique beauty . . . a dawdler and a go-between,
not at all original (like Leibnitz, something between
mechanism and spiritualism ; like Goethe, something
between the taste of the eighteenth century and
that of the “historical sense" (which is essentially
a sense of exoticism); like German music, between
French and Italian music; like Charles the Great,
who mediated and built bridges between the
Roman Empire and Nationalism-a dawdler par
excellence).
102.
In what respect have the Christian centuries
with their Pessimism been stronger centuries than
the eighteenth-and how do they correspond
with the tragic age of the Greeks?
The nineteenth century versus the eighteenth.
How was it an heir ? -how was it a step backwards
from the latter ? (more lacking in "spirit” and
## p. 87 (#111) #############################################
NIHILISM.
87
in taste)—how did it show an advance on the
latter ? (more gloomy, more realistic, stronger).
103.
How can we explain the fact that we feel
something in common with the Campagna romana?
And the high mountain chain ?
Chateaubriand in a letter to M. de Fontanes
in 1803 writes his first impression of the Campagna
romana.
The President de Brosses says of the Campagna
romana : Il fallait
que
Romulus fût ivre quand il
songea à bâtir une ville dans un terrain aussi laid. ”
Even Delacroix would have nothing to do with
Rome, it frightened him. He loved Venice, just
as Shakespeare, Byron, and Georges Sand did.
Théophile Gautier's and Richard Wagner's dislike
of Rome must not be forgotten.
Lamartine has the language for Sorrento and
Posilippo.
Victor Hugo raves about Spain,"parce que
aucune autre nation n'a moins emprunté à
l'antiquité, parce qu'elle n'a subi aucune influence
classique. "
(
104. )
The two great attempts that were made to
overcome the eighteenth century:
Napoleon, in that he called man, the soldier,
and the great struggle for power, to life again,
and conceived Europe as a united political power.
Goethe, in that he imagined a European culture
## p. 88 (#112) #############################################
88
THE WILL TO POWER.
which would consist of the whole heritage of what
humanity had attained to up to his time.
German culture in this century inspires mistrust
-the music of the period lacks that complete
element which liberates and binds as well, to
wit-Goethe.
The pre-eminence of music in the romanticists
of 1830 and 1840. Delacroix. Ingresma
passionate musician (admired Gluck, Haydn,
Beethoven, Mozart), said to his pupils in Rome:
“Si je pouvais vous rendre tous musiciens, vous y
gagneriez comme peintres "-likewise Horace
Vernet, who was particularly fond of Don Juan (as
Mendelssohn assures us, 1831); Stendhal, too, who
says of himself: “Combien de lieues ne ferais-je
pas à pied, et à combien de jours de prison ne me
soumetterais-je pas pour entendre Don Juan ou le
Matrimonio segreto; et je ne sais pour quelle autre
chose je ferais cet effort. ” He was then fifty-six
years old.
The borrowed forms, for instance: Brahms as
a typical “ Epigone,” likewise Mendelssohn's cul-
tured Protestantism (a former “soul" is turned
into poetry posthumously . . . )
--the moral and poetical substitutions in
Wagner, who used one art as a stop-gap to make
up for what another lacked.
—the "historical sense,” inspiration derived
from poems, sagas.
-that characteristic transformation of which
G. Flaubert is the most striking example among
Frenchmen, and Richard Wagner the most strik-
ing example among Germans, shows how the
## p. 89 (#113) #############################################
NIHILISM.
89
romantic belief in love and the future changes
into a longing for nonentity in 1830-50.
10б.
How is it that German music reaches its head
culminating point in the age of German romanti- wdon stock
cism? How is it that German music lacks
Goethe ? On the other hand, how much Schiller,
or more exactly, how much “ Thekla " * is there
not in Beethoven !
Schumann has Eichendorff, Uhland, Heine,
Hoffman, Tieck, in him. Richard Wagner has
Freischütz, Hoffmann, Grimm, the romantic Saga,
the mystic catholicism of instinct, symbolism,
“the free-spiritedness of passion' (Rousseau's
intention). The Flying Dutchman savours of.
France, where le ténébreux (1830) was the type
of the seducer.
The cult of music, the revolutionary romanticism
of form. Wagner synthesises German and French
romanticism.
107.
From the point of view only of his value to
Germany and to German culture, Richard Wagner
is still a great problem, perhaps a German mis-
fortune: in any case, however, a fatality. But
what does it matter ? Is he not very much
more than a German event ? It also seems to
me that to no country on earth is he less related
than to Germany; nothing was prepared there for
* Thekla is the sentimental heroine in Schiller's Wallen-
stein. --TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.
## p. 90 (#114) #############################################
90
THE WILL TO POWER.
his advent; his whole type is simply strange
amongst Germans; there he stands in their midst,
wonderful, misunderstood, incomprehensible. But
people carefully avoid acknowledging this : they are
too kind, too square-headed—too German for that.
“Credo quia absurdus est”: thus did the German
spirit wish it to be, in this case too-hence it is
content meanwhile to believe everything Richard
Wagner wanted to have believed about himself. In
all ages the spirit of Germany has been deficient in
subtlety and divining powers concerning psycho-
1 logical matters. Now that it happens to be under the
high pressure of patrioticnonsense and self-adoration,
it is visibly growing thicker and coarser : how could
it therefore be equal to the problem of Wagner !
108.
Cathemat
* *32***
byl
mozaims
d ut?
The Germans are not yet anything, but they
are becoming something; that is why they have
not yet any culture ;—that is why they cannot
yet have any culture ! —They are not yet anything:
that means they are all kinds of things. They
are becoming something: that means that they will
one day cease from being all kinds of things. The
latter is at bottom only a wish, scarcely a hope
yet. Fortunately it is a wish with which one
can live, a question of will, of work, of discipline,
a question of training, as also of resentment, of
longing, of privation, of discomfort,-yea, even
of bitterness,-in short, we Germans will get
something out of ourselves, something that has not
yet been wanted of us we want something more!
## p. 91 (#115) #############################################
NIHILISM.
91
That this "German, as he is not as yet”—
has a right to something better than the present
German “culture”; that all who wish to become
something better, must wax angry when they
perceive a sort of contentment, an impudent
“setting-oneself-at-ease,” or “a process of self-
censing," in this quarter: that is my second
principle, in regard to which my opinions have
not yet changed.
(*) SIGNS OF INCREASING STRENGTH.
109.
First Principle: everything that characterises
modern men savours of decay: but side by side
with the prevailing sickness there are signs of a
strength and powerfulness of soul which are still
untried. The same causes which tend to promote
the belittling of men, also force the stronger and
rarer individuals upwards to greatness.
I1O.
General survey : the ambiguous character of our
modern world precisely the same symptoms
might at the same time be indicative of either
decline or strength. And the signs of strength
and of emancipation dearly bought, might in view
of traditional (or hereditary) appreciations con-
cerned with the feelings, be misunderstood as in-
dications of weakness. In short, feeling, as
means of fixing valuations, is not on a level with
the times.
a
## p. 92 (#116) #############################################
92
THE WILL TO POWER.
Generalised: Every valuation is always back-
ward; it is merely the expression of the con-
ditions which favoured survival and growth in
a much earlier age: it struggles against new
conditions of existence out of which it did not
arise, and which it therefore necessarily misunder-
stands : it hinders, and excites suspicion against,
all that is new.
III.
The problem of the nineteenth century. To dis-
cover whether its strong and weak side belong to
each other.
Whether they have been cut from
one and the same piece. Whether the variety of
its ideals and their contradictions are conditioned
by a higher purpose: whether they are something
higher. For it might be the prerequisite of great-
ness, that growth should take place amid such
violent tension. Dissatisfaction, Nihilism, might
be a good sign.
I 12.
General survey. --As a matter of fact, all
abundant growth involves a concomitant process
of crumbling to bits and decay: suffering and the
symptoms of decline belong to ages of enormous
progress; every fruitful and powerful movement
of mankind has always brought about a concurrent
Nihilistic movement. Under certain circumstances,
the appearance of the extremest form of Pessimism
and actual Nihilism might be the sign of a process
of incisive and most essential growth, and of man-
kind's transit into completely new conditions of
existence. This is what I have understood.
## p. 93 (#117) #############################################
NIHILISM,
93
II 3.
A.
Starting out with a thoroughly courageous
appreciation of our men of to-day we must not
: :
allow ourselves to be deceived by appearance:
this mankind is much less effective, but it gives
quite different pledges of lasting strength, its
tempo is slower, but the rhythm itself is richer.
