No More Learning

- From Hesse. The maid who sleeps in the
castle, surrounded by a hedge until the right prince releases her, be-
fore whom the flowers part, is the sleeping Brunhild, according to the
old Norse saga, whom a wall of flame surrounds which Sigurd alone
can penetrate to wake her. The spindle on which she pricks herself,
and from which she falls asleep, is the slumber thorn with which
Odin pricks Brunhiid. In the Pentameron it is a flax-root. In Per-
rault, La Belle au Bois Dormant. ' Similar is the sleep of "Schnee-
witchen. " The Italian and French stories both have the conclusion
that is wanting in the German, but occurs in our fragment 'Of the


## p. 6741 (#117) ###########################################

THE GRIMM BROTHERS
6741
Wicked Stepmother. ' It is noteworthy that in the important devia-
tions of Perrault from Basile (who alone preserves the pretty trait
that the nursling sucks the bit of flax from the finger of the sleeping
mother), both agree so far as to the names of the children that the
twins in the Pentameron are called Sun and Moon; in Perrault, Day
and Dawn. These names recall the compounds of Day, Sun, and
Moon, in the genealogy of the 'Edda. '
THE THREE SPINNERS
From the Household Tales'
T"
HERE was a lazy girl who would not spin; and her mother
might say what she would, she could not make her do it.
At last anger and impatience overcame the mother so that
she struck the girl, and at that she began to cry aloud. Now,
the queen was just driving by, and when she heard the crying.
she had the carriage stop, went into the house, and asked the
mother why she beat her daughter so that one could hear the
crying out on the street? Then the woman was ashamed to con-
fess the laziness of her daughter, and said, "I cannot keep her
from spinning. She wants to spin all the time, and I am poor
and can't get the flax. " Then the queen answered, "There is
nothing I like to hear so much as spinning, and I am never
happier than when the wheels hum. Let me take your daughter
to the castle. I have flax enough. There she shall spin as much
as she will. "
The mother was well pleased at it, and the queen took the
girl with her. When they came to the castle she took her up to
three rooms, which lay from top to bottom full of the finest
flax. "Now spin me this flax," said she; "and if you finish it
you shall have my eldest son for a husband. Though you are
poor, I don't mind that: your cheerful diligence is dowry enough. "
The girl was secretly frightened; for she could not have spun
the flax if she had lived three hundred years, and had sat at it
every day from morning till evening. When she was alone she
began to cry, and sat so three days without lifting a hand. On
the third day the queen came, and when she saw that nothing
was spun yet she was surprised; but the girl excused herself by
saying that she had not been able to begin on account of her
great sorrow at leaving her mother's house. The queen was


## p. 6742 (#118) ###########################################

6742
THE GRIMM BROTHERS
satisfied with that, but she said as she went away, "To-morrow
you must begin to work. "
When the girl was alone again she did not know what to
think or to do; and in her trouble she went up to the window,
and there she saw three women coming along. The first had a
broad paddle-foot, the second had such a big under-lip that it
hung down over her chin, and the third had a broad thumb.
They stopped before the window, looked up, and asked the girl
what was the matter. She told them her trouble. Then they
offered her their help and said, "If you will invite us to your
wedding, not be ashamed of us, and call us your cousins, and
seat us at your table too, then we will spin your flax up, and
that quickly. " "Gladly," said she: "come in and set to work im-
mediately. " So she let the three queer women in, and cleared
a little space in the first room, where they could sit down and
begin their spinning. One of them drew the thread and trod the
wheel, the second wet the thread, the third twisted it and struck
with her finger on the table; and as often as she struck, a skein
of yarn fell to the floor, and it was of the finest. She hid the
three spinners from the queen, and showed her as often as she
came the pile of spun yarn, so that the queen could not praise
her enough. When the first room was empty, they began on the
second, and then on the third, and that was soon cleared up too.
Now the three women took their leave, and said to the girl, "Do
not forget what you promised us. It will be your good fortune. "
When the girl showed the queen the empty rooms and the
great heap of yarn, she prepared for the wedding; and the bride-
groom was delighted to get such a clever and industrious wife,
and praised her very much. "I have three cousins," said the
girl; "and since they have been very kind to me, I should not
like to forget them in my happiness. Permit me to invite them
to the wedding and to have them sit with me at the table. " The
queen and the bridegroom said, "Why should not we permit it? "
Now when the feast began, the three women came in queer
dress, and the bride said, "Welcome, dear cousins. " "Oh! " said
the bridegroom: "how did you get such ill-favored friends? "
Then he went to the one with the broad paddle-foot and asked,
"Where did you get such a broad foot? " "From the treadle,"
she answered, "from the treadle. " Then the bridegroom went to
the second and said, "Where did you get that hanging lip? "
"From wetting yarn," she answered, "from wetting yarn. "


## p. 6743 (#119) ###########################################

THE GRIMM BROTHERS
6743
he asked the third, "Where did you get the broad thumb? "
"From twisting thread," she answered, "from twisting thread. "
Then the king's son was frightened and said, "Then my fair
bride shall never, never touch a spinning-wheel again. "
so she was rid of the horrid spinning.
And
NOTE BY THE GRIMMS. - From a tale from the duchy of Corvei; but
that there are three women, each with a peculiar fault due to spin-
ning, is taken from a Hessian story. In the former they are two
very old women, who have grown so broad by sitting that they can.
hardly get into the room; from wetting the thread they had thick
lips; and from pulling and drawing it, ugly fingers and broad thumbs.
The Hessian story begins differently, too; namely, that a king liked
nothing better than spinning, and so, at his farewell before a jour-
ney, left his daughters a great chest of flax that was to be spun on
his return. To relieve them, the queen invited the three deformed
women and put them before the king's eyes on his return. Prätorius
in his 'Glückstopf' (pp. 404-406) tells the story thus: A mother can-
not ake her daughter spin, and so often beats her. A man who
happens to see it, asks what it means. The mother answers, "I can-
not keep her from spinning. She spins more flax than I can buy. "
The man answers, "Then give her to me for wife. I shall be satis-
fied with her cheerful diligence, though she brings no dowry. " The
mother is delighted, and the bridegroom brings the bride immediately
a great provision of flax. She is secretly frightened, but accepts it,
puts it in her room, and considers what she shall do. Then three
women come to the window, one so broad from sitting that she can-
not get in at the door, the second with an immense nose, the third
with a broad thumb. They offer their services and promise to spin
the task, if the bride on her wedding day will not be ashamed of
them, will proclaim them her cousins and set them at her table. She
consents; they spin up the flax, and the lover praises his betrothed.
When now the wedding day comes, the three horrid women present
themselves. The bride does them honor, and calls them cousins.
The bridegroom is surprised, and asks how she comes by such ill-
favored friends. "Oh! " said the bride, "it's by spinning that they
have become so deformed. One has such a broad back from sitting,
the second has licked her mouth quite off,- therefore her nose stands
out so, and the third has twisted thread so much with her thumb. "
Then the bridegroom was troubled, and said to the bride she should
never spin another thread as long as she lived, that she might not
become such a monstrosity.
A third tale from the Oberlansitz,' by Th. Pescheck, is in Büsch-
ing's Weekly News. It agrees in general with Prätorius. One of the


