As the passing over of God into the world is not physical necessity, bnt ethical freedom, so the material world is not a last streaming forth of spirit and soul, but a creation of God for the punishment and for the
overcoming
of sin.
Windelband - History of Philosophy
Tryph.
66
Connected with all these doctrines the fact, that with Philo the spiritual in the world of experience occupies doubtful position between the immaterial and the material the rout of man, the faculty of th aught and will, part of the divine Logos (even the demons are designated after the Stoic analogy a* XA-yoi), and yet again characterised as finest pneuma.
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C«a*. 2, $ 20. ] Ood and the World : Gnostics. 243
to comprehend how Ideas and things proceeded forth from the divine unity. But it had been shown at that time that this scheme of the development of plurality out of the One, as regards its relation to the predicates of worth, admitted two opposite interpre tations : viz. the Platonic mode of view, defended by Xenocrates, that the One is the good and the perfect, and that that which is derived from this is the imperfect and, ultimately, the bad, and the opposing theory, held by Speusippus, that the good is only the final product, not the starting-point of the development, and that this starting-point is to be sought, on the contrary, in the indefinite, the incomplete. ' It is customary to distinguish the above-described doctrines as the system of emanation and the system of evolution. The former term arises from the fact that in this system, which was decidedly prevalent in the religious philosophy of Alexandrianism, the separate formations of the world-producing " Logos were often designated by the Stoic terra, as " emanations (awoopouu) of the divine essence.
Yet the Alexandrian philosophy is not lacking in attempts at evolutionary systems. In particular, these were especially avail able for Gnosticism; for, in consequence of the degree to which it had strained the dualism of spirit and matter, this system was necessarily inclined to seek the monistic way of escape rather in an indifferent, original ground, which divided itself into the opposites. Hence where the Gnostics sought to transcend dualism, — and this was the case with the most important of them, — they projected not only a cosmogonic but a theogonic process, by which the deity unfolded himself from the darkness of his primeval essence, through opposition, to complete revelation. Thus, with Basileides, the nameless, original ground is called the not (yet) existing God (o ow w $ios). This being, we hear, produced the world-seed
(rusmrtpfua), in which the spiritual forces (vI<Jrip-«) lay unordered ■ide by side with the material forces (&n*>p<pia). The forming and ordering of this chaos of forces is completed by their longing for the deity. In connection with this process the various "sonships," the spiritual world (vwtpKoafua), separate themselves from the material world («oo>u>f ), and in the course of the process of generation all the tpheres of the thus developed deity ultimately become separate; each attains its allotted place, the unrest of striving ceases, and the peace of glorification rests over the All.
Motives from both systems, that of evolution and that of emana tion, appear peculiarly mingled in the doctrine of Valentinus. For
Ct Arist Utt. XIV. 4, 1091 b 10 ; XII. 7, 1072 b 31.
244 Hellenistic- Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Part II
here the spiritual world (w\^pa>fia) or system of the "jEons," the eternal essences, is developed first as an unfolding of the dark and mysterious primitive Depth (/3>#os) to self-revelation, and in the second place as a descending production of more imperfect forms. The mythical schema in this is the Oriental pairing of male and female deities. In the highest pair or "syzygy " there appears side byside with the original Ground " Silence " (<nyi? ), which is also called "Thought " (tvvoui). From this union of the Original Being with the capacity of becoming conscious there proceeds as the firstborn the Spirit (here called vov%) which in the second syzygy has as its object " Truth," i. e. the intelligible world, the realm of Ideas. Thus, having itself come to full revelation, the deity in the third syzygy takes the form of " Reason " (Xdyot) and " Life " (0>J), and in the fourth syzygy becomes the principle of external revelation as " Ideal Man " (iv&pamos) and "Community" (titxAj^rto, church). While the de scending process has thus already begun, it is continued still farther by the fact that from the third and fourth syzygies still other ^Eons proceed, which, together with the sacred Eight, form the entire Pleroma, but which stand farther and farther removed from the original Ground. It is the last of these . Eons, " Wisdom "(ao<pia), that, by sinful longing after the original Ground, gives occasion for the separation of this Longing and of its being cast into the mate rial Void, the <e«Vuyta, there to lead to the formation of the earthly world.
If we look at the philosophical thoughts which lie back of these highly ambiguous myth-constructions, it is easy to understand that the school of the Valentinians diverged into various theories. For in no other system of that time are dualistic and monistic motives of both kinds, from the system of evolution as well a» from that of emanation, so intricately mingled.
7. Clarified conceptionally, and freed from mythical apparatus, the like motives appear in the doctrine of Plotinus, yet in such a manner that in the system as completed the principle of emanation almost entirely crowds out the other two.
