These specific manifestations were not fully antici- pated at the time the definitions of the category were laid down,
although
they were given proper consideration throughout by the two raters, both being clinically trained and psychoanalytically oriented.
Adorno-T-Authoritarian-Personality-Harper-Bros-1950
Though such children show less submission to authority, they tend to be genuinely more oriented toward adult values, such as interest in work.
Examples from both low-scoring men and women follow:
M53: (Especially remarkable? ) "I don't know. I don't think so. I was a pretty good student in school. Seemed to have a lot of friends. I don't remember any out- standing disappointments. (Worries as a child? ) Oh, let's see, that's difficult. I don't know. I can't remember any recurring worries as a child. (What about little things? ) Well, let me think. Shortly after my father's death, I worried about that for a while. Growing up without a father. . . . In high school I think I worried a lot about future occupation and how to earn a living. "
Ms6: (What were you like as a child? ) "Oh, very serious . . . read Rippants' 'His- tory of the World' at nine. My grandfather, when I was nine or ten, gave me Wash- ington Irving's 'Conquest of Granada,' which meant a great deal to me-gave me a sense of objectivity in history . . . he sometimes gave me temperance books. "
F27: "I was reading Dickens and Thackeray when other children were on Brer Rabbit, and knew all about the symphonies and operas while they were on nursery rhymes. "
Along the same line is a certain tendency on the part of the low-scoring subjects to report relative isolation in childhood, while high scorers refer to what may be defined as gang-sociability (Category 4oc), including such aspects as popularity and the holding of offices in clubs and high school fraternities and sororities. No figures for this trend are given in Table 4(XI), but examples from records of low-scoring subjects describing shyness and relative isolation in childhood are given here:
Msg: (What were you like as a child? ) "Always shy and when I was around a large group it was quite a while before I would enter into the spirit of things. "
F27: "I knew I was quiet because I was scared of everybody there. . . . I wanted to be liked and nobody liked me. So I just hurried home. "
F75: "In a way we are all alike in our family-shy and afraid of people. W e don't discuss it but I have noticed it in all of us, even my sister who doesn't act like it often.
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
44?
My mother has always pushed us and wanted us to be different-go-getters-but she isn't. I was the worst-the sort who would cross the street rather than say hello to a friend. . . . I remember wishing my mother would leave me alone to do what I wanted. That would have been bad though. I guess, because I would have grown up a hermit. Even now, I prefer to curl up with a book or go for a walk by myself. "
M49: "Well, when we were small, we spent all the time we possibly could out-of- doors, and when we came out here, we never associated with . . . never had any con- tact with other children outside of school time (worked, helping at home) . . . just
played together at home. . . . Neither of us ever went out for any sports . . . . "
4. CONTRASTING PICTURE OF CHILDHOOD AND PRESENT
The last two categories to be discussed under attitude toward one's child- hood help to support and to round out the impression gained so far. It was pointed out above that high-scoring subjects seem to use their childhood as a projection screen for traits now considered as undesirable. This should make for discontinuity between childhood and present self (Category 41). Actually, such is the case, significantly more often in the high scorers (at the 1 per cent level for men and at the 5 per cent level for women) than in the low scorers, the latter tending to show continuity between childhood and adult self. High scorers even may give the impression of an actual break by
glorifying the present self and by finding fault with the past.
On the whole, finally, high scorers tend to make little spontaneous comment while the low scorers offer considerable spontaneous comment about their childhood (Category 46), the difference being significant at the 2 per cent level for both men and women. This is but one more among several manifes- tations of the greater intraceptiveness of the low scorers, and of their greater
inclination to explain human behavior in psychological and social terms.
5. SUMMARY OF A TTITUDE TOW ARD PRESENT SELF AND CHILDHOOD SELF
As in the evaluation of their parents and of the other sex, high scorers tend in their self-evaluation to stress the positive and desirable aspects; or at least this is so on the surface level. They are prone to point to their "will power" and determination in overcoming the handicaps and vicissitudes of life. Energy, decisiveness, aggressiveness in competition tend to be particularly prominent in the ego-ideal of high-scoring men.
However, there is evidence that the repeated assertions of independence are a defense against strong feelings of dependence, passivity, helplessness, and sometimes even self-contempt. These feelings are but rarely recognized or accepted as such without making an attempt at self-justification.
What is not acceptable to the ego tends in the further course of events to become externalized, thus rendering the ego narrow and constricted. In fur- ther consequence, prejudiced subjects tend to regard themselves as conven- tional, not different, and therefore "all right," and their descriptions of themselves have a definitely moralistic tone. Deviations from the commonly accepted pattern of conduct, if admitted at all, are regarded as a "break-
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 44I
through" of tendencies which are either beyond explanation or which are explained away by external factors and incidents over which the subject could not possibly have had control. Judicious explanations of the socio- psychological kind are avoided in this type of approach to the self. This makes for a comparative lack of experienced continuity between childhood self and present self. In line with this, high scorers are generally somewhat reluctant to make spontaneous reference to their childhood, thus trying further to disclaim for themselves and for their parents the responsibility for the outcome.
Unprejudiced individuals, on the other hand, seem to be on better terms with themselves, due perhaps to the fact that they have been more loved and accepted by their parents. Thus they are more ready to admit falling short of their ideals and of the roles they are expected to play by our culture. Impulses and tendencies which seem less desirable are ? nonetheless accepted as a part of the self, making for a richer, more complex, and more intraceptive content of the ego. Thus, as was pointed out in the first section of this chapter, low-scoring men prove themselves more able to afford frank admis- sion of passivity and weakness without having to resort-to the same degree as high-scoring men may have to-to the use of rigid and counterphobic defenses against these feelings. In accordance with this, there is comparatively frequent evidence of open admission of conflict about the feminine role in low-scoring women, as well as of their genuine fondness of men.