## p. 6744 (#120) ###########################################

6744
THE GRIMM BROTHERS
three old women has sore eyes because the impurities of the flax have
got into them, the second has a mouth from ear to ear on account of
wetting thread, the third is fat and clumsy by much sitting at the
spinning-wheel. A part of the story is in Norwegian in Asbjörnsen,
and in Swedish in Cavallius. Mademoiselle L'Heretier's 'Ricdin-
Ricdon' agrees in the introduction, and the sette colenelle of the Pen-
tameron is also connected with this tale.
THE AUTHOR TO THE READER
From the Preface to the Deutsche Grammatik'
T HAS cost me no long hesitation to prune back to the stock
the first shoots of my granaries. A second growth, firmer
and finer, has quickly followed; perhaps one may hope for
flowers and ripening fruit. With joy I give to the public this
work, now become more worthy of its attention, that I have care-
fully tended and brought to this end amid cares and privations,
in which labor was sometimes a drudgery, and sometimes, and
by God's goodness oftener, my comfort.
The fruitfulness of the field is of such a nature that it never
fails; and no leaf from the sources can be re-examined that does
not arouse by a more distant prospect or make one repent of
past errors. If now a rich booty should win me less praise than
a many-sided, careful, economical administration of a smaller
treasure, the blame may fall on me, that I have not known how
to draw from all the principles I have discovered the uses of
which they were capable, and even that important observations.
sometimes stand in obscure places. Not all my assertions will
stand; but by the discoveries of their weakness other paths will
be opened, through which will break at last the truth: the only
goal of honest labor, and the only thing that lasts when men
have ceased to care for the names of like aspirants. What was
hardest for us may be child's-play to posterity, hardly worth
speaking of. Then truth will yield herself to new solutions of
which we had yet no hint, and will struggle with obstacles where
we thought all made plain.


## p. 6745 (#121) ###########################################

6745
GEORGE GROTE
(1794-1871)
T IS a coincidence so striking as almost to put the English
university system itself on the defensive, that neither Grote
nor Gibbon owed anything to academic training. Gibbon
indeed spent fourteen months at Oxford: -"the most idle and unprof-
itable of my whole life. " George Grote, the son of a London banker,
ended his school days at sixteen, when he left the Charterhouse. He
had been grounded in Latin by a devoted mother at five years, how-
ever, and he took with him to the bank little or no mathematics, and
an enthusiastic love for metaphysics, clas-
sical literature, and history, which proved
to be lifelong. From 1810 to 1820, under his
father's roof, he devoted his early mornings
and evenings to study. His most important
older friends were the political economists
James Mill, Ricardo, and Bentham; but they
did not divert him from his historical inter-
ests. Even during his long engagement, he
guided by letter the education and reading
of his future wife, with a constant view to
his own far-reaching plans for study and
creative work.

GEORGE GROTE
With Grote's marriage to the brilliant and
devoted Harriet Lewin, in 1820, began a
happier epoch. He had now his own home and a moderate income.
Mrs. Grote drew him somewhat into society, travel, and a widened
circle of friendship on the Continent as well as in London. These
digressions only aided what would else have been too bookish and
secluded a development. Mrs. Grote, however, was mistaken in her
recollection that she herself first, in the autumn of 1823, suggested
the subject of his chief life work: at least a year previous, the plan
for the great History of Greece' had been formed. In 1830 his
father's death left Mr. Grote abundant wealth; nevertheless, the dec-
ade 1831-1841, which was spent in active political work as the leader
in Parliament of the group known as philosophic radicals, did indeed
reduce his systematic and untiring studies to mere desultory read-
ing, and seemingly endangered his literary career. Yet even this


## p. 6746 (#122) ###########################################

6746
GEORGE GROTE
experience, as he himself declares, was of indispensable use to him
in comprehending the fiercer democratic politics of ancient Athens.
Returning early in 1842 from a brief stay in Italy, and severing
altogether his relations with the bank the next year, he now first, in
his fiftieth year, devoted his whole strength to his appointed task.
His powerful review of Mitford's 'Greece' in 1843 prepared the way
for the enthusiastic welcome accorded in 1845 to the first two volumes
of his 'History of Greece. ' The twelfth and closing volume did not
appear until 1856.
Some adequate outlines of his life and character are essential to
any fair appreciation of Mr. Grote's chief work. Indefatigable as
a student, a fearless lover of truth, widely familiar with men and
affairs, a wise philanthropist and a far-sighted reformer, Mr. Grote's
noble personality gives weight to his every sentence, as an athlete's
whole frame and training goes into each blow he strikes. It seems a
trifling criticism upon such a man, to say he was not a literary artist.
This is true, indeed, as to his choice of idiom and phrase. He has
not that "curious felicity" which makes us linger lovingly over the
very words in which a Plato, a Montaigne, a Burke casts his thought.
Even in the delineation of a great scene, like the defeat at Syracuse
or the downfall of Athens, he is rarely picturesque. He does not
appeal indeed to the youthful imagination, but to the mature judg-
ment. We can well imagine that this calm, even-toned, judicious
voice made itself heard effectively in the debates of the English Com-
mons.
Of course no one man can ever write an ideal history of that
unique, creative, many-sided Hellenic race; but the work of Mr. Grote
is still, a half-century after its creation, indispensable as an account
of political institutions among the Greeks. Even here the thousands
of newly discovered inscriptions, the fortunate reappearance of Aris-
totle's treatise on the Athenian Constitution, and the ceaseless march
of special investigation, make desirable some fresh annotation upon
almost every page. The familiarity with Greek lands and folk which
gives a charm to Professor Curtius's work is missing from Mr. Grote's.
Still more do we miss any warm enthusiasm for Hellenic art, which
was so indispensable an element in their life. Even their literature
is to him less a beautiful organism quivering with life than a source
for more or less accurate information. In this and in many other
respects he is curiously like the Athenian student of history and of
truth, Thucydides, who could write, in the day of Phidias and Sopho-
cles, as if he had never heard of a myth or a statue. It is true
also that Grote is always an English liberal, finding in every page
of history fresh reason for hope and trust in modern democracy.
This indeed we do not regard as adverse criticism at all. If a man