Healthiness is increasing, the real conditions of a
healthy body are on the point of being known,
and will gradually be created, “ asceticism” is
regarded with irony. The fear of extremes, a fim
certain confidence in the "right way,” no raving :
a periodical self-habituation to narrower values
(such as “mother-land," "science," etc. ).
This whole picture, however, would still be AM Wed
ambiguous: it might be a movement either of
increase or decline in Life.
124
B.
The belief in “progress"-in lower spheres of
intelligence, appears as increasing life: but this is
self-deception;
in higher spheres of intelligence it is a sign
of declining life.
Description of the symptoms.
The unity of the aspect: uncertainty in regard
to the standard of valuation.
Fear of a general “ in vain. "
Nihilism,
## p. 94 (#118) #############################################
94
THE WILL TO POWER.
114.
As a matter of fact, we are no longer so urgently
in need of an antidote against the first Nihilism :
Life is no longer so uncertain, accidental, and
senseless in modern Europe. All such tremendous
exaggeration of the value of men, of the value of
evil, etc. , are not so necessary now; we can endure
a considerable diminution of this value, we may
grant a great deal of nonsense and accident: the
power man has acquired now allows of a lowering
of the means of discipline, of which the strongest
was the moral interpretation of the universe. The
hypothesis “God” is much too extreme,
115.
no
If anything shows that our humanisation is a
genuine sign of progress, it is the fact that we no
longer require excessive contraries, that we
longer require contraries at all. . . .
We may love the senses; for we have spirit-
ualised them in every way and made them artistic;
We have a right to all things which hitherto
have been most calumniated.
116.
The reversal of the order of rank. —Those pious
counterfeiters—thepriests—are becoming Chandala
in our midst they occupy the position of the
charlatan, of the quack, of the counterfeiter, of the
sorcerer: we regard them as corrupters of the will,
## p. 95 (#119) #############################################
NIHILISM.
95
as the great slanderers and vindictive enemies of
Life, and as the rebels among the bungled and the
botched. We have made our middle class out of
our servant-caste--the Sudra—that is to say, our
people or the body which wields the political
power.
On the other hand, the Chandala of former
times is paramount: the blasphemers, the im-
moralists, the independents of all kinds, the artists,
the Jews, the minstrels—and, at bottom, all dis-
reputable classes are in the van.
We have elevated ourselves to honourable
thoughts,-even more, we determine what honour
is on earth,—"nobility. ” . . . All of us to-day
are advocates of life. —We Immoralists are to-day
the strongest power : the other great powers are
in need of us we re-create the world in our
own image.
We have transferred the label Chandala to
the priests, the backworldsmen, and to the deformed
Christian society which has become associated with
these people, together with creatures of like origin,
the pessimists, Nihilists, romanticists of pity,
criminals, and men of vicious habits--the whole
sphere in which the idea of “God” is that of
Saviour.
We are proud of being no longer obliged to be seen heel en met
liars, slanderers, and detractors of Life. . . .
" ༔་ ༣ ༤
>
117.
The advance of the nineteenth century upon
the eighteenth (at bottom we good Europeans
## p. 96 (#120) #############################################
96
THE WILL TO POWER.
are carrying on a war against the eighteenth
century):
(1) “The return to Nature” is getting to be
understood, ever more definitely, in a way which
is quite the reverse of that in which Rousseau used
the phrase-away from idylls and operas !
(2) Ever more decided, more anti-idealistic,
more objective, more fearless, more industrious,
more temperate, more suspicious of sudden changes,
anti-revolutionary;
(3) The question of bodily health is being pressed
ever more decidedly in front of the health of "the
soul”: the latter is regarded as a condition brought
about by the former, and bodily health is believed
to be, at least, the prerequisite to spiritual health.
I 18.
If anything at all has been achieved, it is a more
innocent attitude towards the senses, a happier,
more favourable demeanour in regard to sensuality,
resembling rather the position taken up by Goethe;
a prouder feeling has also been developed in know-
ledge, and the “reine Thor"* meets with little
faith.
119.
We "objective people. ”—It is not "pity” that
opens up the way for us to all that is most remote
and most strange in life and culture; but our
a
* This is a reference to Wagner's Parsifal. The character
as is well known, is written to represent a son of heart's
affliction, and a child of wisdom-humble, guileless, loving,
pure, and a fool. -TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.
## p. 97 (#121) #############################################
NIHILISM.
97
nenesteness hist, suplestarstuera
accessibility and ingenuousness, which precisely
does not "pity," but rather takes pleasure in hun-
dreds of things which formerly caused pain (which
in former days either outraged or moved us, or in
the presence of which we were either hostile or
indifferent). Pain in all its various phases is now
interesting to us : on that account we are certainly
not the more pitiful, even though the sight of pain
may shake us to our foundations and move us to
tears : and we are absolutely not inclined to be
more helpful in view thereof.
In this deliberate desire to look on at all pain
and error, we have grown stronger and more
powerful than in the eighteenth century; it is a
proof of our increase of strength (we have drawn
closer to the seventeenth and sixteenth centuries).
But it is a profound mistake to regard our "roman-
ticism” as a proof of our “ beautified souls. ”
“
We
want stronger sensations than all coarser ages and
classes have wanted. (This fact must not be con-
founded with the needs of neurotics and decadents;
in their case, of course, there is a craving for pepper
-even for cruelty. )
We are all seeking conditions which are eman-
cipated from the bourgeois, and to a greater degree
from the priestly, notion of morality (every book
which savours at all of priestdom and theology
gives us the impression of pitiful niaiserie and
mental indigence). “Good company,” in fact, finds
"
everything insipid which is not forbidden and con-
sidered compromising in bourgeois circles; and the
case is the same with books, music, politics, and
opinions on women.
G
VOL. I.
## p. 98 (#122) #############################################
98
THE WILL TO POWER,
I 20.
4
The simplification of man in the nineteenth cen-
tury (The eighteenth century was that of elegance,
subtlety, and generous feeling). —Not "return to
nature”; for no natural humanity has ever existed
yet. Scholastic, unnatural, and antinatural values
are the rule and the beginning; man only reaches
Nature after a long struggle -- he never turns
“back” to her. . . . To be natural means, to dare
to be as immoral as Nature is.
We are coarser, more direct, richer in irony
towards generous feelings, even when we are be-
neath them.
Our haute volée, the society consisting of our
rich and leisured men, is more natural : people hunt
each other, the love of the sexes is a kind of sport
in which marriage is both a charm and an obstacle;
people entertain each other and live for the sake of
pleasure; bodily advantages stand in the first rank,
and curiosity and daring are the rule.
Our attitude towards knowledge is more natural;
we are innocent in our absolute spiritual debauchery,
we hate pathetic and hieratic manners, we delight
in that which is most strictly prohibited, we should
scarcely recognise any interest in knowledge if we
were bored in acquiring it.
Our attitude to morality is also more natural.
Principles have become a laughing-stock; no one
dares to speak of his “duty," unless in irony. But
a helpful, benevolent disposition is highly valued.
(Morality is located in instinct and the rest is
a
## p. 99 (#123) #############################################
NIHILISM,
99
despised. Besides this there are few points of
honour. )
Our attitude to politics is more natural: we see
problems of power, of the quantum of power, against
another quantum.
We do not believe in a right
that does not proceed from a power which is able
to uphold it. We regard all rights as conquests.
Our valuation of great men and things is more
natural: we regard passion as a privilege; we can
conceive of nothing great which does not involve a
great crime ; all greatness is associated in our minds
;
with a certain standing-beyond-the-pale in morality.
Our attitude to Nature is more natural: we no
longer love her for her "innocence," her “reason,"
her“ beauty,” we have made her beautifully devilish
and “ foolish. ” But instead of despising her on
that account, since then we have felt more closely
related to her and more familiar in her presence.
She does not aspire to virtue: we therefore respect
her.
Our attitude towards Art is more natural : we
do not exact beautiful, empty lies, etc. , from her ;
brutal positivism reigns supreme, and it ascer-
tains things with perfect calm.
In short: there are signs showing that the
European of the nineteenth century is less ashamed
of his instincts; he has gone a long way towards
acknowledging his unconditional naturalness and
immorality, without bitterness: on the contrary, he
is strong enough to endure this point of view alone.