Furthermore, low scorers tend to derive their security from recourse to their personal identity in addition to such external factors as group mem- bership or property. Hence they tend to present themselves in their inter- views as individualized and unconventional. Instead of trying to live up to conventionally defined rules and values, they tend to strive toward real achievement, toward understanding and affiliation, and toward the realiza- tion of humanitarian and liberal values such as the improvement of social relations or self-improvement. They seem to be interested in explanations of their present self in terms of their entire development. They make con- siderable spontaneous reference to their childhood. Their descriptions of themselves as children are ! ">ften far from the picture of what would be generally called a well adjusted child. They report having been withdrawn, shy, and self-conscious; oriented toward work, reading, and an adult set of values. These reports are in accordance with direct findings, in an inde- pendent study, on the personality of extremely unprejudiced children.
As adults, low scorers often continue to manifest open anxieties and feel- ings of depression, due perhaps at least in part to their greater capacity of facing insecurity and conflict. Their greater readiness to introspect may be considered as an attempt to master these problems and to achieve a depend- able and flexible form of adjustment. Sometimes it appears that they may succeed; in other cases it seems that there is but a morbid dwelling on psy- chological topics.
? CHAPTER XII
DYNAMIC AND COGNITIVE PERSONALITY ORGAN! - ZA TION AS SEEN THROUGH THE INTERVIEWS Else Frenkel-Brunswik
A. DYNAMIC CHARACTER STRUCTURE
1. DEFINITION OF RA TING CA TEGORIES AND QUANTITATIVE RESULTS
Throughout the preceding discussion of interview material repeated ref- erence was made to a variety of so-called defense mechanisms. Among them were repression of sex and aggression, overemphasis on cleanliness, various forms of defense against one's own passivity, and the like. Again and again it became evident that the difference between the ethnocentric and the non- ethnocentric extremes hinges more on the rejection vs. the acceptance of such depth factors as homosexuality, or aggression, or passivity, or anality than it does on the mere presence or absence of one or another of these tendencies. In other words, it was not primarily the relative strength of such tendencies that seemed to matter, but rather the way in which these tendencies were handled in the motivational dynamics of the subject in question. In the framework of these dynamics, ? defense mechanisms are the instruments of rejection of those tendencies which the subject is not ready to face and to incorporate.
The categories of the Interview Scoring Manual discussed in the present chapter are centered about such defense mechanisms, per se, along with other dynamic patterns fulfilling a related function. Thus, some of these categories cut across a variety of aspects investigated so far, and offer the possibility of providing synopses of previous observations. By the use of these categories direct support could be found for many assumptions made previously on the basis of more scattered or indirect evidence.
The list of categories related to dynamic character structure is as follows: 442
? PERSONALITY ORGANIZATION SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 443 INTERVIEW SCORING MANUAL: DYNAMIC CHARACTER
STRUCTURE (toTable I(XII))
PRESUMABLY "HIGH" VARIANTS
PRESUMABLY "Low" VARIANTS
Positive expressions of "erotic" orality (of zone-sensuality, e. g. , food cathexis, oral perver- sions, and/or sublimations, i. e. , verbal-emotional-artistic ex-
pressiveness-expansiveness)
Anal reaction-formations func- tional and nonmoralistic. Means-end relationship re- tained; or anal sublimations; or relative absence of anal reac- tion-formations
47?
48.
49?
Counter- cathectic rejection of "erotic" orality (of zone- sensuality and/or its sublima- tions, i:e. , of verbal-emotional- artistic expressiveness)
Rigid-moralistic-anal reaction- formations as ends-in-them- selves; overemphasis on, and preoccupations with, totali- tarian-moralistic (positive and negative) typologizing (e. g. , two kinds of people, "clean" and "dirty"); emphasis on
money and property
Diffuse, ego-alien dependence.
Escapism, dodging responsibil- ity; underlying ego-alien pas- sivity; helplessness-weakness (expressed openly in men only when overwhelmed or victimized-e. g. "foxhole re- ligion"-with ali-or-none char- acter). Characterized by affec- tive poveny and exchange- ability of object
47?
48.
a. Diffuse, impersonalized; some- times replaced by ingratiation b. Moralistic-authoritarian. To-
a. Focal, personal
secutory (pogrom frame of mind)
c. Destructive-explosive. Tend- ing toward ali-or-none, and toward physical expression
(2) Love-oriented. Especially in response to rejection by a cathected object
c. Relatively mild, day-to-day. T ending toward regular re- lease, and toward verbal ex- pression
a. Ego-alien
sr. Ambivalence:
a. (I) Sometimes admitted
openly; ego-accepted
( 2) Conscious inhibition of
affect
b. Expressed sometimes openly
toward original objects or
b. Solved by dichotomies and dis- placement
so. Aggression:
49? Love-orientedsuccorance-nur- turance, acceptance of de- pendency and affect, . specific- ity of object cathexis
?
b. (I) Principled - intellectual- talitarian; punitive; often per- ized
? 444
THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
a. Inverted Oedipal attachment b. Underlying ego-alien identifi- cation with opposite sex par- ent's role. Emphasis on domi-
nance-submission conflicts c/M. Pseudo-masculinity c/W. Pseudo-femininity
53? Externalized superego, "social anxiety"; or rigid superego, unconscious guilt
a. Normal Oedipal attachment b. Genuine, ego-integrated iden- tification with either or both
parents
c. Ego-integrated masculinity and/or femininity. Emphasis is on character traits and inter- nalized values
53? Internalized superego, some- times severe and irrational; conscious guilt
?