## p. 6747 (#123) ###########################################

GEORGE GROTE
6747
be not actually blinded to truth by narrow prejudices, the more
cordially his own convictions color his writings the greater will be
their value and vitality. Posterity will bring more and more human
experience to the interpretation of the remote past. They may yet
understand Periclean Athens, out of their own similar life, infinitely
better than our century could do. Like Chapman's or Pope's Homer,
Grote's Greece may yet have a value of its own, quite apart from the
question of its truthfulness to Hellenic antiquity, as a monument of
Victorian England. To us however it is still the largest, truest,
most adequate general picture yet drawn of Hellas from the days of
Homer to the time of Alexander.
Hardly less intense was Mr. Grote's interest in the Greek philoso-
phy. The chapters on Socrates and on the Sophists are perhaps the
ablest and the most original in the history. Moreover, as soon as
that great work was completed, he began the series of treatises on
the philosophic schools which was an indispensable portion of his
task. The three volumes on 'Plato and his Companions,' however,
did not appear until 1865; and of the great projected work on Aris-
totle, only a small segment took shape before death overtook the
noble, generous old scholar. His wife long survived him, and her
'Personal Life of George Grote,' despite numerous minor lapses of
memory, is one of the most valuable books in its class.
The important article on Mr. Grote in the 'Dictionary of National
Biography,' by Professor Robertson, is based in part on intimate per-
sonal acquaintance. Mr. Grote's minor works are all mentioned there.
Least known of all to the general public is a small volume of poems.
These were printed privately by his widow in 1872, and were chiefly
written during his courtship, which was unduly prolonged and embit-
tered by parental opposition. We intentionally reserve for a final
detail this especially appealing human experience of the statesman,
metaphysician, and historian.
THE DEATH, CHARACTER, AND WORK OF ALEXANDER THE
GREAT
From A History of Greece'
THE
HE intense sorrow felt by Alexander for the death of Hephæs-
tion-not merely an attached friend, but of the same age
and exuberant vigor as himself-laid his mind open to
gloomy forebodings from numerous omens, as well as to jealous.
mistrust even of his oldest officers. Antipater especially, no
longer protected against the calumnies of Olympias by the sup-
port of Hephæstion, fell more and more into discredit; whilst his


## p. 6748 (#124) ###########################################

6748
GEORGE GROTE
son Kassander, who had recently come into Asia with a Mace-
donian reinforcement, underwent from Alexander during irasci-
ble moments much insulting violence. In spite of the dissuasive
warning of the Chaldean priests, Alexander had been persuaded
to distrust their sincerity and had entered Babylon, though not
without hesitation and uneasiness. However, when after having
entered the town he went out of it again safely on his expedition
for the survey of the lower Euphrates, he conceived himself to
have exposed them as deceitful alarmists, and returned to the
city with increased confidence for the obsequies of his deceased
friend.
The sacrifices connected with these obsequies were
on the
most prodigious scale. Victims enough were offered to furnish a
feast for the army, who also received ample distributions of wine.
Alexander presided in person at the feast, and abandoned himself
to conviviality like the rest. Already full of wine, he was per-
suaded by his friend Medius to sup with him, and to pass the
whole night in yet further drinking, with the boisterous indul-
gence called by the Greeks Kômus or Revelry. Having slept off
his intoxication during the next day, he in the evening again
supped with Medius, and spent the second night in the like
unmeasured indulgence. It appears that he already had the seeds
of a fever upon him, which was so fatally aggravated by this
intemperance that he was too ill to return to his palace. He
took the bath, and slept in the house of Medius; on the next
morning he was unable to rise. After having been carried out
on a couch to celebrate sacrifice (which was his daily habit), he
was obliged to lie in bed all day. Nevertheless he summoned
the generals to his presence, prescribing all the details of the
impending expedition, and ordering that the land force should
begin its march on the fourth day following, while the fleet, with
himself aboard, would sail on the fifth day. In the evening he
was carried on a couch across the Euphrates into a garden on
the other side, where he bathed and rested for the night. The
fever still continued, so that in the morning, after bathing and
being carried out to perform the sacrifices, he remained on his
couch all day, talking and playing at dice with Medius; in the
evening he bathed, sacrificed again, and ate a light supper, but
endured a bad night with increased fever. The next two days
passed in the same manner, the fever becoming worse and worse;
nevertheless Alexander still summoned Nearchus to his bedside,


## p. 6749 (#125) ###########################################

GEORGE GROTE
6749
discussed with him many points about his maritime projects, and
repeated his order that the fleet should be ready by the third
day. On the ensuing morning the fever was violent; Alexander
reposed all day in a bathing-house in the garden, yet still calling
in the generals to direct the filling up of vacancies among the
officers, and ordering that the armament should be ready to move.
Throughout the two next days his malady became hourly more
aggravated. On the second of the two, Alexander could with
difficulty support the being lifted out of bed to perform the sac-
rifice; even then, however, he continued to give orders to the
generals about the expedition. On the morrow, though desper-
ately ill, he still made the effort requisite for performing the
sacrifice; he was then carried across from the garden-house to
the palace, giving orders that the generals and officers should
remain in permanent attendance in and near the hall. He caused
some of them to be called to his bedside; but though he knew
them perfectly, he had by this time become incapable of utter-
ance. One of his last words spoken is said to have been, on
being asked to whom he bequeathed his kingdom, "To the
strongest;" one of his last acts was to take the signet ring from
his finger, and hand it to Perdikkas.
For two nights and a day he continued in this state, without
either amendment or repose. Meanwhile the news of his mal-
ady had spread through the army, filling them with grief and
consternation. Many of the soldiers, eager to see him once more,
forced their way into the palace and were admitted unarmed.
They passed along by the bedside, with all the demonstrations of
affliction and sympathy; Alexander knew them, and made show
of friendly recognition as well as he could, but was unable to
say a word.
Several of the generals slept in the temple of
Serapis, hoping to be informed by the god in a dream whether
they ought to bring Alexander into it as a suppliant to expe-
rience the divine healing power. The god informed them in
their dream that Alexander ought not to be brought into the tem-
ple; that it would be better for him to be left where he was. In
the afternoon he expired,- June, 323 B. C. ,—after a life of thirty-
two years and eight months, and a reign of twelve years and
eight months.
The death of Alexander, thus suddenly cut off by a fever
in the plenitude of health, vigor, and aspirations, was an event
impressive as well as important in the highest possible degree, to