The synthesis of transcendence and immanence is sought by Plotinus also in the direction of preserving the essence of God as the absolutely one and unchangeable, while plurality and changea bility belong only to his workings. 1 Of the " First," which is ex alted above all finite determinations and oppositions, nothing what ever can be predicated in the strict sense (cf. above, 2). It is
1 In so far we find here, coined into theological form, the problem of the Eleatics and Heraclitus, with which Greek metaphysics began, — a problem which also determined the nature of Platonism.
Chat. 2, § 20. J God and the World; Plotinut. 245
only in an improper sense, in its relation to the world, that it can be designated as the infinite One, as the Good, and as the highest Power or Force (wpurn owa/ut), and the workings of this Power which constitute the universe are to be regarded, not as ramifica tions and parts into which the substance of the First divides, and so
not as " emanations " in the proper sense, but rather as overflowing by-products which in nowise change the substance itself, even though they proceed from the necessity of its essence.
To express this relation in figurative form Plotinus employs the analogy of light, —an analogy which, in turn, has also an influence in determining his conception. Light, without suffering at all in its own essence or itself entering into motion, shines into the darkness and produces about itself an atmosphere of brightness that decreases in intensity more and more from the point which is its source, and finally of itself loses itself in darkness. So likewise the workings of the One and Good, as they become more and more separate from their source, proceeding through the individual spheres, become more and more imperfect and at last change suddenly into the dark, ••ril opposite — matter.
The first sphere of this divine activity according to Plotinus, mind or rational itpirit {vovt), in which the sublime unity differen tiates itself into the duality of thought and Being, i. e. into that of consciousness and its objects. In mind the essence of the deity is preserved as the unity of the thought-function (vtipns) for this thought which identical with Being not regarded as an activity that begins or ceases, changing as were with its objects, but as the eternal, pure perception, ever the same, of its own content, which
of like essence with itself. But this content, the world of Ideas, the eternal Being (ovata in the Platonic sense) as contrasted with phenomena, is, as intelligible world 00710s vonrot) a. t the same time the principle of plurality. For the Ideas are not merely thoughts and archetypes, but are at the same time the moving forces (vol irvvjMif) of lower reality. Because, therefore, unity and variety arc united in this intelligible world as the principles of persistence and of occurrence and change, and are yet again separated, the fun damental conceptions (categories) of this world are these five,' vix, B»-ing or Existing (to 5V), Rest (o-rao-tc)i Motion or Change (iciVipnc),
Identity (rauroVip), and Difference (frcponp). Mind, then, as function which has determinate contents, and carries plurality within itself, is the form through which the deity causes all empiri-
Well known from the dialogue, the Sophist, of the Corpus Flatonicum. Cf. m B. ft.
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246 Hellenistic- Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Part IL
cal reality to proceed forth from itself : God as productive principle, as ground of the world, is mind or rational spirit.
But spirit needs to shine out in a similar manner in order to pro duce the world from itself; its most immediate product is the soul, and this in turn evinces its activity by shaping matter into cor poreality. The peculiar position of the " soul " therefore consists in this, that perceiving or beholding, receives the content of spirit, the world of Ideas, and after this archetype (iUu>v) forms the world of sense. Contrasted with the creative spirit, the receptive, contrasted with matter, the active principle. And this duality of the relations toward the higher and the lower here so strongly emphasised that just as " spirit " divided into thought and Being, so the soul, for Plotinus, out and out doubled as sunk into the blissful contemplation of the Ideas the higher soul, the soul proper, the furf in the narrower sense of the word; as formative power, the lower soul, the <£wris (equivalent to the Xoyos o-Trcp/iariKos of the Stoics).
All these determinations apply on the one hand to the universal soul (world-soul — Plato), and on the other to the individual souls which have proceeded from as the particular forms which has taken on, especially therefore to human souls. The <f>van, the for mative power of Nature, distinguished from the pure, ideal world- soul from the latter emanate the gods, from the former the demons. Beneath man's knowing soul, which turns back to the spirit, its home, stands the vital force which forms the body. Thus the sepa ration in the characteristics of the concept of the soul — a separation which developed materially from dualism (cf. 19, — here de manded formally by the connected whole of the metaphysical system
In this connection, this working of the soul upon matter of course conceived of as purposive, that as appropriate or adapted for ends, because ultimately goes back to spirit and reason
(Xoyos) but since work of the lower soul, regarded as undesigned, unconscious direction, which proceeds according to natural necessity. As the outer portions of the rays of light pene trate into the darkness, so belongs to the nature of the soul to illumine matter with its glory which arises from spirit and from the One.