56a. Distortion of "reality" 56b. Authoritarian moralism
56a. Realistic-objective re world generally
56c. Denial of "negative things" in 56c. self, "official optimism"
56d. Concern with physical symp- toms
56e. Concern with physical appear- ance
56f. Hysterical conversion symp- toms (especially in men)
"reality representatives" of original objects (e. g. author- ity; mother figures)
52? Identification:
54- Rejection and countercathexis 54? Acceptance and sublimation
of ego-alien impulses, espe- cially of sex, of aggression against parents and authorities, and of feelings of weakness and passivity
55. Ego weak; often skillful in at- taining success and deter- mined in overt action; some- times combined with oppor- tunistic over-realism
of id, often with conscious conflict between competing impulses; sometimes conscious inhibition of id
55? Ego moderate strength, or strong. Criteria: sustained ef- fort, ability to postpone pleasure for sake of in- ternalized values; ability to assume responsibility; emo- tional maturity, etc. Some- times drifting into impractical pursuits
Further mechanisms
The quantitative results are shown, in the usual manner, in Table 1 (XII).
56b.
Intellectualization, sometimes of the type of philosophical rationalization rather than of intellectual penetration
Open psychological conflict
concerning own adequacy, maturity, or the violation of liberal values, etc.
? PERSONALITY ORGANIZATION SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 445
2. ORALITY AND ANALITY
We turn first to the so-called oral and anal trends, especially their ac- ceptance vs. rejection whenever this occurs in the two groups scoring extremely high or low on the overt Ethnocentrism scale. As in the preceding discussion, the terms "anality" and "orality" do not refer here to the earlier psychogenetic stages but rather to special character syndromes found in the adult personality; these latter have been described, likewise by psycho- analysis, in terms of present symptoms assumed to be connected with their respective counterparts in childhood.
It was first expected that in line with the general tendency toward repres- sion, high-scoring subjects would tend to defend themselves against both the direct oral urge, e. g. , indulgence in food, drinking, smoking, etc. , as well as against tendencies assumed to be related to this urge-indulgence in talking, artistic interests, etc. The low scorers, on the other hand, were expected to show more acceptance of and more liking for manifestations assumed to be directly or indirectly related to orality. On this basis, orality was incorpo- rated in the Interview Scoring Manual in the form defined by Category 47?
Although there actually is within our material a trend in the expected direction, especially for women (see Table I (XII)), it is far from being statistically significant. This may well be due to the presence of an "oral demandingness" in the high scorers as manifested, for example, in a depend- dence on getting "things," and a dependence on authorities and supernatural forces as discussed above.
These specific manifestations were not fully antici- pated at the time the definitions of the category were laid down, although they were given proper consideration throughout by the two raters, both being clinically trained and psychoanalytically oriented.
The original hypothesis proved most valid where rejection of drinking and smoking on the part of the typical high scorer was concerned, and this may well be seen as part of a general conventionalism.
As was expected, indulgence in what may be called direct orality is more often found in the low scorers. An illustration may be found in the following record:
F62: "For a while I wanted to be an actress but I love to eat and, strangely enough, the actresses seem not to eat. Because of not being able to reduce and because of the fact that the job of a teacher is more secure, I decided to become a teacher. "
The various behavior forms assumed to be indirectly derived from orality do not show any pronounced differences, however. More detailed distinc- tions of the various levels and kinds of direct and devious manifestations of orality may well reveal striking differences between the ethnically prej- udiced and unprejudiced.
In contrast to orality, the rejection vs. acceptance of tendencies customar- ily designated as anal syndrome (Category 48) proved significantly differ- entiating (at the I per cent level) for both men and women interviewees.
? 47?
48?
49. 50?
~
b,
c. 51?
~
b.
Men Q. 7
1! . . 32 ll. 5
TABLE 1 (XII)
INTERVIEW RATINGS ON DYNAMIC CHARACTER STRUCTURE
FOR 80 SUBJECTS SCORING EXTREMELY "HIGH" OR "LOW" ON THE ETHNIC PREJUDICE QUESTIONNAIRE SCALE
Interview rating categories Jabbreviated from Manual)
Number of "High"(H) and "Low"(L) Sex ratings received by
Sums of instances ? positive" ~negative"
Level of statistical significance
reached or
surpassed (percentage)
1 1
1 1
1 1
1 1
5
1
1
2 5
Rejection(H) vs, positive ex- pression(L) of "erotic" orality Women
H L 2
u. 9 25 4
24 3
31 5 24 3
30 4 24 3
Anal reaction-formations rigid- Men moralistic (H) vs, functional Women and nonmoralistic(L)
Diffuse, ego-alien(H) vs, love- Men oriented(L) dependence Women
Aggression:
Diffuse, depersonalized(H) Men vs. focal, personalized(L) Women
Moralistic-authoritarian(H) Men vs. principled-intellectualized WOmen or love-oriented(L)
Destructive-explosive(H) Men vs. relatively mild(L) Women
Ambivalence:
Ego-alien(H) vs, sometimes Men admitted openly(L) Women
Solved by dichotomies and dis? Men placement(H) vs, expressed Women openly toward original object(L)
121 3 172 3
173 2 14 i72 1 7
11. 2 2 13 g3 0 11
20 men and 25 women "high scorers" H L
20 men and 15 women "low scorers"
15 2 2 12 27 16 1 2 ro 26
2 2 3 3
15 2 4 27 ! . [ 4 2 25
14 2 5 22 93 2 18
4 3
4 6
6 6
7 5
? 3il18 7 3 . . ! ! . 17 14
213 25 3 1
211 ~ 3 1 >tl
2! Q253 211157
1 >1:'"' . . . . . . . . ,
214 30 5 112 27 6
l
. . . . . N
510 24 6 4. 1. 28 5
. . . . .