## p. 6750 (#126) ###########################################

6750
GEORGE GROTE
his contemporaries far and near. When the first report of it was
brought to Athens, the orator Demadês exclaimed, "It cannot be
true: if Alexander were dead, the whole habitable world would
have smelt of his carcass. " This coarse but emphatic comparison.
illustrates the immediate, powerful, and wide-reaching impression
produced by the sudden extinction of the great conqueror. It
was felt by each of the many remote envoys who had so re-
cently come to propitiate this far-shooting Apollo, by every man
among the nations who had sent these envoys, throughout
Europe, Asia, and Africa, as then known,- to affect either his
actual condition or his probable future. The first growth and
development of Macedonia, during the twenty-two years preced-
ing the battle of Chæroneia, from an embarrassed secondary State
into the first of all known powers, had excited the astonishment
of contemporaries and admiration for Philip's organizing genius.
But the achievements of Alexander during his twelve years of
reign, throwing Philip into the shade, had been on a scale so
much grander and vaster, and so completely without serious re-
verse or even interruption, as to transcend the measure not only
of human expectation, but almost of human belief. The Great
King (as the King of Persia was called by excellence) was and
had long been the type of worldly power and felicity, even down
to the time when Alexander crossed the Hellespont. Within four
years and three months from this event, by one stupendous
defeat after another, Darius had lost all his western empire, and
had become a fugitive eastward of the Caspian Gates, escaping
captivity at the hands of Alexander only to perish by those of
the satrap Bessus. All antecedent historical parallels - the ruin
and captivity of the Lydian Croesus, the expulsion and mean life
of the Syracusan Dionysius, both of them impressive examples
of the mutability of human condition-sank into trifles compared
with the overthrow of this towering Persian Colossus. The orator
Æschinês expressed the genuine sentiment of a Grecian specta-
tor when he exclaimed (in a speech delivered at Athens shortly
before the death of Darius):-"What is there among the list
of strange and unexpected events that has not occurred in our
time? Our lives have transcended the limits of humanity; we
are born to serve as a theme for incredible tales to posterity.
Is not the Persian King, who dug through Athos and bridged
the Hellespont, who demanded earth and water from the Greeks,
who dared to proclaim himself in public epistles master of all
―


## p. 6751 (#127) ###########################################

GEORGE GROTE
6751
mankind from the rising to the setting sun,-is not he now
struggling to the last, not for dominion over others but for the
safety of his own person? "
Such were the sentiments excited by Alexander's career,
even in the middle of 330 B. C. , more than seven years before his
death. During the following seven years his additional achieve-
ments had carried astonishment yet farther. He had mastered,
in defiance of fatigue, hardship, and combat, not merely all the
eastern half of the Persian empire, but unknown Indian regions
beyond its easternmost limits. Besides Macedonia, Greece, and
Thrace, he possessed all that immense treasure and military force
which had once rendered the Great King so formidable. By no
contemporary man had any such power ever been known or con-
ceived. With the turn of imagination then prevalent, many were
doubtless disposed to take him for a god on earth, as Grecian
spectators had once supposed with regard to Xerxês when they
beheld the innumerable Persian host crossing the Hellespont.
Exalted to this prodigious grandeur, Alexander was at the
time of his death little more than thirty-two years old—the age
at which a citizen of Athens was growing into important com-
mands; ten years less than the age for a consul at Rome; two
years younger than the age at which Timour first acquired the
crown and began his foreign conquests. His extraordinary bodily
powers were unabated; he had acquired a large stock of military
experience; and what was still more important, his appetite for
further conquest was as voracious, and his readiness to purchase
it at the largest cost of toil or danger as complete, as it had
been when he first crossed the Hellespont. Great as his past
career had been, his future achievements, with such increased
means and experience, were likely to be yet greater. His ambi-
tion would have been satisfied with nothing less than the con-
quest of the whole habitable world as then known; and if his
life had been prolonged, he would probably have accomplished it.
Nowhere (so far as our knowledge reaches) did there reside any
military power capable of making head against him; nor were
his soldiers, when he commanded them, daunted or baffled by
any extremity of cold, heat, or fatigue. The patriotic feelings of
Livy disposed him to maintain that Alexander, had he invaded
Italy and assailed Romans or Samnites, would have failed and
perished like his relative Alexander of Epirus. But this conclus-
ion cannot be accepted. If we grant the courage and discipline
of the Roman infantry to have been equal to the best infantry


## p. 6752 (#128) ###########################################

6752
GEORGE GROTE
of Alexander's army, the same cannot be said of the Roman
cavalry as compared with the Macedonian Companions. Still less
is it likely that a Roman consul, annually changed, would have
been found a match for Alexander in military genius and com-
binations; nor, even if personally equal, would he have pos-
sessed the same variety of troops and arms, - each effective in
its separate way and all conspiring to one common purpose,
nor the same unbounded influence over their minds in stimulat-
ing them to full effort. I do not think that even the Romans
could have successfully resisted Alexander the Great; though it
is certain that he never throughout all his long marches encoun-
tered such enemies as they, nor even such as Samnites and
Lucanians-combining courage, patriotism, discipline, with effect-
ive arms both for defense and for close combat.
Among all the qualities which go to constitute the highest
military excellence either as a general or as a soldier, none was
wanting in the character of Alexander. Together with his own
chivalrous courage,—sometimes indeed both excessive and un-
seasonable, so as to form the only military defect which can be
fairly imputed to him,- we trace in all his operations the most
careful dispositions taken beforehand, vigilant precaution in
guarding against possible reverse, and abundant resource in
adapting himself to new contingencies. Amidst constant success,
these precautionary combinations were never discontinued. His
achievements are the earliest recorded evidence of scientific
military organization on a large scale, and of its overwhelming
effects. Alexander overawes the imagination more than any
other personage of antiquity, by the matchless development of all
that constitutes effective force, as an individual warrior, and
as organizer and leader of armed masses; not merely the blind
impetuosity ascribed by Homer to Arês, but also the intelligent,
methodized, and all-subduing compression which he personifies in
Athênê. But all his great qualities were fit for use only against
enemies; in which category indeed were numbered all mankind,
known and unknown, except those who chose to submit to him.
In his Indian campaigns, amidst tribes of utter strangers, we
perceive that not only those who stand on their defense, but also
those who abandon their property and flee to the mountains, are
alike pursued and slaughtered.
a sol-
Apart from the transcendent merits of Alexander as
dier and a general, some authors give him credit for grand and
beneficent views on the subject of imperial government, and for