To some ears this will sound as though corruption
had made strides: and certain it is that man has
not drawn nearer to the “ Nature” which Rousseau
## p. 100 (#124) ############################################
100
THE WILL TO POWER.
speaks about, but has gone one step farther in the
civilisation before which Rousseau stood in horror.
We have grown stronger, we have drawn nearer to
the seventeenth century, more particularly to the
taste which reigned towards its close (Dancourt,
Le Sage, Regnard).
I21.
Culture versus Civilisation. The culminating
stages of culture and civilisation lie apart: one
must not be led astray as regards the fundamental
antagonism existing between culture and civilisa-
tion. From the moral standpoint, great periods
in the history of culture have always been periods
of corruption; while on the other hand, those periods
in which man was deliberately and compulsorily
tamed (“civilisation ") have always been periods
of intolerance towards the most intellectual and
most audacious natures. Civilisation desires some-
thing different from what culture strives after :
their aims may perhaps be opposed.
I 22.
What I warn people against : confounding the
instincts of decadence with those of humanity;
Confounding the dissolving means of civilisa-
tion and those which necessarily promote decadence,
with culture;
Confounding debauchery, and the principle,
“ laisser aller," with the Will to Power (the
latter is the exact reverse of the former).
1
## p. 101 (#125) ############################################
NIHILISM.
1οΙ
I 23.
The unsolved problems which I set anew : the
problem of civilisation, the struggle between Rous-
seau and Voltaire about the year 1760. Man
becomes deeper, more mistrustful, more “immoral,"
stronger, more self-confident—and therefore " more
natural"; that is "progress. ” In this way, by a
process of division of labour, the more evil strata
and the milder and tamer strata of society get
separated : so that the general facts are not visible
at first sight. . . . It is a sign of strength, and of
the self-control and fascination of the strong, that
these stronger strata possess the arts in order to
make their greater powers for evil felt as something
higher. ” As soon as there is a progress” there is
a transvaluation of the strengthened factors into
the “good. "
124
Man must have the courage of his natural instincts
restored to him. -
The poor opinion he has of himself must be
destroyed (not in the sense of the individual, but
in the sense of the natural man . )-
The contradictions in things must be eradicated,
after it has been well understood that we were
responsible for them
Social idiosyncrasies must be stamped out of
existence (guilt, punishment, justice, honesty,
freedom, love, etc, etc. )
An advance towards "naturalness": in all politi-
cal questions, even in the relations between parties,
even in merchants', workmen's, or contractors'
## p. 102 (#126) ############################################
102
THE WILL TO POWER.
parties, only questions of power come into play :-
{ "what one can do " is the first question, what one
ought to do is only a secondary consideration.
125.
Socialism-or the tyranny of the meanest and
the most brainless,—that is to say, the superficial,
the envious, and the mummers, brought to its
zenith,—is, as a matter of fact, the logical con-
clusion of "modern ideas” and their latent
“
anarchy: but in the genial atmosphere of demo-
cratic well-being the capacity for forming resolu-
tions or even for coming to an end at all, is
paralysed. Men follow-but no longer their
reason, That is why socialism is on the whole
a hopelessly bitter affair : and there is nothing
more amusing than to observe the discord between
the poisonous and desperate faces of present-day
socialists—and what wretched and nonsensical
feelings does not their style reveal to us and
the childish lamblike happiness of their hopes and
desires. Nevertheless, in many places in Europe,
there may be violent hand-to-hand struggles and
irruptions on their account: the coming century
is likely to be convulsed in more than one spot,
and the Paris Commune, which finds defenders and
advocates even in Germany, will seem to have
been but a slight indigestion compared with what
is to come. Be this as it may, there will always
be too many people of property for socialism ever
to signify anything more than an attack of illness :
and these people of property are like one man
with one faith, "one must possess something in
## p. 103 (#127) ############################################
NIHILISM.
103
to regera
هود هود کن وہ
a
order to be some one. ” This, however, is the oldest
and most wholesome of all instincts; I should add :
one must desire more than one has in order to/1
become more. ” For this is the teaching which lifel tiem
itself preaches to all living things: the morality of
Development. To have and to wish to have more,
in a word, Growth-that is life itself. In the
teaching of socialism "a will to the denial of life"
is but poorly concealed: botched men and races
they must be who have devised a teaching of this
sort. In fact, I even wish a few experiments
might be made to show that in a socialistic society,
life denies itself, and itself cuts away its own roots.
The earth is big enough and man is still unex- veche
hausted enough for a practical lesson of this sort
and demonstratio ad absurdum-even if it were fnis not
accomplished only by a vast expenditure of lives Riwalow's
—to seem worth while to me. Still, Socialism, like
a restless mole beneath the foundations of a society
wallowing in stupidity, will be able to achieve
something useful and salutary: it delays "Peace
on Earth” and the whole process of character-
softening of the democratic herding animal; it
forces the European to have an extra supply of
intellect,—that is to say, craft and caution, and
prevents his entirely abandoning the manly and
warlike qualities,—it also saves Europe awhile from
the marasmus femininus which is threatening it.
en altera's
I 26.
The most favourable obstacles and reniedies of
modernity :
1
## p. 104 (#128) ############################################
104
THE WILL TO POWER.
(1) Compulsory military service with real wars
in which all joking is laid aside.
(2) National thick-headedness (which simplifies
and concentrates).
(3) Improved nutrition (meat).
(4) Increasing cleanliness and wholesomeness in
the home.
(5) The predominance of physiology over
theology, morality, economics, and politics.
(6) Military discipline in the exaction and the
practice of one's “duty” (it is no longer customary
to praise).
I 27.
I am delighted at the military development of
Europe, also at the inner anarchical conditions: the
period of quietude and“ Chinadom” which Galiani
prophesied for this century is now over. Personal
and manly capacity, bodily capacity recovers its
value, valuations are becoming more physical,
nutrition consists ever more and more of flesh.
Fine
have once
more become possible.
Bloodless sneaks (with mandarins at their head,
as Comte imagined them) are now a matter of
the past. The savage in every one of us is
acknowledged, even the wild animal. Precisely on
that account, philosophers will have a better chance.
-Kant is a scarecrow !
men
I 28.
I have not yet seen any reasons to feel dis-
couraged. He who acquires and preserves a
## p. 105 (#129) ############################################
NIHILISM.
105
strong will, together with a broad mind, has a
more favourable chance now than ever he had.
For the plasticity of man has become exceedingly
great in democratic Europe: men who learn easily,
who readily adapt themselves, are the rule: the
gregarious animal of a high order of intelligence
is prepared. He who would command finds those
who must obey: I have Napoleon and Bismarck
in mind, for instance. The struggle against strong
and unintelligent wills, which forms the surest
obstacle in one's way, is really insignificant. Who
would not be able to knock down these “ objective”
gentlemen with weak wills, such as Ranke and
Renan !
I 29.
Spiritual enlightenment is an unfailing means of
making men uncertain, weak of will, and needful
of succour and support; in short, of developing
the herding instincts in them. That is why all
great artist-rulers hitherto (Confucius in China,
the Roman Empire, Napoleon, Popedom—at a
time when they had the courage of their worldliness
and frankly pursued power) in whom the ruling
instincts, that had prevailed until their time,
culminated, also made use of the spiritual enlighten-
ment;or at least allowed it to be supreme (after
the style of the Popes of the Renaissance). The
self-deception of the masses on this point, in every
democracy for instance, is of the greatest possible
value: all that makes men smaller and more
amenable is pursued under the title “progress. "
## p. 106 (#130) ############################################
106
THE WILL TO POWER,
130.
The highest equity and mildness as a condition
of weakness (the New Testament and the early
Christian community-manifesting itself in the
form of utter foolishness in the Englishmen, Darwin
and Wallace). Your equity, ye higher men, drives
.
you to universal suffrage, etc. ; your "humanity”
urges you to be milder towards crime and stupidity.
In the end you will thus help stupidity and harm-
lessness to conquer.
Outwardly: Ages of terrible wars, insurrections,
explosions. Inwardly : ever more and more weak-
ness among men; events take the form of excitants.
The Parisian as the type of the European extreme.
Consequences : (1) Savages (at first, of course,
in conformity with the culture that has reigned
hitherto); (2) Sovereign individuals (where power-
ful barbarous masses and emancipation from all
that has been, are crossed). The age of greatest
stupidity, brutality, and wretchedness in the masses,
and in the highest individuals.
131.
An incalculable number of higher individuals
now perish : but he who escapes their fate is as
strong as the devil. In this respect we are re-
minded of the conditions which prevailed in the
Renaissance.