-
0
711 25 12 5
3! 1 23 12 5 z
410 18 7 310 18 7
M . . . ,
312 26 6 3~ 25 4
0
212 29 3 19 21 4
1
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1 z . . . ,
373 060
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5~5 1 . ! ! . . 1 232 3 I3
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M
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? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
Thus it is that high-scoring subjects tend toward rigid-moralistic patterns of behavior, which are related in appearance to responses technically termed anal reaction-formations, and tend to conceive of them as ends-in-themselves; that they show overemphasis upon, and preoccupation with, such issues as money, neatness, "good clean life and hard work," etc. ; and that they are given to totalitarian-moralistic typologizing (e. g. , two kinds of people- "clean" and "dirty"), this typologizing being either positive or negative. These preoccupations may be considered as an outcome of a certain type of child training; thus, sociopsychological factors are brought into the picture. The affinity of these dynamic tendencies to the ideological issues in question seems evident on the basis of the above description.
Examples of this complex of attitudes in the records of high-scoring sub- jects are:
M4z: "Lots of advantages . . . pensions. Put in 30 years and you retire. Good salary. Always something to see and learn in the army. Going different places. It's a good life in general. A clean life. . . . It makes a man of you. . . . (Main differences between Christians and others? ) The Christian tries to live a Christian life and others go out and rob and steal, drink, carouse around, do a little of everything. . . . (What do you find most offensive in others? ) Well, some people are more attractive than others. Some people have no attraction. (Interests, hobbies? ) Well, I have no hob- bies. I like fishing. I like hunting. "
M 51: (What is the core of your religious beliefs? ) "No, I can't elaborate on that. I did answer that. That right thinking and right living. . . . "
F66: "Mother is a nurse, and I know the profession. I don't like dirty work. I don't like sick people. (About school. ) They . . . wore dirty old plaid shirts. "
F31: "I can't see a girl working in jeans and around grease and putting themselves on the same level as men. "
F38: (What people have you disliked? ) "I remember a man when I was r8 years old. I didn't like him because he was dirty and sloppy. "
F78: She looks for similar interests, someone who enjoys the same things. "Some- one I wouldn't have to make excuses for-someone well brought up, nice appear- ance, dressed neatly. I'm a very neat person. "
Some of these findings corroborate earlier results by Krout and Stagner (65). They found that conservatives show more tendency to digestive dis- orders, more and an almost compulsive interest in washing and personal
cleanliness.
Low scorers, on the other hand, tend toward anal reaction-formations
which may be considered functional rather than moralistic, with the proper perspective upon their character as means to an end retained (Category 48, continued). More specifically, the more "central" attitude involved finds its expression on the functional level in a constructive inclination toward such frames of mind as planning, e. g. , in scientific work; or else there is an absence of retentiveness altogether, as shown by a rather carefree, relaxed attitude. Examples of this latter subvariety from the records of low-scoring subjects are:
? PERSONALITY ORGANIZATION SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 449
M42: "It may sound funny, but I don't particularly care to work really. . . . I like the independence of that kind of work. . . . I have the ability in such a job to simply go fishing on Saturdays or other days if I don't feel like working. " Subject indicates that doing so was not a particularly rare occurrence with him. . . . "And I'm not as economical as my mother. I take after my dad probably in that respect more. In having a good time, I'm more like him. When I start out to have a good time, money doesn't matter. . . . "
Mss: "I am inclined to be not very careful about spending money myself . . . my wife says so. . . . If I see something I like, I am inclined to buy it. . . . (About older sister:) However, a delightful person to live with. . . . "
Ms6: (Importance of money to father? ) "Not in1portant; never any money- grubbers in my family. My brother is a doctor who went to Ethiopia to help out as a doctor. "
3. DEPENDENCE
Another "central" attitude which is not accepted and faced as such by
the high-scoring subjects is "dependence. " We made reference to this tend- ency in discussing the subjects' attitude toward their family, toward people, and toward themselves. Here we deal with dependence as a generalized trait in its various meanings and the ways in which it is handled by the subject. In Category 49, a diffuse aud ego-alien dependence as manifested by escapism or the dodging of responsibility, a general underlying passivity, helplessness and weakness (in men expressed openly only when they are overwhelmed or victimized, as exemplified by "foxhole religion" and other ali-or-none responses), accompanied by affective poverty, is contrasted with what has for the sake of brevity been labeled love-oriented succorance-nurturance. The first-named alternative is found significantly more often in high scorers (the difference being at the 1 per cent level of confidence) both in the case of men and women interviewees. Since the two patterns of dependence described have been discussed at length in previous chapters, it may suffice here briefly to remind the reader of the basic difference between affectionate love dependence and self-seeking dependence that is barren of affect.