## p. 6753 (#129) ###########################################

GEORGE GROTE
6753
I
intentions highly favorable to the improvement of mankind.
see no ground for adopting this opinion. As far as we can vent-
ure to anticipate what would have been Alexander's future, we
see nothing in prospect except years of ever-repeated aggression
and conquest, not to be concluded until he had traversed and
subjugated all the inhabited globe. The acquisition of universal
dominion conceived not metaphorically but literally, and con-
ceived with greater facility in consequence of the imperfect geo-
graphical knowledge of the time-was the master passion of his
soul. At the moment of his death he was commencing fresh
aggression in the south against the Arabians, to an indefinite
extent; while his vast projects against the western tribes in
Africa and Europe, as far as the Pillars of Hêraklês, were con-
signed in the orders and memoranda confidentially communicated
to Kraterus. Italy, Gaul, and Spain would have been successively
attacked and conquered; the enterprises proposed to him when
in Baktria by the Chorasmian prince Pharasmanês, but postponed
then until a more convenient season, would have been next taken
up, and he would have marched from the Danube northward,
round the Euxine and Palus Mæotis, against the Scythians and
the tribes of Caucasus. There remained moreover the Asiatic
regions east of the Hyphasis, which his soldiers had refused to
enter upon, but which he certainly would have invaded at a
future opportunity, were it only to efface the poignant humilia-
tion of having been compelled to relinquish his proclaimed pur-
pose. Though this sounds like romance and hyperbole, it was
nothing more than the real insatiate aspiration of Alexander, who
looked upon every new acquisition mainly as a capital for acquir
ing more: "You are a man like all of us, Alexander" (said the
naked Indian to him), "except that you abandon your home like
a meddlesome destroyer, to invade the most distant regions;
enduring hardship yourself and inflicting hardship upon others. "
Now, how an empire thus boundless and heterogeneous, such as
no prince has ever yet realized, could have been administered.
with any superior advantages to subjects, it would be difficult to
show. The mere task of acquiring and maintaining, of keeping
satraps and tribute gatherers in authority as well as in subordi-
nation, of suppressing resistances ever liable to recur in regions.
distant by months of march, would occupy the whole life of a
world-conqueror, without leaving any leisure for the improve-
ments suited to peace and stability, if we give him credit for
such purposes in theory.
XII-423


## p. 6754 (#130) ###########################################

6754
GEORGE GROTE
But even this last is more than can be granted. Alexander's
acts indicate that he desired nothing better than to take up the
traditions of the Persian empire: a tribute-levying and army-
levying system, under Macedonians in large proportion as his
instruments, yet partly also under the very same Persians who
had administered before, provided they submitted to him. It has
indeed been extolled among his merits that he was thus willing to
reappoint Persian grandees (putting their armed force, however,
under the command of a Macedonian officer), and to continue
native princes in their dominions, if they did willing homage
to him as tributary subordinates. But all this had been done
before him by the Persian kings, whose system it was to leave
the conquered princes undisturbed, subject only to the payment
of tribute, and to the obligation of furnishing a military contin-
gent when required. In like manner Alexander's Asiatic empire
would thus have been composed of an aggregate of satrapies
and dependent principalities, furnishing money and soldiers; in
other respects left to the discretion of local rule, with occasional
extreme inflictions of punishment, but no systematic examination
or control. Upon this, the condition of Asiatic empire in all
ages, Alexander would have grafted one special improvement:
the military organization of the empire, feeble under the Achæ-
menid princes, would have been greatly strengthened by his
genius and by the able officers formed in his school, both for
foreign aggression and for home control.
In respect of intelligence and combining genius, Alexander
was Hellenic to the full; in respect of disposition and purpose,
no one could be less Hellenic. The acts attesting his Oriental
violence of impulse, unmeasured self-will, and exaction of rever-
ence above the limits of humanity, have been already recounted.
To describe him as a son of Hellas, imbued with the political
maxims of Aristotle and bent on the systematic diffusion of
Hellenic culture for the improvement of mankind, is in my
judgment an estimate of his character contrary to the evidence.
Alexander is indeed said to have invited suggestions from Aris-
totle as to the best mode of colonizing; but his temper altered
so much after a few years of Asiatic conquest, that he came not
only to lose all deference for Aristotle's advice, but even to hate
him bitterly. Moreover, though the philosopher's full sugges-
tions have not been preserved, yet we are told generally that he
recommended Alexander to behave to the Greeks as a leader or
president, or limited chief, and to the Barbarians (non-Hellenes) as