This matter, however, — and this one of the most essential
points in the metaphysics of Plotinus, — must not be looked
as corporeal mass subsisting in itself beside the One is, rather, itself without body, immaterial. 1 Bodies are indeed formed out of
aautiarot Enntad. III.
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it, but itself no body and since thus neither spiritual nor corporeal in its nature, cannot be determined by any qualities
But for Plotinus, this epistemological
has, at the same time, the force of metaphysical indeterminateness. Matter for him absolute negativity, pure privation {<rriprj<ri<:), complete absence of Being, absolute Non-being related to the One as darkness to light, as the empty to the full. This Zkr) of the Neo-Platonists not the Aristotelian or the Stoic, but once more the Platonic empty, dark space. 1 So far in ancient thought does the working of the Eleatic identification of empty space with Non-being, and of the farther extension of this doctrine
Democritus and Plato, extend: in Neo-Platonism, also, space serves as the presupposition for the multiplication which the Ideas
(araoc).
indeterminateness
find in the phenomenal world of sense.
Plotinus, also, the lower soul, or <£w7is, whose office to shine
out upon matter, the principle of divisibility,* while the higher soul possesses the indivisibility which akin to the rational spirit. In this pure negativity lies a ground for the possibility of deter
mining by predicate of worth this matter thus devoid of quali ties the evil. As absolute want (nWu ravriXys), as the negation of the One and of Being, also the negation of the Good, Amnaia. iyaffov. But by introducing the conception of evil in this manner, receives a special form evil not itself something positively existent want, or deficiency lack of the Good, Non-being. This conception thus formed gave Plotinus a welcome argument for theodicy the evil not, need not be justified, and so follows from the sheer conceptions as so deter mined that all that is, good.
For Plotinus, therefore, the world of the senses not in itself evil any more than in itself good; but because in light passes over into darkness, because thus presents mixture of Being and Non-being (the Platonic conception of y«Wi? here comes into force anew), good so far as has part in God or the Good; i. e. so far as is; and on the other hand, eri7 in so far as has part in matter or the Evil i. e. in so far as not [has no real, positive existence]. Evil proper, the true evil twpwrov •uor), matter, negation the corporeal world can be called evil only because formed out of matter secondary evil (Scvrcpor «w); and the predicate " evil " belongs to souls only they give
Knntail III. 18. Universal empty space forms the possibility (intoKtliuron} tut the exlutence of bodies, while, on the other hand, the particular spatial deter- ■unatenau conditioned by the nature of the bodies, II. 12.
lb III.
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themselves over to matter. To be sure, this entrance into matter belongs to the essential characteristics of the soul itself; the soul forms just that sphere in which the shining forth of the deity passes over into matter, and this participation in evil is, therefore, for the soul, a natural necessity which is to be conceived of as a continuation of its own proceeding forth from the rational spirit. '
By this distinction of the world of sense from matter, Plotinus was able to do justice, also, to the positive element in phenomena,1 For since the original power works through spirit and soul upon matter, all that in the world of sense really exists or
itself soul and spirit. In this rooted the spiritualisation of the
world, the idealising of the universe, which forms the characteristic element in the conception of Nature held by Plotinus. The material but the outer husk, behiud which, as the truly active reality, are souls and spirits. body or corporeal substance
the copy or shadow of the Idea which in has shaped itself to matter; its true essence this spiritual or intellectual element which appears as phenomenon in the image seen by sense.
It in such shining of the ideal essence through its sensuous phenomenon that beauty consists. By virtue of this streaming of the spiritual light into matter the entire world of the senses beautiful, and likewise the individual thing, formed after its arche type. Here in the treatise of Plotinus on beauty (Ennead. 6) this conception meets us for the first time among the fundamental conceptions of theory of the world; the first attempt at
metaphysical aesthetics. Hitherto the beautiful had always appeared only in homonomy with the good and the perfect, and the mild attempts to separate the conception and make independent, which were contained in Plato's Symposium, were now taken up again for the first time by Plotinus for even the theory of art, to which aesthetic science had restricted itself as appeared most clearly in the fragment of the Aristotelian Poetic, considered the beautiful essentially according to its ethical effects (cf. 13, 14). Ancient life must run its entire course, and that turning toward the inner life, that internalising, as were, which this life experienced in the religious period, must be completed, to bring about the scientific
corporeal
evidently
Therefore, though Plotinus in his ethics emphasised strongly freedom in the sense of responsibility, the great tendency of his metaphysical thought shown just in this, that he did not make this freedom of -- power to the con trary " his explaining principle, but sought to understand the transition of the world into evil as a metaphysical necessity.