The dependence on support in high-scoring subjects is furthermore clearly evident in their particular type of attitude toward religion. It is primarily when in need that they turn to the Bible; and it is support in the face of need rather than a system of ethics that they seek in religion. Frequently they become religious whenever "dependence on people" conflicts with suspicion, leading to isolation.
Examples from both low-scoring men and women follow:
M53: (Especially remarkable? ) "I don't know. I don't think so. I was a pretty good student in school. Seemed to have a lot of friends. I don't remember any out- standing disappointments. (Worries as a child? ) Oh, let's see, that's difficult. I don't know. I can't remember any recurring worries as a child. (What about little things? ) Well, let me think. Shortly after my father's death, I worried about that for a while. Growing up without a father. . . . In high school I think I worried a lot about future occupation and how to earn a living. "
Ms6: (What were you like as a child? ) "Oh, very serious . . . read Rippants' 'His- tory of the World' at nine. My grandfather, when I was nine or ten, gave me Wash- ington Irving's 'Conquest of Granada,' which meant a great deal to me-gave me a sense of objectivity in history . . . he sometimes gave me temperance books. "
F27: "I was reading Dickens and Thackeray when other children were on Brer Rabbit, and knew all about the symphonies and operas while they were on nursery rhymes. "
Along the same line is a certain tendency on the part of the low-scoring subjects to report relative isolation in childhood, while high scorers refer to what may be defined as gang-sociability (Category 4oc), including such aspects as popularity and the holding of offices in clubs and high school fraternities and sororities. No figures for this trend are given in Table 4(XI), but examples from records of low-scoring subjects describing shyness and relative isolation in childhood are given here:
Msg: (What were you like as a child? ) "Always shy and when I was around a large group it was quite a while before I would enter into the spirit of things. "
F27: "I knew I was quiet because I was scared of everybody there. . . . I wanted to be liked and nobody liked me. So I just hurried home. "
F75: "In a way we are all alike in our family-shy and afraid of people. W e don't discuss it but I have noticed it in all of us, even my sister who doesn't act like it often.
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
44?
My mother has always pushed us and wanted us to be different-go-getters-but she isn't. I was the worst-the sort who would cross the street rather than say hello to a friend. . . . I remember wishing my mother would leave me alone to do what I wanted. That would have been bad though. I guess, because I would have grown up a hermit. Even now, I prefer to curl up with a book or go for a walk by myself. "
M49: "Well, when we were small, we spent all the time we possibly could out-of- doors, and when we came out here, we never associated with . . . never had any con- tact with other children outside of school time (worked, helping at home) . . . just
played together at home. . . . Neither of us ever went out for any sports . . . . "
4. CONTRASTING PICTURE OF CHILDHOOD AND PRESENT
The last two categories to be discussed under attitude toward one's child- hood help to support and to round out the impression gained so far. It was pointed out above that high-scoring subjects seem to use their childhood as a projection screen for traits now considered as undesirable. This should make for discontinuity between childhood and present self (Category 41). Actually, such is the case, significantly more often in the high scorers (at the 1 per cent level for men and at the 5 per cent level for women) than in the low scorers, the latter tending to show continuity between childhood and adult self. High scorers even may give the impression of an actual break by
glorifying the present self and by finding fault with the past.
On the whole, finally, high scorers tend to make little spontaneous comment while the low scorers offer considerable spontaneous comment about their childhood (Category 46), the difference being significant at the 2 per cent level for both men and women. This is but one more among several manifes- tations of the greater intraceptiveness of the low scorers, and of their greater
inclination to explain human behavior in psychological and social terms.
5. SUMMARY OF A TTITUDE TOW ARD PRESENT SELF AND CHILDHOOD SELF
As in the evaluation of their parents and of the other sex, high scorers tend in their self-evaluation to stress the positive and desirable aspects; or at least this is so on the surface level. They are prone to point to their "will power" and determination in overcoming the handicaps and vicissitudes of life. Energy, decisiveness, aggressiveness in competition tend to be particularly prominent in the ego-ideal of high-scoring men.
However, there is evidence that the repeated assertions of independence are a defense against strong feelings of dependence, passivity, helplessness, and sometimes even self-contempt. These feelings are but rarely recognized or accepted as such without making an attempt at self-justification.
What is not acceptable to the ego tends in the further course of events to become externalized, thus rendering the ego narrow and constricted. In fur- ther consequence, prejudiced subjects tend to regard themselves as conven- tional, not different, and therefore "all right," and their descriptions of themselves have a definitely moralistic tone. Deviations from the commonly accepted pattern of conduct, if admitted at all, are regarded as a "break-
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 44I
through" of tendencies which are either beyond explanation or which are explained away by external factors and incidents over which the subject could not possibly have had control. Judicious explanations of the socio- psychological kind are avoided in this type of approach to the self. This makes for a comparative lack of experienced continuity between childhood self and present self. In line with this, high scorers are generally somewhat reluctant to make spontaneous reference to their childhood, thus trying further to disclaim for themselves and for their parents the responsibility for the outcome.
Unprejudiced individuals, on the other hand, seem to be on better terms with themselves, due perhaps to the fact that they have been more loved and accepted by their parents. Thus they are more ready to admit falling short of their ideals and of the roles they are expected to play by our culture. Impulses and tendencies which seem less desirable are ? nonetheless accepted as a part of the self, making for a richer, more complex, and more intraceptive content of the ego. Thus, as was pointed out in the first section of this chapter, low-scoring men prove themselves more able to afford frank admis- sion of passivity and weakness without having to resort-to the same degree as high-scoring men may have to-to the use of rigid and counterphobic defenses against these feelings. In accordance with this, there is comparatively frequent evidence of open admission of conflict about the feminine role in low-scoring women, as well as of their genuine fondness of men.