## p. 6755 (#131) ###########################################

GEORGE GROTE
6755
a master; a distinction substantially coinciding with that pointed
out by Burke in his speeches at the beginning of the American
war, between the principles of government proper to be followed
by England in the American colonies and in British India. No
Greek thinker believed the Asiatics to be capable of that free
civil polity upon which the march of every Grecian community
was based. Aristotle did not wish to degrade the Asiatics below
the level to which they had been accustomed, but rather to pre-
serve the Greeks from being degraded to the same level. Now,
Alexander recognized no such distinction as that drawn by his
preceptor. He treated Greeks and Asiatics alike, not by ele-
vating the latter but by degrading the former. Though he
employed all indiscriminately as instruments, yet he presently
found the free speech of Greeks, and even of Macedonians, so dis-
tasteful and offensive that his preferences turned more and more
in favor of the servile Asiatic sentiment and customs. Instead
of Hellenizing Asia, he was tending to Asiatize Macedonia and
Hellas. His temper and character, as modified by a few years of
conquest, rendered him quite unfit to follow the course recom-
mended by Aristotle towards the Greeks; quite as unfit as any
of the Persian kings, or as the French Emperor Napoleon, to
endure that partial frustration, compromise, and smart from free
criticism, which is inseparable from the position of a limited.
chief. Among a multitude of subjects more diverse-colored than
even the army of Xerxês, it is quite possible that he might have
turned his power towards the improvement of the rudest por-
tions. We are told (though the fact is difficult to credit, from
his want of time) that he abolished various barbarisms of the
Hyrkanians, Arachosians, and Sogdians. But Macedonians as
well as Greeks would have been pure losers by being absorbed
into an immense Asiatic aggregate.
This process of Hellenizing Asia,— in so far as Asia was ever
Hellenized, which has often been ascribed to Alexander, was
in reality the work of the Diadochi who came after him; though
his conquests doubtless opened the door and established the mili-
tary ascendency which rendered such a work practicable. The
position, the aspirations, and the interests of these Diadochi-
Antigonus, Ptolemy, Seleukus, Lysimachus, etc. - were materially
different from those of Alexander. They had neither appetite.
nor means for new and remote conquest; their great rivalry was
with each other; each sought to strengthen himself near home


## p. 6756 (#132) ###########################################

6756
GEORGE GROTE
against the rest. It became a matter of fashion and pride with
them, not less than of interest, to found new cities immortalizing
their family names. These foundations were chiefly made in the
regions of Asia near and known to Greeks, where Alexander
had planted none. Thus the great and numerous foundations of
Seleukus Nikator and his successors covered Syria, Mesopotamia,
and parts of Asia Minor. All these regions were known to
Greeks, and more or less tempting to new Grecian immigrants,
not out of reach or hearing of the Olympic and other festivals
as the Jaxartês and the Indus were. In this way a considerable
influx of new Hellenic blood was poured into Asia during the
century succeeding Alexander; probably in great measure from
Italy and Sicily, where the condition of the Greek cities became.
more and more calamitous, besides the numerous Greeks who
took service as individuals under these Asiatic kings. Greeks,
and Macedonians speaking Greek, became predominant, if not in
numbers at least in importance, throughout most of the cities in
western Asia. In particular, the Macedonian military organiza-
tion, discipline, and administration were maintained systematically
among these Asiatic kings. In the account of the battle of Mag-
nesia, fought by the Seleukid king Antiochus the Great against
the Romans in 190 B. C. , the Macedonian phalanx, constituting
the main force of his Asiatic army, appears in all its complete-
ness, just as it stood under Philip and Perseus in Macedonia
itself.
Moreover, besides this, there was the still more important fact
of the many new cities founded in Asia by the Seleukidæ and
the other contemporary kings. Each of these cities had a con-
siderable infusion of Greek and Macedonian citizens among the
native Orientals located here, often brought by compulsion from
neighboring villages. In what numerical ratio these two elements
of the civic population stood to each other, we cannot say. But
the Greeks and Macedonians were the leading and active portion,
who exercised the greatest assimilating force, gave imposing
effect to the public manifestations of religion, had wider views
and sympathies, dealt with the central government, and carried
on that contracted measure of municipal autonomy which the city
was permitted to retain. In these cities the Greek inhabitants,
though debarred from political freedom, enjoyed a range of social
activity suited to their tastes. In each, Greek was the language
of public business and dealing; each formed a centre of attraction.


## p. 6757 (#133) ###########################################

GEORGE GROTE
6757
and commerce for an extensive neighborhood; altogether, they
were the main Hellenic or quasi-Hellenic element in Asia under
the Greco-Asiatic kings, as contrasted with the rustic villages,
where native manners and probably native speech still continued
with little modification. But the Greeks of Antioch, or Alexan-
dria, or Seleukeia, were not like citizens of Athens or Thebes,
nor even like men of Tarentum or Ephesus. While they com-
municated their language to Orientals, they became themselves
substantially Orientalized. Their feelings, judgments, and habits
of action ceased to be Hellenic. Polybius, when he visited Alex-
andria, looked with surprise and aversion on the Greeks there
resident, though they were superior to the non-Hellenic popula-
tion, whom he considered worthless. Greek social habits, festi-
vals, and legends passed with the Hellenic settlers into Asia; all
becoming amalgamated and transformed so as to suit a new
Asiatic abode. Important social and political consequences turned
upon the diffusion of the language, and upon the establishment
of such a common medium of communication throughout western
Asia. But after all, the Hellenized Asiatic was not so much a
Greek as a foreigner with Grecian speech, exterior varnish, and
superficial manifestations; distinguished fundamentally from those
Greek citizens with whom the present history has been concerned.
So he would have been considered by Sophoklês, by Thucydidês,
by Sokratês.
We read that Alexander felt so much interest in the extension
of science that he gave to Aristotle the immense sum of eight
hundred talents in money, placing under his directions several
thousand men, for the purpose of prosecuting zoölogical re-
searches. These exaggerations are probably the work of those
enemies of the philosopher who decried him as a pensioner of
the Macedonian court; but it is probable enough that Philip, and
Alexander in the early part of his reign, may have helped Aris-
totle in the difficult process of getting together facts and speci-
mens for observation, from esteem towards him personally rather
than from interest in his discoveries. The intellectual turn of
Alexander was towards literature, poetry, and history.
He was
fond of the Iliad especially, as well as of the Attic tragedians;
so that Harpalus, being directed to send some books to him in
Upper Asia, selected as the most acceptable packet various trage-
dies of Eschylus, Sophoklês, and Euripidês, with the dithyrambic
poems of Telestês and the histories of Phlistus.