132.
How are Good Europeans such as ourselves
distinguished from the patriots? In the first place,
## p. 107 (#131) ############################################
NIHILISM,
107
we are atheists and immoralists, but we take care
to support the religions and the morality which
we associate with the gregarious instinct : for by
means of them, an order of men is, so to speak,
being prepared, which must at some time or other
fall into our hands, which must actually crave for
our hands.
Beyond Good and Evil,—certainly; but we
insist upon the unconditional and strict preserva-
tion of herd-morality.
We reserve ourselves the right to several kinds
of philosophy which it is necessary to learn: under
certain circumstances, the pessimistic kind as a
hammer; a European Buddhism might perhaps
be indispensable.
We should probably support the development
and the maturation of democratic tendencies; for
it conduces to weakness of will : in “ Socialism"
we recognise a thorn which prevents smug ease.
Attitude towards the people. Our prejudices;
we pay attention to the results of cross-breeding.
Detached, well-to-do, strong: irony concerning
the "press " and its culture. Our care: that
scientific men should not become journalists. We
despise any form of culture that tolerates news-
paper reading or writing.
We make our accidental positions (as Goethe
and Stendhal did), our experiences, a foreground,
and we lay stress upon them, so that we may
deceive concerning our backgrounds. We ourselves
.
wait and avoid putting our heart into them. They
serve us as refuges, such as a wanderer might require
and use—but we avoid feeling at home in them.
## p. 108 (#132) ############################################
108
THE WILL TO POWER.
We are ahead of our fellows in that we have had
a disciplina voluntatis. All strength is directed to
the development of the will, an art which allows
us to wear masks, an art of understanding beyond
the passions (also “super-European” thought at
times).
This is our preparation before becoming the
law-givers of the future and the lords of the earth;
if not we, at least our children. Caution where
marriage is concerned.
133.
The twentieth century. The Abbé Galiani says
somewhere : “ La prévoyance est la cause des guerres
actuelles de l'Europe. Si l'on voulait se donner la
peine de ne rien prévoir, tout le monde serait
tranquille, et je ne crois pas qu'on serait plus mal-
heureux parce qu'on ne ferait pas la guerre. " As I
in no way share the unwarlike views of my deceased
friend Galiani, I have no fear whatever of saying
something beforehand with the view of conjuring
up in some way the cause of wars.
A condition of excessive consciousness, after the
worst of earthquakes : with new questions.
134.
It is the time of the great noon, of the most
appalling enlightenment: my particular kind of
Pessimism: the great starting-point.
(1) Fundamental contradiction between civil-
isation and the elevation of man.
## p. 109 (#133) ############################################
NIHILISM.
109
(2) Moral valuations regarded as a history of
lies and the art of calumny in the service of the
Will to Power of the will of the herd, which rises
against stronger men).
(3) The conditions which determine every
elevation in culture (the facilitation of a selection
being made at the cost of a crowd) are the con-
ditions of all growth.
(4). The multiformity of the world as a question
of strength, which sees all things in the perspective
of their growth. The moral Christian values to
be regarded as the insurrection and mendacity of
slaves (in comparison with the aristrocratic values
of the ancient world).
## p. 110 (#134) ############################################
1
## p. 111 (#135) ############################################
SECOND BOOK.
A
CRITICISM OF THE HIGHEST
VALUES THAT HAVE PREVAILED
HITHERTO.
## p. 112 (#136) ############################################
## p. 113 (#137) ############################################
I.
CRITICISM OF RELIGION.
ALL the beauty and sublimity with which we
have invested real and imagined things, I will
show to be the property and product of man,
and this should be his most beautiful apology.
Man as a poet, as a thinker, as a god, as love, as
power. Oh, the regal liberality with which he
has lavished gifts upon things in order to im-
poverish himself and make himself feel wretched !
Hitherto, this has been his greatest disinterested-
ness, that he admired and worshipped, and knew
how to conceal from himself that he it was who
had created what he admired.
I. CONCERNING THE ORIGIN OF RELIGIONS.
135.
The origin of religion. —Just as the illiterate
man of to-day believes that his wrath is the cause
of his being angry, that his mind is the cause of
his thinking, that his soul is the cause of his
feeling, in short, just as a mass of psychological
entities are still unthinkingly postulated as causes;
H
VOL. I.
## p. 114 (#138) ############################################
114
THE WILL TO POWER.
so, in a still more primitive age, the same pheno-
mena were interpreted by man by means of
personal entities. Those conditions of his soul
which seemed strange, overwhelming, and raptur-
ous, he regarded as obsessions and bewitching
influences emanating from the power of some
personality. (Thus the Christian, the
the most
puerile and backward man of this age, traces
hope, peace, and the feeling of deliverance to a
psychological inspiration on the part of God:
being by nature a sufferer and a creature in need
of repose, states of happiness, peace, and resigna-
tion, perforce seem strange to him, and seem to
need some explanation. ) Among intelligent,
strong, and vigorous races, the epileptic is mostly
the cause of a belief in the existence of some
foreign power; but all such examples of apparent
subjection—as, for instance, the bearing of the
exalted man, of the poet, of the great criminal,
or the passions, love and revenge—lead to the
invention of supernatural powers.
A condition
is made concrete by being identified with a
personality, and when this condition overtakes
anybody, it is ascribed to that personality.
century seeks art in art, a piece of culture; the
eighteenth uses art in its propaganda for political
and social reforms.
Utopia,” the “ideal man,” the deification of
Nature, the vanity of making one's own personality
the centre of interest, subordination to the propa-
ganda of social ideas, charlatanism-all this we
derive from the eighteenth century.
The style of the seventeenth century: propre
exact et libre.
The strong individual who is self-sufficient, or
who appeals ardently to God—and that obtrusive.
ness and indiscretion of modern authors-these
things are opposites. “Showing-oneself-off”—what
a contrast to the Scholars of Port-Royal !
F
»
VOL. I.
## p. 82 (#106) #############################################
82
THE WILL TO POWER.
Alfieri had a sense for the grand style.
The hate of the burlesque (that which lacks
dignity), the lack of a sense of Nature belongs to
the seventeenth century.
98.
Against Rousseau. -Alas! man is no longer
sufficiently evil ; Rousseau's opponents, who say
that “man is a beast of prey,” are unfortunately
wrong Not the corruption of man, but the
softening and moralising of him is the curse. In
the sphere which Rousseau attacked most violently,
the relatively strongest and most successful type
of man was still to be found (the type which still
possessed the great passions intact: Will to Power,
Will to Pleasure, the Will and Ability to Com-
mand). The man of the eighteenth century must
be compared with the man of the Renaissance (also
with the man of the seventeenth century in France)
if the matter is to be understood at all: Rousseau
is a symptom of self-contempt and of inflamed
vanity—both signs that the dominating will is
lacking: he moralises and seeks the cause of his
own misery after the style of a revengeful man in
the ruling classes.
99.
-
Voltaire Rousseau. A state of nature is
terrible; man is a beast of prey: our civilisation
is an extraordinary triumph over this beast of
prey in nature—this was Voltaire's conclusion.
He was conscious of the mildness, the refinements,
## p. 83 (#107) #############################################
NIHILISM.
83
the intellectual joys of the civilised state; he
despised obtuseness, even in the form of virtue,
and the lack of delicacy even in ascetics and
monks.
The moral depravity of man seemed to pre-
occupy Rousseau ; the words “ unjust,” “ cruel," are
the best possible for the purpose of exciting the
instincts of the oppressed, who otherwise find
themselves under the ban of the vetitum and of
disgrace; so that their conscience is opposed to their
indulging any insurrectional desires. These
emancipators seek one thing above all: to give
their party the great accents and attitudes of
higher Nature
100.
hall and
Rousseau : the rule founded on sentiment;
Nature as the source of justice; man perfects
himself in proportion as he approaches Nature
(according to Voltaire, in proportion as he leaves
Nature behind). The very same periods seem to
the one to demonstrate the progress of humanity
and, to the other, the increase of injustice and
inequality.
Voltaire, who still understood umanità in the
sense of the Renaissance, as also virtù (as “higher
culture"), fights for the cause of the "honnêtes
gens," "la bonne compagnie," taste, science, arts,
and even for the cause of progress and civilisation.
The flare-up occurred towards 1760: On the
one hand the citizen of Geneva, on the other le
seigneur de Ferney. It is only from that moment
and henceforward that Voltaire was the man of
## p. 84 (#108) #############################################
84
THE WILL TO POWER.
his age, the philosopher, the representative of
Toleration and of Disbelief (theretofore he had
been merely un bel esprit). His envy and hatred
of Rousseau's success forced him upwards.