Furthermore, low scorers tend to derive their security from recourse to their personal identity in addition to such external factors as group mem- bership or property. Hence they tend to present themselves in their inter- views as individualized and unconventional. Instead of trying to live up to conventionally defined rules and values, they tend to strive toward real achievement, toward understanding and affiliation, and toward the realiza- tion of humanitarian and liberal values such as the improvement of social relations or self-improvement. They seem to be interested in explanations of their present self in terms of their entire development. They make con- siderable spontaneous reference to their childhood. Their descriptions of themselves as children are ! ">ften far from the picture of what would be generally called a well adjusted child. They report having been withdrawn, shy, and self-conscious; oriented toward work, reading, and an adult set of values. These reports are in accordance with direct findings, in an inde- pendent study, on the personality of extremely unprejudiced children.
As adults, low scorers often continue to manifest open anxieties and feel- ings of depression, due perhaps at least in part to their greater capacity of facing insecurity and conflict. Their greater readiness to introspect may be considered as an attempt to master these problems and to achieve a depend- able and flexible form of adjustment. Sometimes it appears that they may succeed; in other cases it seems that there is but a morbid dwelling on psy- chological topics.
? CHAPTER XII
DYNAMIC AND COGNITIVE PERSONALITY ORGAN! - ZA TION AS SEEN THROUGH THE INTERVIEWS Else Frenkel-Brunswik
A. DYNAMIC CHARACTER STRUCTURE
1. DEFINITION OF RA TING CA TEGORIES AND QUANTITATIVE RESULTS
Throughout the preceding discussion of interview material repeated ref- erence was made to a variety of so-called defense mechanisms. Among them were repression of sex and aggression, overemphasis on cleanliness, various forms of defense against one's own passivity, and the like. Again and again it became evident that the difference between the ethnocentric and the non- ethnocentric extremes hinges more on the rejection vs. the acceptance of such depth factors as homosexuality, or aggression, or passivity, or anality than it does on the mere presence or absence of one or another of these tendencies. In other words, it was not primarily the relative strength of such tendencies that seemed to matter, but rather the way in which these tendencies were handled in the motivational dynamics of the subject in question. In the framework of these dynamics, ? defense mechanisms are the instruments of rejection of those tendencies which the subject is not ready to face and to incorporate.
The categories of the Interview Scoring Manual discussed in the present chapter are centered about such defense mechanisms, per se, along with other dynamic patterns fulfilling a related function. Thus, some of these categories cut across a variety of aspects investigated so far, and offer the possibility of providing synopses of previous observations. By the use of these categories direct support could be found for many assumptions made previously on the basis of more scattered or indirect evidence.
The list of categories related to dynamic character structure is as follows: 442
? PERSONALITY ORGANIZATION SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 443 INTERVIEW SCORING MANUAL: DYNAMIC CHARACTER
STRUCTURE (toTable I(XII))
PRESUMABLY "HIGH" VARIANTS
PRESUMABLY "Low" VARIANTS
Positive expressions of "erotic" orality (of zone-sensuality, e. g. , food cathexis, oral perver- sions, and/or sublimations, i. e. , verbal-emotional-artistic ex-
pressiveness-expansiveness)
Anal reaction-formations func- tional and nonmoralistic. Means-end relationship re- tained; or anal sublimations; or relative absence of anal reac- tion-formations
47?
48.
49?
Counter- cathectic rejection of "erotic" orality (of zone- sensuality and/or its sublima- tions, i:e. , of verbal-emotional- artistic expressiveness)
Rigid-moralistic-anal reaction- formations as ends-in-them- selves; overemphasis on, and preoccupations with, totali- tarian-moralistic (positive and negative) typologizing (e. g. , two kinds of people, "clean" and "dirty"); emphasis on
money and property
Diffuse, ego-alien dependence.
Escapism, dodging responsibil- ity; underlying ego-alien pas- sivity; helplessness-weakness (expressed openly in men only when overwhelmed or victimized-e. g. "foxhole re- ligion"-with ali-or-none char- acter). Characterized by affec- tive poveny and exchange- ability of object
47?
48.
a. Diffuse, impersonalized; some- times replaced by ingratiation b. Moralistic-authoritarian. To-
a. Focal, personal
secutory (pogrom frame of mind)
c. Destructive-explosive. Tend- ing toward ali-or-none, and toward physical expression
(2) Love-oriented. Especially in response to rejection by a cathected object
c. Relatively mild, day-to-day. T ending toward regular re- lease, and toward verbal ex- pression
a. Ego-alien
sr. Ambivalence:
a. (I) Sometimes admitted
openly; ego-accepted
( 2) Conscious inhibition of
affect
b. Expressed sometimes openly
toward original objects or
b. Solved by dichotomies and dis- placement
so. Aggression:
49? Love-orientedsuccorance-nur- turance, acceptance of de- pendency and affect, . specific- ity of object cathexis
?
b. (I) Principled - intellectual- talitarian; punitive; often per- ized
? 444
THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
a. Inverted Oedipal attachment b. Underlying ego-alien identifi- cation with opposite sex par- ent's role. Emphasis on domi-
nance-submission conflicts c/M. Pseudo-masculinity c/W. Pseudo-femininity
53? Externalized superego, "social anxiety"; or rigid superego, unconscious guilt
a. Normal Oedipal attachment b. Genuine, ego-integrated iden- tification with either or both
parents
c. Ego-integrated masculinity and/or femininity. Emphasis is on character traits and inter- nalized values
53? Internalized superego, some- times severe and irrational; conscious guilt
?