## p. 6758 (#134) ###########################################

6758
GEORGE GROTE
THE RISE OF CLEON
From the History of Greece ›
UN
NDER the great increase of trade and population in Athens.
and Peiræus during the last forty years, a new class of
politicians seem to have grown up, men engaged in various
descriptions of trade and manufacture, who began to rival more
or less in importance the ancient families of Attic proprietors.
This change was substantially analogous to that which took place
in the cities of medieval Europe, when the merchants and traders
of the various guilds gradually came to compete with, and ulti-
mately supplanted, the patrician families in whom the supremacy
had originally resided. In Athens, persons of ancient family and
station enjoyed at this time no political privilege; and since the
reforms of Ephialtês and Periklês, the political constitution had
become thoroughly democratical. But they still continued to form
the two highest classes in the Solonian census founded on prop-
erty, the pentakosiomedimni, and the hippeis or knights.
An individual Athenian of this class, though without any legal
title to preference, yet when he stood forward as candidate for
political influence, continued to be decidedly preferred and wel-
comed by the social sentiment at Athens, which preserved in its
spontaneous sympathies distinctions effaced from the political code.
Besides this place ready prepared for him in the public sympathy,
especially advantageous at the outset of political life, he found
himself further borne up by the family connections, associations,
and political clubs, etc. , which exercised very great influence both
on the politics and the judicature of Athens, and of which he
became a member as a matter of course. Such advantages were
doubtless only auxiliary, carrying a man up to a certain point of
influence, but leaving him to achieve the rest by his own per-
sonal qualities and capacity. But their effect was nevertheless
very real, and those who, without possessing them, met and buf-
feted him in the public assembly, contended against great disad-
vantages. A person of such low or middling station obtained no
favorable presumptions or indulgence on the part of the public
to meet him half-way; nor had he established connections to
encourage first successes, or help him out of early scrapes. He
found others already in possession of ascendency, and well dis-
posed to keep down new competitors; so that he had to win his
―――
1


## p. 6759 (#135) ###########################################

GEORGE GROTE
6759
own way unaided, from the first step to the last, by qualities
personal to himself: by assiduity of attendance, by acquaintance
with business, by powers of striking speech, and withal by un-
flinching audacity, indispensable to enable him to bear up against
that opposition and enmity which he would incur from the high-
born politicians and organized party clubs, as soon as he appeared
to be rising up into ascendency.
The free march of political and judicial affairs raised up
several such men, during the years beginning and immediately
preceding the Peloponnesian War. Even during the lifetime of
Periklês they appear to have arisen in greater or less numbers:
but the personal ascendency of that great man-who combined
an aristocratical position with a strong and genuine democratical
sentiment, and an enlarged intellect rarely found attached to
either-impressed a peculiar character on Athenian politics. The
Athenian world was divided into his partisans and his oppo-
nents, among each of whom there were individuals high-born and
low-born-though the aristocratical party properly so called, the
majority of wealthy and high-born Athenians, either opposed or
disliked him. It is about two years after his death that we begin
to hear of a new class of politicians.
Among them all,
the most distinguished was Kleon, son of Kleænetus.
Kleon acquired his first importance among the speakers against
Periklês, so that he would thus obtain for himself, during his
early political career, the countenance of the numerous and aris-
tocratical anti-Perikleans. He is described by Thucydidês in gen-
eral terms as a person of the most violent temper and character
in Athens,—as being dishonest in his calumnies and virulent in
his invective and accusation. Aristophanês in his comedy of
'The Knights' reproduces these features, with others new and dis-
tinct, as well as with exaggerated details, comic, satirical, and
contemptuous. His comedy depicts Kleon in the point of view
in which he would appear to the knights of Athens: a leather-
dresser, smelling of the tan-yard; a low-born brawler, terrifying
opponents by the violence of his criminations, the loudness of his
voice, the impudence of his gestures, moreover, as venal in
his politics, threatening men with accusations and then receiving
money to withdraw them; a robber of the public treasury, per-
secuting merit as well as rank, and courting the favor of the
assembly by the basest and most guilty cajolery. The general
attributes set forth by Thucydidês (apart from Aristophanês, who
•


## p. 6760 (#136) ###########################################

6760
GEORGE GROTE
does not profess to write history), we may well accept: the pow-
erful and violent invective of Kleon, often dishonest, together
with his self-confidence and audacity in the public assembly.
Men of the middling class, like Kleon and Hyperbolus, who per-
severed in addressing the public assembly and trying to take a
leading part in it against persons of greater family pretension
than themselves, were pretty sure to be men of more than usual
audacity. Had they not possessed this quality, they would never
have surmounted the opposition made to them; we may well
believe that they had it to a displeasing excess—and even if
they had not, the same measure of self-assumption which in
Alkibiadês would be tolerated from his rank and station, would
in them pass for insupportable impudence. Unhappily, we have
no specimens to enable us to appreciate the invective of Kleon.
We cannot determine whether it was more virulent than that of
Demosthenes and Eschinês, seventy years afterwards, each of
those eminent orators imputing to the other the grossest impu-
dence, calumny, perjury, corruption, loud voice, and revolting
audacity of manner, in language which Kleon can hardly have
surpassed in intensity of vituperation, though he doubtless fell
immeasurably short of it in classical finish. Nor can we even
tell in what degree Kleon's denunciations of the veteran Periklês
were fiercer than those memorable invectives against the old age
of Sir Robert Walpole, with which Lord Chatham's political career
opened.
had grown
His personal hold on the public assembly
into a sort of ascendency which Thucydidês describes by saying
that Kleon was "at that time by far the most persuasive speaker
in the eyes of the people. " The fact of Kleon's great power of
speech, and his capacity of handling public business in a popular
manner, is better attested than anything else respecting him,
because it depends upon two witnesses both hostile to him,-
Thucydidês and Aristophanês. The assembly and the dikastery
were Kleon's theatre and holding-ground: for the Athenian people
taken collectively in their place of meeting, and the Athenian
people taken individually, were not always the same person and
had not the same mode of judgment; Demos sitting in the Pnyx
was a different man from Demos at home. The lofty combination
of qualities possessed by Periklês exercised ascendency over both
one and the other; but the qualities of Kleon swayed considerably
the former without standing high in the esteem of the latter.