“ Pour la canaille' un dieu rémunérateur et
vengeur”- Voltaire,
.
The criticism of both standpoints in regard to
the value of civilisation. To Voltaire nothing
seems finer than the social invention : there is
no higher goal than to uphold and perfect it.
L'honnêteté consists precisely in respecting social
usage; virtue in a certain obedience towards
various necessary "prejudices” which favour the
maintenance of society. Missionary of Culture,
aristocrat, representative of the triumphant and
ruling classes and their values. But Rousseau
remained a plebeian, even as hommes de lettres, this
was preposterous; his shameless contempt for
everything that was not himself.
The morbid feature in Rousseau is the one
which happens to have been most admired and
imitated. (Lord Byron resembled him somewhat,
he too screwed himself up to sublime attitudes
and to revengeful rage—a sign of vulgarity ; later
;
on, when Venice restored his equilibrium, he under-
stood what was more alleviating and did more
good . . . l'insouciance. )
In spite of his antecedents, Rousseau is proud
of himself; but he is incensed if he is reminded of
his origin. :
In Rousseau there was undoubtedly some brain
trouble; in Voltaire-rare health and lightsome-
The revengefulness of the sick ; his periods
ness
## p. 85 (#109) #############################################
NIHILISM.
85
>>
of insanity as also those of his contempt of man,
and of his mistrust.
Rousseau's defence of Providence (against Vol-
taire's Pessimism): he had need of God in order
to be able to curse society and civilisation; every-
thing must be good per se, because God had
created it; man alone has corrupted man. The
good man as a man of Nature was pure fantasy ;
but with the dogma of God's authorship he became
something probable and even not devoid of found-
ation.
Romanticism à la Rousseau : passion (“the
sovereign right of passion "); "naturalness"; the
fascination of madness (foolishness reckoned as
greatness); the senseless vanity of the weak; the
revengefulness of the masses elevated to the posi-
tion of justice (“in politics, for one hundred years,
the leader has been an invalid").
IOI.
Kant: makes the scepticism of Englishmen, in
regard to the theory of knowledge, possible for
Germans.
(1) By enlisting in its cause the interest of the
German's religious and moral needs : just as the
new academicians used scepticism for the same
reasons, as a preparation for Platonism (vide
Augustine); just as
just as Pascal even used moral
scepticism in order to provoke (to justify) thel
need of belief;
(2) By complicating and entangling it with
scholastic flourishes in view of making it more
## p. 86 (#110) #############################################
86
THE WILL TO POWER.
acceptable to the German's scientific taste in form
(for Locke and Hume, alone, were too illuminating,
too clear--that is to say, judged according to the
German valuing instinct, "too superficial ”).
Kant: a poor psychologist and mediocre judge
of human nature, made hopeless mistakes in
regard to great historical values (the French
Revolution); a moral fanatic à la Rousseau ; with
a subterranean current of Christian values; a
thorough dogmatist, but bored to extinction by
this tendency, to the extent of wishing to tyrannise
over it, but quickly tired, even of scepticism; and
not yet affected by any cosmopolitan thought or
antique beauty . . . a dawdler and a go-between,
not at all original (like Leibnitz, something between
mechanism and spiritualism ; like Goethe, something
between the taste of the eighteenth century and
that of the “historical sense" (which is essentially
a sense of exoticism); like German music, between
French and Italian music; like Charles the Great,
who mediated and built bridges between the
Roman Empire and Nationalism-a dawdler par
excellence).
102.
In what respect have the Christian centuries
with their Pessimism been stronger centuries than
the eighteenth-and how do they correspond
with the tragic age of the Greeks?
The nineteenth century versus the eighteenth.
How was it an heir ? -how was it a step backwards
from the latter ? (more lacking in "spirit” and
## p. 87 (#111) #############################################
NIHILISM.
87
in taste)—how did it show an advance on the
latter ? (more gloomy, more realistic, stronger).
103.
How can we explain the fact that we feel
something in common with the Campagna romana?
And the high mountain chain ?
Chateaubriand in a letter to M. de Fontanes
in 1803 writes his first impression of the Campagna
romana.
The President de Brosses says of the Campagna
romana : Il fallait
que
Romulus fût ivre quand il
songea à bâtir une ville dans un terrain aussi laid. ”
Even Delacroix would have nothing to do with
Rome, it frightened him. He loved Venice, just
as Shakespeare, Byron, and Georges Sand did.
Théophile Gautier's and Richard Wagner's dislike
of Rome must not be forgotten.
Lamartine has the language for Sorrento and
Posilippo.
Victor Hugo raves about Spain,"parce que
aucune autre nation n'a moins emprunté à
l'antiquité, parce qu'elle n'a subi aucune influence
classique. "
(
104. )
The two great attempts that were made to
overcome the eighteenth century:
Napoleon, in that he called man, the soldier,
and the great struggle for power, to life again,
and conceived Europe as a united political power.
Goethe, in that he imagined a European culture
## p. 88 (#112) #############################################
88
THE WILL TO POWER.
which would consist of the whole heritage of what
humanity had attained to up to his time.
German culture in this century inspires mistrust
-the music of the period lacks that complete
element which liberates and binds as well, to
wit-Goethe.
The pre-eminence of music in the romanticists
of 1830 and 1840. Delacroix. Ingresma
passionate musician (admired Gluck, Haydn,
Beethoven, Mozart), said to his pupils in Rome:
“Si je pouvais vous rendre tous musiciens, vous y
gagneriez comme peintres "-likewise Horace
Vernet, who was particularly fond of Don Juan (as
Mendelssohn assures us, 1831); Stendhal, too, who
says of himself: “Combien de lieues ne ferais-je
pas à pied, et à combien de jours de prison ne me
soumetterais-je pas pour entendre Don Juan ou le
Matrimonio segreto; et je ne sais pour quelle autre
chose je ferais cet effort. ” He was then fifty-six
years old.
The borrowed forms, for instance: Brahms as
a typical “ Epigone,” likewise Mendelssohn's cul-
tured Protestantism (a former “soul" is turned
into poetry posthumously . . . )
--the moral and poetical substitutions in
Wagner, who used one art as a stop-gap to make
up for what another lacked.
—the "historical sense,” inspiration derived
from poems, sagas.
-that characteristic transformation of which
G. Flaubert is the most striking example among
Frenchmen, and Richard Wagner the most strik-
ing example among Germans, shows how the
## p. 89 (#113) #############################################
NIHILISM.
89
romantic belief in love and the future changes
into a longing for nonentity in 1830-50.
10б.
How is it that German music reaches its head
culminating point in the age of German romanti- wdon stock
cism? How is it that German music lacks
Goethe ? On the other hand, how much Schiller,
or more exactly, how much “ Thekla " * is there
not in Beethoven !
Schumann has Eichendorff, Uhland, Heine,
Hoffman, Tieck, in him. Richard Wagner has
Freischütz, Hoffmann, Grimm, the romantic Saga,
the mystic catholicism of instinct, symbolism,
“the free-spiritedness of passion' (Rousseau's
intention). The Flying Dutchman savours of.
France, where le ténébreux (1830) was the type
of the seducer.
The cult of music, the revolutionary romanticism
of form. Wagner synthesises German and French
romanticism.
107.
From the point of view only of his value to
Germany and to German culture, Richard Wagner
is still a great problem, perhaps a German mis-
fortune: in any case, however, a fatality. But
what does it matter ? Is he not very much
more than a German event ? It also seems to
me that to no country on earth is he less related
than to Germany; nothing was prepared there for
* Thekla is the sentimental heroine in Schiller's Wallen-
stein. --TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.
## p. 90 (#114) #############################################
90
THE WILL TO POWER.
his advent; his whole type is simply strange
amongst Germans; there he stands in their midst,
wonderful, misunderstood, incomprehensible. But
people carefully avoid acknowledging this : they are
too kind, too square-headed—too German for that.
“Credo quia absurdus est”: thus did the German
spirit wish it to be, in this case too-hence it is
content meanwhile to believe everything Richard
Wagner wanted to have believed about himself. In
all ages the spirit of Germany has been deficient in
subtlety and divining powers concerning psycho-
1 logical matters. Now that it happens to be under the
high pressure of patrioticnonsense and self-adoration,
it is visibly growing thicker and coarser : how could
it therefore be equal to the problem of Wagner !