56a. Distortion of "reality" 56b. Authoritarian moralism
56a. Realistic-objective re world generally
56c. Denial of "negative things" in 56c. self, "official optimism"
56d. Concern with physical symp- toms
56e. Concern with physical appear- ance
56f. Hysterical conversion symp- toms (especially in men)
"reality representatives" of original objects (e. g. author- ity; mother figures)
52? Identification:
54- Rejection and countercathexis 54? Acceptance and sublimation
of ego-alien impulses, espe- cially of sex, of aggression against parents and authorities, and of feelings of weakness and passivity
55. Ego weak; often skillful in at- taining success and deter- mined in overt action; some- times combined with oppor- tunistic over-realism
of id, often with conscious conflict between competing impulses; sometimes conscious inhibition of id
55? Ego moderate strength, or strong. Criteria: sustained ef- fort, ability to postpone pleasure for sake of in- ternalized values; ability to assume responsibility; emo- tional maturity, etc. Some- times drifting into impractical pursuits
Further mechanisms
The quantitative results are shown, in the usual manner, in Table 1 (XII).
56b.
Intellectualization, sometimes of the type of philosophical rationalization rather than of intellectual penetration
Open psychological conflict
concerning own adequacy, maturity, or the violation of liberal values, etc.
? PERSONALITY ORGANIZATION SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 445
2. ORALITY AND ANALITY
We turn first to the so-called oral and anal trends, especially their ac- ceptance vs. rejection whenever this occurs in the two groups scoring extremely high or low on the overt Ethnocentrism scale. As in the preceding discussion, the terms "anality" and "orality" do not refer here to the earlier psychogenetic stages but rather to special character syndromes found in the adult personality; these latter have been described, likewise by psycho- analysis, in terms of present symptoms assumed to be connected with their respective counterparts in childhood.
It was first expected that in line with the general tendency toward repres- sion, high-scoring subjects would tend to defend themselves against both the direct oral urge, e. g. , indulgence in food, drinking, smoking, etc. , as well as against tendencies assumed to be related to this urge-indulgence in talking, artistic interests, etc. The low scorers, on the other hand, were expected to show more acceptance of and more liking for manifestations assumed to be directly or indirectly related to orality. On this basis, orality was incorpo- rated in the Interview Scoring Manual in the form defined by Category 47?
Although there actually is within our material a trend in the expected direction, especially for women (see Table I (XII)), it is far from being statistically significant. This may well be due to the presence of an "oral demandingness" in the high scorers as manifested, for example, in a depend- dence on getting "things," and a dependence on authorities and supernatural forces as discussed above.
These specific manifestations were not fully antici- pated at the time the definitions of the category were laid down, although they were given proper consideration throughout by the two raters, both being clinically trained and psychoanalytically oriented.
The original hypothesis proved most valid where rejection of drinking and smoking on the part of the typical high scorer was concerned, and this may well be seen as part of a general conventionalism.
As was expected, indulgence in what may be called direct orality is more often found in the low scorers. An illustration may be found in the following record:
F62: "For a while I wanted to be an actress but I love to eat and, strangely enough, the actresses seem not to eat. Because of not being able to reduce and because of the fact that the job of a teacher is more secure, I decided to become a teacher. "
The various behavior forms assumed to be indirectly derived from orality do not show any pronounced differences, however. More detailed distinc- tions of the various levels and kinds of direct and devious manifestations of orality may well reveal striking differences between the ethnically prej- udiced and unprejudiced.
In contrast to orality, the rejection vs. acceptance of tendencies customar- ily designated as anal syndrome (Category 48) proved significantly differ- entiating (at the I per cent level) for both men and women interviewees.
? 47?
48?
49. 50?
~
b,
c. 51?
~
b.