## p. 6761 (#137) ###########################################

6761
EUGÉNIE AND MAURICE DE GUÉRIN
(1805-1848)
(1810-1839)
F THIS remarkable brother and sister might have been written
the words: "They were lovely and pleasant in their lives,
and in their death they were not divided. " "We were,"
says Eugénie, "two eyes looking out of one head. " Their history as
well as their literary work is left in the form of Journals and Letters.
Not written for publication, these are most intimate records of their
characters and spirits.
Eugénie and Georges Maurice de Guérin were born in the old
château of Cayly, Languedoc, of a noble but impoverished family;
Eugénie, the eldest of four children, in 1805, and Maurice, the young-
est, August 5th, 1810. On the death of their mother, Eugénie as-
sumed care of the delicate brother to whom her life was thenceforth
devoted. To a desolate home where sorrow and an austere religion
held sway, the morbid note of Maurice's impressionable nature must
be attributed. He went to school in Toulouse, spent five years in
college, joined in 1832 the famous Lamennais in his monastic retreat
at La Chênaie, and finally went to Paris to seek fame by literary
work. Here he taught, wrote, and married, dying at the early age
of twenty-nine on July 19th, 1839. In 1840 Madame George Sand
brought out in the Revue des Deux Mondes his principal composition,
'Le Centaur. '
Maurice was a dreamer from his infancy, possessed of a melancholy
spirit and a wonderful insight into nature's physical and mystical
beauties. "He has a truly interpretative faculty," says Matthew Ar-
nold: "the most profound and delicate sense of the life of nature, and
the most exquisite felicity in finding expressions to render that sense. "
We may divide his life into two periods: the first under the influ-
ence of Lamennais at La Chênaie, where so much of his 'Journal'
was written; and the second in Paris, where he soon became, Sainte-
Beuve tells us, "a man of the world, elegant, even fashionable; a con-
versationalist who could hold his own against the most brilliant
talkers of Paris. " To the first period belongs the greater part of his
'Journal,' upon which, with the Centaur,' his fame rests; for his
verses possess little value. Of the suggestions of landscapes in the
'Journal' Sainte-Beuve says:-"They are delicate; they are felt and


## p. 6762 (#138) ###########################################

6762
EUGÉNIE AND MAURICE DE GUÉRIN
painted at the same time: they are painted from near by on the spot,
according to nature, but without crudeness. There is no trace of the
palette. The colors have their original freshness and truth, and also
a certain tenderness. They have passed into the mirror of the inner
man, and are seen by reflection. One finds in them, above all, ex-
pression; and they breathe the very soul of things. "
Maurice de Guérin describes his own life as "made up of serious
projects ever changing, and of permanent but idle dreams; of long
intoxications of the fancy, and of almost absurd contests between my
will and my soul, which is independent and as light in flight as a
wild creature; while in the most sensitive and hidden depths of my
being there is always acute suffering or dull discomfort, according as
the disorder increases or diminishes. " Here then he gives us the key-
note to his life and writings,-morbid introspection combined with a
rare poetic fancy; and it is largely owing to this combination that
the Journal' is an interesting psychological study.
'The Centaur' was suggested by a visit to the Musée des Antiques
with his friend Trébutien, and is masterly in its conception of that
strange imaginative borderland between animal and human life. This
being, partaking equally of both these lives, is supposed to stand in
his melancholy old age on the summit of a mountain, while he
relates to an inquisitive mortal the history of his youth.
Sainte-Beuve considers Eugénie de Guérin of equal rank with her
brother; but Matthew Arnold in his Essays in Criticism' says that
Eugénie's words "are but intellectual signs, not symbols of nature like
Maurice's. They bring the notion of the thing described to the mind;
they do not bring the feeling of it to the imagination. "
The literary interest in Eugénie centres also in her 'Journal. '
Her life was passed at La Cayla, in the simple routine of household
duties and neighborhood charities. Once only she went to Paris, on
the occasion of her brother's marriage. She was intensely religious,
and spent much time in prayer, meditation, and preparation for
death.
Despite her pleasure in the beauty of nature and in the trivial
incidents of her daily life, she was subject to the moods of morbid
depression noted in Maurice. She condemns this, calling it languor,
ennui, or weariness. Of course the Roman Catholic Eugénie de
Guérin is ignorant of Puritan dogma; but allowing for her poetic
temperament and tenderness, her rigid asceticism is strangely identi-
cal with Puritanism. Everything that gives her pleasure seems to
her self-indulgent, even writing. She says, "I have renounced
poetry because I have seen that God did not ask it of me; but the
sacrifice has been so much the more painful, as in abandoning poetry,
poetry has not abandoned me. " Again she writes:-
-


## p. 6763 (#139) ###########################################

EUGÉNIE AND MAURICE DE GUÉRIN
6763
"Shall I tell you why I gave up the journal? Because I find the time lost
that I spend in writing. We owe an account of our minutes to God; and is it
not making a bad use of them to employ them in tracing the days that are
departing? Would to God that my thoughts, my spirit, had never taken their
flight beyond the narrow round in which it is my lot to live! In spite of all
that people say to the contrary, I feel that I cannot go beyond my needle-
work and my spinning without going too far; I feel it, I believe it: well then,
I will keep in my proper sphere; however much I am tempted, my spirit shall
not be allowed to occupy itself with great matters until it occupies itself with
them in heaven. »
And Maurice writes:-
:-
"So long as the wind wafts me from time to time whiffs of wild fragrance,
and my ear catches distant accents of the melodies of nature, what shall I
have to regret? Does the spider, which at evening-tide hangs suspended on
its thread between two leaves, concern itself with the flight of the eagle and
the pinions of the birds? And does the imagination of the bird, as it broods
over its nestlings well sheltered beneath some bush, regret the caprices of its
liberty and the soft undulations of its flight through the airy heights? Never
have I had the freedom of the bird, nor has my thought ever been as happy
as its wings; then let us fall asleep in resignation, as does the bird in its nest. »
Maurice was the one thought of Eugénie's life, and all her Jour-
nal' is addressed to him. Two days after his death she writes:-
"No, my dear, death shall not part us, shall not remove you from
my thoughts. Death only separates our bodies; the soul instead of
being there is in heaven, and the change of abodes takes nothing
away from its affections. Far from it; I trust one loves better in
heaven, where all becomes Divine. " Determined that the world
should know Maurice, she wrote to his friends and prepared a memoir
for his works; yet she died on May 31st, 1848, before their publica-
tion. Sainte-Beuve made her the subject of a 'Causerie de Lundi,'
and Trébutien published her 'Reliquæ' at Caen (1855). In 1862 this
tribute appeared for public circulation, was crowned by the French
Academy, and passed through sixteen editions in eight months.
-
FROM THE JOURNAL OF EUGÉNIE DE GUÉRIN
CHR
HRISTMAS is Come; the beautiful festival, the one I love most,
that gives me the same joy that it gave the shepherds of
Bethlehem. In real truth, one's whole soul sings with joy
at this beautiful coming of God upon earth,- a coming which
here is announced on all sides of us by music and by our charm-
ing nadalet. Nothing at Paris can give you a notion of what
*
* Chimes.


## p. 6764 (#140) ###########################################

6764
EUGÉNIE AND MAURICE DE GUÉRIN
Christmas is with us. You have not even the midnight mass.