108.
Cathemat
* *32***
byl
mozaims
d ut?
The Germans are not yet anything, but they
are becoming something; that is why they have
not yet any culture ;—that is why they cannot
yet have any culture ! —They are not yet anything:
that means they are all kinds of things. They
are becoming something: that means that they will
one day cease from being all kinds of things. The
latter is at bottom only a wish, scarcely a hope
yet. Fortunately it is a wish with which one
can live, a question of will, of work, of discipline,
a question of training, as also of resentment, of
longing, of privation, of discomfort,-yea, even
of bitterness,-in short, we Germans will get
something out of ourselves, something that has not
yet been wanted of us we want something more!
## p. 91 (#115) #############################################
NIHILISM.
91
That this "German, as he is not as yet”—
has a right to something better than the present
German “culture”; that all who wish to become
something better, must wax angry when they
perceive a sort of contentment, an impudent
“setting-oneself-at-ease,” or “a process of self-
censing," in this quarter: that is my second
principle, in regard to which my opinions have
not yet changed.
(*) SIGNS OF INCREASING STRENGTH.
109.
First Principle: everything that characterises
modern men savours of decay: but side by side
with the prevailing sickness there are signs of a
strength and powerfulness of soul which are still
untried. The same causes which tend to promote
the belittling of men, also force the stronger and
rarer individuals upwards to greatness.
I1O.
General survey : the ambiguous character of our
modern world precisely the same symptoms
might at the same time be indicative of either
decline or strength. And the signs of strength
and of emancipation dearly bought, might in view
of traditional (or hereditary) appreciations con-
cerned with the feelings, be misunderstood as in-
dications of weakness. In short, feeling, as
means of fixing valuations, is not on a level with
the times.
a
## p. 92 (#116) #############################################
92
THE WILL TO POWER.
Generalised: Every valuation is always back-
ward; it is merely the expression of the con-
ditions which favoured survival and growth in
a much earlier age: it struggles against new
conditions of existence out of which it did not
arise, and which it therefore necessarily misunder-
stands : it hinders, and excites suspicion against,
all that is new.
III.
The problem of the nineteenth century. To dis-
cover whether its strong and weak side belong to
each other.
Whether they have been cut from
one and the same piece. Whether the variety of
its ideals and their contradictions are conditioned
by a higher purpose: whether they are something
higher. For it might be the prerequisite of great-
ness, that growth should take place amid such
violent tension. Dissatisfaction, Nihilism, might
be a good sign.
I 12.
General survey. --As a matter of fact, all
abundant growth involves a concomitant process
of crumbling to bits and decay: suffering and the
symptoms of decline belong to ages of enormous
progress; every fruitful and powerful movement
of mankind has always brought about a concurrent
Nihilistic movement. Under certain circumstances,
the appearance of the extremest form of Pessimism
and actual Nihilism might be the sign of a process
of incisive and most essential growth, and of man-
kind's transit into completely new conditions of
existence. This is what I have understood.
## p. 93 (#117) #############################################
NIHILISM,
93
II 3.
A.
Starting out with a thoroughly courageous
appreciation of our men of to-day we must not
: :
allow ourselves to be deceived by appearance:
this mankind is much less effective, but it gives
quite different pledges of lasting strength, its
tempo is slower, but the rhythm itself is richer.
Healthiness is increasing, the real conditions of a
healthy body are on the point of being known,
and will gradually be created, “ asceticism” is
regarded with irony. The fear of extremes, a fim
certain confidence in the "right way,” no raving :
a periodical self-habituation to narrower values
(such as “mother-land," "science," etc. ).
This whole picture, however, would still be AM Wed
ambiguous: it might be a movement either of
increase or decline in Life.
124
B.
The belief in “progress"-in lower spheres of
intelligence, appears as increasing life: but this is
self-deception;
in higher spheres of intelligence it is a sign
of declining life.
Description of the symptoms.
The unity of the aspect: uncertainty in regard
to the standard of valuation.
Fear of a general “ in vain. "
Nihilism,
## p. 94 (#118) #############################################
94
THE WILL TO POWER.
114.
As a matter of fact, we are no longer so urgently
in need of an antidote against the first Nihilism :
Life is no longer so uncertain, accidental, and
senseless in modern Europe. All such tremendous
exaggeration of the value of men, of the value of
evil, etc. , are not so necessary now; we can endure
a considerable diminution of this value, we may
grant a great deal of nonsense and accident: the
power man has acquired now allows of a lowering
of the means of discipline, of which the strongest
was the moral interpretation of the universe. The
hypothesis “God” is much too extreme,
115.
no
If anything shows that our humanisation is a
genuine sign of progress, it is the fact that we no
longer require excessive contraries, that we
longer require contraries at all. . . .
We may love the senses; for we have spirit-
ualised them in every way and made them artistic;
We have a right to all things which hitherto
have been most calumniated.
116.
The reversal of the order of rank. —Those pious
counterfeiters—thepriests—are becoming Chandala
in our midst they occupy the position of the
charlatan, of the quack, of the counterfeiter, of the
sorcerer: we regard them as corrupters of the will,
## p. 95 (#119) #############################################
NIHILISM.
95
as the great slanderers and vindictive enemies of
Life, and as the rebels among the bungled and the
botched. We have made our middle class out of
our servant-caste--the Sudra—that is to say, our
people or the body which wields the political
power.
On the other hand, the Chandala of former
times is paramount: the blasphemers, the im-
moralists, the independents of all kinds, the artists,
the Jews, the minstrels—and, at bottom, all dis-
reputable classes are in the van.
We have elevated ourselves to honourable
thoughts,-even more, we determine what honour
is on earth,—"nobility. ” . . . All of us to-day
are advocates of life. —We Immoralists are to-day
the strongest power : the other great powers are
in need of us we re-create the world in our
own image.
We have transferred the label Chandala to
the priests, the backworldsmen, and to the deformed
Christian society which has become associated with
these people, together with creatures of like origin,
the pessimists, Nihilists, romanticists of pity,
criminals, and men of vicious habits--the whole
sphere in which the idea of “God” is that of
Saviour.
We are proud of being no longer obliged to be seen heel en met
liars, slanderers, and detractors of Life. . . .
" ༔་ ༣ ༤
>
117.
The advance of the nineteenth century upon
the eighteenth (at bottom we good Europeans
## p. 96 (#120) #############################################
96
THE WILL TO POWER.
are carrying on a war against the eighteenth
century):
(1) “The return to Nature” is getting to be
understood, ever more definitely, in a way which
is quite the reverse of that in which Rousseau used
the phrase-away from idylls and operas !
(2) Ever more decided, more anti-idealistic,
more objective, more fearless, more industrious,
more temperate, more suspicious of sudden changes,
anti-revolutionary;
(3) The question of bodily health is being pressed
ever more decidedly in front of the health of "the
soul”: the latter is regarded as a condition brought
about by the former, and bodily health is believed
to be, at least, the prerequisite to spiritual health.
I 18.
If anything at all has been achieved, it is a more
innocent attitude towards the senses, a happier,
more favourable demeanour in regard to sensuality,
resembling rather the position taken up by Goethe;
a prouder feeling has also been developed in know-
ledge, and the “reine Thor"* meets with little
faith.
119.
We "objective people. ”—It is not "pity” that
opens up the way for us to all that is most remote
and most strange in life and culture; but our
a
* This is a reference to Wagner's Parsifal. The character
as is well known, is written to represent a son of heart's
affliction, and a child of wisdom-humble, guileless, loving,
pure, and a fool. -TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.
## p. 97 (#121) #############################################
NIHILISM.
97
nenesteness hist, suplestarstuera
accessibility and ingenuousness, which precisely
does not "pity," but rather takes pleasure in hun-
dreds of things which formerly caused pain (which
in former days either outraged or moved us, or in
the presence of which we were either hostile or
indifferent). Pain in all its various phases is now
interesting to us : on that account we are certainly
not the more pitiful, even though the sight of pain
may shake us to our foundations and move us to
tears : and we are absolutely not inclined to be
more helpful in view thereof.
In this deliberate desire to look on at all pain
and error, we have grown stronger and more
powerful than in the eighteenth century; it is a
proof of our increase of strength (we have drawn
closer to the seventeenth and sixteenth centuries).