Men Q. 7
1! . . 32 ll. 5
TABLE 1 (XII)
INTERVIEW RATINGS ON DYNAMIC CHARACTER STRUCTURE
FOR 80 SUBJECTS SCORING EXTREMELY "HIGH" OR "LOW" ON THE ETHNIC PREJUDICE QUESTIONNAIRE SCALE
Interview rating categories Jabbreviated from Manual)
Number of "High"(H) and "Low"(L) Sex ratings received by
Sums of instances ? positive" ~negative"
Level of statistical significance
reached or
surpassed (percentage)
1 1
1 1
1 1
1 1
5
1
1
2 5
Rejection(H) vs, positive ex- pression(L) of "erotic" orality Women
H L 2
u. 9 25 4
24 3
31 5 24 3
30 4 24 3
Anal reaction-formations rigid- Men moralistic (H) vs, functional Women and nonmoralistic(L)
Diffuse, ego-alien(H) vs, love- Men oriented(L) dependence Women
Aggression:
Diffuse, depersonalized(H) Men vs. focal, personalized(L) Women
Moralistic-authoritarian(H) Men vs. principled-intellectualized WOmen or love-oriented(L)
Destructive-explosive(H) Men vs. relatively mild(L) Women
Ambivalence:
Ego-alien(H) vs, sometimes Men admitted openly(L) Women
Solved by dichotomies and dis? Men placement(H) vs, expressed Women openly toward original object(L)
121 3 172 3
173 2 14 i72 1 7
11. 2 2 13 g3 0 11
20 men and 25 women "high scorers" H L
20 men and 15 women "low scorers"
15 2 2 12 27 16 1 2 ro 26
2 2 3 3
15 2 4 27 ! . [ 4 2 25
14 2 5 22 93 2 18
4 3
4 6
6 6
7 5
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213 25 3 1
211 ~ 3 1 >tl
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214 30 5 112 27 6
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510 24 6 4. 1. 28 5
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711 25 12 5
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410 18 7 310 18 7
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312 26 6 3~ 25 4
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? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
Thus it is that high-scoring subjects tend toward rigid-moralistic patterns of behavior, which are related in appearance to responses technically termed anal reaction-formations, and tend to conceive of them as ends-in-themselves; that they show overemphasis upon, and preoccupation with, such issues as money, neatness, "good clean life and hard work," etc. ; and that they are given to totalitarian-moralistic typologizing (e. g. , two kinds of people- "clean" and "dirty"), this typologizing being either positive or negative. These preoccupations may be considered as an outcome of a certain type of child training; thus, sociopsychological factors are brought into the picture. The affinity of these dynamic tendencies to the ideological issues in question seems evident on the basis of the above description.
Examples of this complex of attitudes in the records of high-scoring sub- jects are:
M4z: "Lots of advantages . . . pensions. Put in 30 years and you retire. Good salary. Always something to see and learn in the army. Going different places. It's a good life in general. A clean life. . . . It makes a man of you. . . . (Main differences between Christians and others? ) The Christian tries to live a Christian life and others go out and rob and steal, drink, carouse around, do a little of everything. . . . (What do you find most offensive in others? ) Well, some people are more attractive than others. Some people have no attraction. (Interests, hobbies? ) Well, I have no hob- bies. I like fishing. I like hunting. "
M 51: (What is the core of your religious beliefs? ) "No, I can't elaborate on that. I did answer that. That right thinking and right living. . . . "
F66: "Mother is a nurse, and I know the profession. I don't like dirty work. I don't like sick people. (About school. ) They . . . wore dirty old plaid shirts. "
F31: "I can't see a girl working in jeans and around grease and putting themselves on the same level as men. "
F38: (What people have you disliked? ) "I remember a man when I was r8 years old. I didn't like him because he was dirty and sloppy. "
F78: She looks for similar interests, someone who enjoys the same things. "Some- one I wouldn't have to make excuses for-someone well brought up, nice appear- ance, dressed neatly. I'm a very neat person. "
Some of these findings corroborate earlier results by Krout and Stagner (65). They found that conservatives show more tendency to digestive dis- orders, more and an almost compulsive interest in washing and personal
cleanliness.
Low scorers, on the other hand, tend toward anal reaction-formations
which may be considered functional rather than moralistic, with the proper perspective upon their character as means to an end retained (Category 48, continued). More specifically, the more "central" attitude involved finds its expression on the functional level in a constructive inclination toward such frames of mind as planning, e. g. , in scientific work; or else there is an absence of retentiveness altogether, as shown by a rather carefree, relaxed attitude. Examples of this latter subvariety from the records of low-scoring subjects are:
? PERSONALITY ORGANIZATION SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 449
M42: "It may sound funny, but I don't particularly care to work really. . . . I like the independence of that kind of work. . . . I have the ability in such a job to simply go fishing on Saturdays or other days if I don't feel like working. " Subject indicates that doing so was not a particularly rare occurrence with him. . . . "And I'm not as economical as my mother. I take after my dad probably in that respect more. In having a good time, I'm more like him. When I start out to have a good time, money doesn't matter. . . . "
Mss: "I am inclined to be not very careful about spending money myself . . . my wife says so. . . . If I see something I like, I am inclined to buy it. . . . (About older sister:) However, a delightful person to live with. . . . "
Ms6: (Importance of money to father? ) "Not in1portant; never any money- grubbers in my family. My brother is a doctor who went to Ethiopia to help out as a doctor. "
3. DEPENDENCE
Another "central" attitude which is not accepted and faced as such by
the high-scoring subjects is "dependence. " We made reference to this tend- ency in discussing the subjects' attitude toward their family, toward people, and toward themselves. Here we deal with dependence as a generalized trait in its various meanings and the ways in which it is handled by the subject. In Category 49, a diffuse aud ego-alien dependence as manifested by escapism or the dodging of responsibility, a general underlying passivity, helplessness and weakness (in men expressed openly only when they are overwhelmed or victimized, as exemplified by "foxhole religion" and other ali-or-none responses), accompanied by affective poverty, is contrasted with what has for the sake of brevity been labeled love-oriented succorance-nurturance. The first-named alternative is found significantly more often in high scorers (the difference being at the 1 per cent level of confidence) both in the case of men and women interviewees. Since the two patterns of dependence described have been discussed at length in previous chapters, it may suffice here briefly to remind the reader of the basic difference between affectionate love dependence and self-seeking dependence that is barren of affect.
The dependence on support in high-scoring subjects is furthermore clearly evident in their particular type of attitude toward religion. It is primarily when in need that they turn to the Bible; and it is support in the face of need rather than a system of ethics that they seek in religion. Frequently they become religious whenever "dependence on people" conflicts with suspicion, leading to isolation.