But it is a profound mistake to regard our "roman-
ticism” as a proof of our “ beautified souls. ”
“
We
want stronger sensations than all coarser ages and
classes have wanted. (This fact must not be con-
founded with the needs of neurotics and decadents;
in their case, of course, there is a craving for pepper
-even for cruelty. )
We are all seeking conditions which are eman-
cipated from the bourgeois, and to a greater degree
from the priestly, notion of morality (every book
which savours at all of priestdom and theology
gives us the impression of pitiful niaiserie and
mental indigence). “Good company,” in fact, finds
"
everything insipid which is not forbidden and con-
sidered compromising in bourgeois circles; and the
case is the same with books, music, politics, and
opinions on women.
G
VOL. I.
## p. 98 (#122) #############################################
98
THE WILL TO POWER,
I 20.
4
The simplification of man in the nineteenth cen-
tury (The eighteenth century was that of elegance,
subtlety, and generous feeling). —Not "return to
nature”; for no natural humanity has ever existed
yet. Scholastic, unnatural, and antinatural values
are the rule and the beginning; man only reaches
Nature after a long struggle -- he never turns
“back” to her. . . . To be natural means, to dare
to be as immoral as Nature is.
We are coarser, more direct, richer in irony
towards generous feelings, even when we are be-
neath them.
Our haute volée, the society consisting of our
rich and leisured men, is more natural : people hunt
each other, the love of the sexes is a kind of sport
in which marriage is both a charm and an obstacle;
people entertain each other and live for the sake of
pleasure; bodily advantages stand in the first rank,
and curiosity and daring are the rule.
Our attitude towards knowledge is more natural;
we are innocent in our absolute spiritual debauchery,
we hate pathetic and hieratic manners, we delight
in that which is most strictly prohibited, we should
scarcely recognise any interest in knowledge if we
were bored in acquiring it.
Our attitude to morality is also more natural.
Principles have become a laughing-stock; no one
dares to speak of his “duty," unless in irony. But
a helpful, benevolent disposition is highly valued.
(Morality is located in instinct and the rest is
a
## p. 99 (#123) #############################################
NIHILISM,
99
despised. Besides this there are few points of
honour. )
Our attitude to politics is more natural: we see
problems of power, of the quantum of power, against
another quantum.
We do not believe in a right
that does not proceed from a power which is able
to uphold it. We regard all rights as conquests.
Our valuation of great men and things is more
natural: we regard passion as a privilege; we can
conceive of nothing great which does not involve a
great crime ; all greatness is associated in our minds
;
with a certain standing-beyond-the-pale in morality.
Our attitude to Nature is more natural: we no
longer love her for her "innocence," her “reason,"
her“ beauty,” we have made her beautifully devilish
and “ foolish. ” But instead of despising her on
that account, since then we have felt more closely
related to her and more familiar in her presence.
She does not aspire to virtue: we therefore respect
her.
Our attitude towards Art is more natural : we
do not exact beautiful, empty lies, etc. , from her ;
brutal positivism reigns supreme, and it ascer-
tains things with perfect calm.
In short: there are signs showing that the
European of the nineteenth century is less ashamed
of his instincts; he has gone a long way towards
acknowledging his unconditional naturalness and
immorality, without bitterness: on the contrary, he
is strong enough to endure this point of view alone.
To some ears this will sound as though corruption
had made strides: and certain it is that man has
not drawn nearer to the “ Nature” which Rousseau
## p. 100 (#124) ############################################
100
THE WILL TO POWER.
speaks about, but has gone one step farther in the
civilisation before which Rousseau stood in horror.
We have grown stronger, we have drawn nearer to
the seventeenth century, more particularly to the
taste which reigned towards its close (Dancourt,
Le Sage, Regnard).
I21.
Culture versus Civilisation. The culminating
stages of culture and civilisation lie apart: one
must not be led astray as regards the fundamental
antagonism existing between culture and civilisa-
tion. From the moral standpoint, great periods
in the history of culture have always been periods
of corruption; while on the other hand, those periods
in which man was deliberately and compulsorily
tamed (“civilisation ") have always been periods
of intolerance towards the most intellectual and
most audacious natures. Civilisation desires some-
thing different from what culture strives after :
their aims may perhaps be opposed.
I 22.
What I warn people against : confounding the
instincts of decadence with those of humanity;
Confounding the dissolving means of civilisa-
tion and those which necessarily promote decadence,
with culture;
Confounding debauchery, and the principle,
“ laisser aller," with the Will to Power (the
latter is the exact reverse of the former).
1
## p. 101 (#125) ############################################
NIHILISM.
1οΙ
I 23.
The unsolved problems which I set anew : the
problem of civilisation, the struggle between Rous-
seau and Voltaire about the year 1760. Man
becomes deeper, more mistrustful, more “immoral,"
stronger, more self-confident—and therefore " more
natural"; that is "progress. ” In this way, by a
process of division of labour, the more evil strata
and the milder and tamer strata of society get
separated : so that the general facts are not visible
at first sight. . . . It is a sign of strength, and of
the self-control and fascination of the strong, that
these stronger strata possess the arts in order to
make their greater powers for evil felt as something
higher. ” As soon as there is a progress” there is
a transvaluation of the strengthened factors into
the “good. "
124
Man must have the courage of his natural instincts
restored to him. -
The poor opinion he has of himself must be
destroyed (not in the sense of the individual, but
in the sense of the natural man . )-
The contradictions in things must be eradicated,
after it has been well understood that we were
responsible for them
Social idiosyncrasies must be stamped out of
existence (guilt, punishment, justice, honesty,
freedom, love, etc, etc. )
An advance towards "naturalness": in all politi-
cal questions, even in the relations between parties,
even in merchants', workmen's, or contractors'
## p. 102 (#126) ############################################
102
THE WILL TO POWER.
parties, only questions of power come into play :-
{ "what one can do " is the first question, what one
ought to do is only a secondary consideration.
125.
Socialism-or the tyranny of the meanest and
the most brainless,—that is to say, the superficial,
the envious, and the mummers, brought to its
zenith,—is, as a matter of fact, the logical con-
clusion of "modern ideas” and their latent
“
anarchy: but in the genial atmosphere of demo-
cratic well-being the capacity for forming resolu-
tions or even for coming to an end at all, is
paralysed. Men follow-but no longer their
reason, That is why socialism is on the whole
a hopelessly bitter affair : and there is nothing
more amusing than to observe the discord between
the poisonous and desperate faces of present-day
socialists—and what wretched and nonsensical
feelings does not their style reveal to us and
the childish lamblike happiness of their hopes and
desires. Nevertheless, in many places in Europe,
there may be violent hand-to-hand struggles and
irruptions on their account: the coming century
is likely to be convulsed in more than one spot,
and the Paris Commune, which finds defenders and
advocates even in Germany, will seem to have
been but a slight indigestion compared with what
is to come. Be this as it may, there will always
be too many people of property for socialism ever
to signify anything more than an attack of illness :
and these people of property are like one man
with one faith, "one must possess something in
## p. 103 (#127) ############################################
NIHILISM.
103
to regera
هود هود کن وہ
a
order to be some one. ” This, however, is the oldest
and most wholesome of all instincts; I should add :
one must desire more than one has in order to/1
become more. ” For this is the teaching which lifel tiem
itself preaches to all living things: the morality of
Development. To have and to wish to have more,
in a word, Growth-that is life itself. In the
teaching of socialism "a will to the denial of life"
is but poorly concealed: botched men and races
they must be who have devised a teaching of this
sort. In fact, I even wish a few experiments
might be made to show that in a socialistic society,
life denies itself, and itself cuts away its own roots.
The earth is big enough and man is still unex- veche
hausted enough for a practical lesson of this sort
and demonstratio ad absurdum-even if it were fnis not
accomplished only by a vast expenditure of lives Riwalow's
—to seem worth while to me. Still, Socialism, like
a restless mole beneath the foundations of a society
wallowing in stupidity, will be able to achieve
something useful and salutary: it delays "Peace
on Earth” and the whole process of character-
softening of the democratic herding animal; it
forces the European to have an extra supply of
intellect,—that is to say, craft and caution, and
prevents his entirely abandoning the manly and
warlike qualities,—it also saves Europe awhile from
the marasmus femininus which is threatening it.
en altera's
I 26.
The most favourable obstacles and reniedies of
modernity :
1
## p. 104 (#128) ############################################
104
THE WILL TO POWER.
(1) Compulsory military service with real wars
in which all joking is laid aside.
(2) National thick-headedness (which simplifies
and concentrates).
(3) Improved nutrition (meat).
(4) Increasing cleanliness and wholesomeness in
the home.
(5) The predominance of physiology over
theology, morality, economics, and politics.
(6) Military discipline in the exaction and the
practice of one's “duty” (it is no longer customary
to praise).
I 27.
I am delighted at the military development of
Europe, also at the inner anarchical conditions: the
period of quietude and“ Chinadom” which Galiani
prophesied for this century is now over. Personal
and manly capacity, bodily capacity recovers its
value, valuations are becoming more physical,
nutrition consists ever more and more of flesh.
Fine
have once
more become possible.
Bloodless sneaks (with mandarins at their head,
as Comte imagined them) are now a matter of
the past. The savage in every one of us is
acknowledged, even the wild animal. Precisely on
that account, philosophers will have a better chance.
-Kant is a scarecrow !
men
I 28.
I have not yet seen any reasons to feel dis-
couraged. He who acquires and preserves a
## p. 105 (#129) ############################################
NIHILISM.
105
strong will, together with a broad mind, has a
more favourable chance now than ever he had.
For the plasticity of man has become exceedingly
great in democratic Europe: men who learn easily,
who readily adapt themselves, are the rule: the
gregarious animal of a high order of intelligence
is prepared. He who would command finds those
who must obey: I have Napoleon and Bismarck
in mind, for instance. The struggle against strong
and unintelligent wills, which forms the surest
obstacle in one's way, is really insignificant. Who
would not be able to knock down these “ objective”
gentlemen with weak wills, such as Ranke and
Renan !
I 29.
Spiritual enlightenment is an unfailing means of
making men uncertain, weak of will, and needful
of succour and support; in short, of developing
the herding instincts in them. That is why all
great artist-rulers hitherto (Confucius in China,
the Roman Empire, Napoleon, Popedom—at a
time when they had the courage of their worldliness
and frankly pursued power) in whom the ruling
instincts, that had prevailed until their time,
culminated, also made use of the spiritual enlighten-
ment;or at least allowed it to be supreme (after
the style of the Popes of the Renaissance). The
self-deception of the masses on this point, in every
democracy for instance, is of the greatest possible
value: all that makes men smaller and more
amenable is pursued under the title “progress. "
## p. 106 (#130) ############################################
106
THE WILL TO POWER,
130.
The highest equity and mildness as a condition
of weakness (the New Testament and the early
Christian community-manifesting itself in the
form of utter foolishness in the Englishmen, Darwin
and Wallace). Your equity, ye higher men, drives
.
you to universal suffrage, etc. ; your "humanity”
urges you to be milder towards crime and stupidity.
In the end you will thus help stupidity and harm-
lessness to conquer.
Outwardly: Ages of terrible wars, insurrections,
explosions. Inwardly : ever more and more weak-
ness among men; events take the form of excitants.
The Parisian as the type of the European extreme.
Consequences : (1) Savages (at first, of course,
in conformity with the culture that has reigned
hitherto); (2) Sovereign individuals (where power-
ful barbarous masses and emancipation from all
that has been, are crossed). The age of greatest
stupidity, brutality, and wretchedness in the masses,
and in the highest individuals.
131.
An incalculable number of higher individuals
now perish : but he who escapes their fate is as
strong as the devil. In this respect we are re-
minded of the conditions which prevailed in the
Renaissance.
132.
How are Good Europeans such as ourselves
distinguished from the patriots? In the first place,
## p. 107 (#131) ############################################
NIHILISM,
107
we are atheists and immoralists, but we take care
to support the religions and the morality which
we associate with the gregarious instinct : for by
means of them, an order of men is, so to speak,
being prepared, which must at some time or other
fall into our hands, which must actually crave for
our hands.
Beyond Good and Evil,—certainly; but we
insist upon the unconditional and strict preserva-
tion of herd-morality.
We reserve ourselves the right to several kinds
of philosophy which it is necessary to learn: under
certain circumstances, the pessimistic kind as a
hammer; a European Buddhism might perhaps
be indispensable.
We should probably support the development
and the maturation of democratic tendencies; for
it conduces to weakness of will : in “ Socialism"
we recognise a thorn which prevents smug ease.
Attitude towards the people. Our prejudices;
we pay attention to the results of cross-breeding.
Detached, well-to-do, strong: irony concerning
the "press " and its culture. Our care: that
scientific men should not become journalists. We
despise any form of culture that tolerates news-
paper reading or writing.
We make our accidental positions (as Goethe
and Stendhal did), our experiences, a foreground,
and we lay stress upon them, so that we may
deceive concerning our backgrounds. We ourselves
.
wait and avoid putting our heart into them. They
serve us as refuges, such as a wanderer might require
and use—but we avoid feeling at home in them.
## p. 108 (#132) ############################################
108
THE WILL TO POWER.
We are ahead of our fellows in that we have had
a disciplina voluntatis. All strength is directed to
the development of the will, an art which allows
us to wear masks, an art of understanding beyond
the passions (also “super-European” thought at
times).
This is our preparation before becoming the
law-givers of the future and the lords of the earth;
if not we, at least our children. Caution where
marriage is concerned.
133.
The twentieth century. The Abbé Galiani says
somewhere : “ La prévoyance est la cause des guerres
actuelles de l'Europe. Si l'on voulait se donner la
peine de ne rien prévoir, tout le monde serait
tranquille, et je ne crois pas qu'on serait plus mal-
heureux parce qu'on ne ferait pas la guerre. " As I
in no way share the unwarlike views of my deceased
friend Galiani, I have no fear whatever of saying
something beforehand with the view of conjuring
up in some way the cause of wars.
A condition of excessive consciousness, after the
worst of earthquakes : with new questions.
134.
It is the time of the great noon, of the most
appalling enlightenment: my particular kind of
Pessimism: the great starting-point.
(1) Fundamental contradiction between civil-
isation and the elevation of man.
## p. 109 (#133) ############################################
NIHILISM.
109
(2) Moral valuations regarded as a history of
lies and the art of calumny in the service of the
Will to Power of the will of the herd, which rises
against stronger men).
(3) The conditions which determine every
elevation in culture (the facilitation of a selection
being made at the cost of a crowd) are the con-
ditions of all growth.
(4). The multiformity of the world as a question
of strength, which sees all things in the perspective
of their growth. The moral Christian values to
be regarded as the insurrection and mendacity of
slaves (in comparison with the aristrocratic values
of the ancient world).
## p. 110 (#134) ############################################
1
## p. 111 (#135) ############################################
SECOND BOOK.
A
CRITICISM OF THE HIGHEST
VALUES THAT HAVE PREVAILED
HITHERTO.
## p. 112 (#136) ############################################
## p. 113 (#137) ############################################
I.
CRITICISM OF RELIGION.
ALL the beauty and sublimity with which we
have invested real and imagined things, I will
show to be the property and product of man,
and this should be his most beautiful apology.
Man as a poet, as a thinker, as a god, as love, as
power. Oh, the regal liberality with which he
has lavished gifts upon things in order to im-
poverish himself and make himself feel wretched !
Hitherto, this has been his greatest disinterested-
ness, that he admired and worshipped, and knew
how to conceal from himself that he it was who
had created what he admired.
I. CONCERNING THE ORIGIN OF RELIGIONS.
135.
The origin of religion. —Just as the illiterate
man of to-day believes that his wrath is the cause
of his being angry, that his mind is the cause of
his thinking, that his soul is the cause of his
feeling, in short, just as a mass of psychological
entities are still unthinkingly postulated as causes;
H
VOL. I.
## p. 114 (#138) ############################################
114
THE WILL TO POWER.
so, in a still more primitive age, the same pheno-
mena were interpreted by man by means of
personal entities. Those conditions of his soul
which seemed strange, overwhelming, and raptur-
ous, he regarded as obsessions and bewitching
influences emanating from the power of some
personality. (Thus the Christian, the
the most
puerile and backward man of this age, traces
hope, peace, and the feeling of deliverance to a
psychological inspiration on the part of God:
being by nature a sufferer and a creature in need
of repose, states of happiness, peace, and resigna-
tion, perforce seem strange to him, and seem to
need some explanation. ) Among intelligent,
strong, and vigorous races, the epileptic is mostly
the cause of a belief in the existence of some
foreign power; but all such examples of apparent
subjection—as, for instance, the bearing of the
exalted man, of the poet, of the great criminal,
or the passions, love and revenge—lead to the
invention of supernatural powers.
A condition
is made concrete by being identified with a
personality, and when this condition overtakes
anybody, it is ascribed to that personality.