Very characteristic in this respect the treatise {Emuad. II. which he wrote against the barbarian contempt of Nature shown by the Gnostics.
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CHAf. -20. ] God and the World: Plotinut. 249
consciousness of this finest and highest content of the Grecian world and the conception in which this takes place on this account characteristic for the development from which comes forth the beauty which the Greeks had created and enjoyed now recognised as the victorious power of spirit in externalising its sensuous phenomena. This conception also triumph of the spirit, which in unfolding its activities has at last apprehended its own essential nature, and has conceived as world-principle.
As regards the phenomenal world, Plotinus takes point of view which must be designated as the interpretation of Nature in terms psychical life, and so turns out that with reference to this antithe sis ancient thought described its course from one extreme to the other. The oldest science knew the soul only as one of Nature's products side by side with many others, — for Neo-Platonism the whole of Nature regarded as real only in so far as soul.
But by employing this idealistic principle for explaining individ ual things and processes in the world of sense, all sobriety and clearness in natural research at an end. In place of regular, causal connections appears the mysterious, dreamily unconscious weaving of the world-soul, the rule of gods and demons, the spirit ual sympathy of all things expressing itself in strange relations among them. All forms of divination, astrology, faith in miracles, naturally stream into this mode of regarding Nature, and man seems to be surrounded by nothing but higher and mysterious forces this world created by spirit, full of souls, embraces him like
magic circle.
The whole process in which the world proceeds forth from the
deity appears, accordingly, as timeless, eternal necessity, and . hough Plotinus speaks also of periodical return of the same (Articular formations, the world-process itself yet for him without beginning or end. As belongs to t^e nature of light to shine forever into the darkness, so God does not exist without the stream ing forth with which he creates the world out of matter.
In this universal life of spirit the individual personality vanishes, m a subordinate, particular phenomenon. Released from the all- •oul as one of countless forms in which that unfolds, cast into the sensuous body out of the purer pre-existent state, on account of its guilty inclination toward what void and vain, and
its task to estrange itself from the body and from material essence in general, and to "purify" itself again from the body. Only when
has succeeded in this can hope to traverse backward the stages by which has proceeded forth frcm the deity, and so to return to the deity. The first positive step to this exaltation civic and
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political virtue, by which man asserts himself as a rationally forma tive force in the phenomenal world ; but since this virtue evinces itself only in reference to objects of the senses, the dianoetic virtue of knowledge stands far above it (cf. Aristotle), — the virtue by which the soul sinks into its own spiritual intrinsic life. As a help stimulating to this virtue, Plotinus praises the contemplation of the beautiful, which finds a presentiment of the Idea in the thing of sense, and, in overcoming the inclination toward matter, rises from the sensuously beautiful to the spiritually beautiful. And even this dianoetic virtue, this aesthetic duapia and self-beholding of the spirit, is only the preliminary stage for that ecstatic rapture with which the individual, losing all consciousness, enters into unity with the ground of the world (§ 18, 6). The salvation and the blessed
ness of the individual is his sinking into the All-One.
The later Neo-Platoniats, — Porphyry first, and, still more, Jamblichus and Proclus, — in the case of this exaltation emphasise, far more than Plotinus, the help which the individual finds for it in positive religion and its acts of worship. For these men largely increased the number of different stages through which the world proceeds forth from the " One," and identified them with the forms of the deities in the different ethnic religions by all kinds of more or less arbi trary allegories. It was therefore natural, in connection with the return of the soul to God, since it must traverse the same stages up to the state of ecstatic deification, to claim the support of these lower gods : and thus as the metaphys ics of the Neo-Platonist8 degenerated into mythology, their ethics degenerated into theurgic arts.
8. On the whole, therefore, the derivation of the world from God as set forth by Plotinus, in spite of all its idealising and spiritualising of Nature, follows the physical schema of natural processes. This streaming forth of things from the original Power is an eternal necessity, founded in the essence of this Power ; creation is a pur posive working, but unconscious and without design.
But at the same time, a logical motive comes into play here, which has its origin in the old Platonic character of Ideas as class-concepts. For just as the Idea is related to individual things of sense, so in turn the deity is related to Ideas, as the universal to the particular. God is the absolute universal, and according to a law of formal logic, in accordance with which concepts become poorer in contents or intension in proportion as their extension increases so that the content 0 must correspond to the extension ao, the absolutely uni versal is also the concept of the " First," void of all content. Bui if from this First proceed first the intelligible, then the psychical, and finally the sensuous world, this metaphysical relation corre sponds to the logical process of determination or partition. This point of view, according to which the more general is throughout regarded as the higher, metaphysically more primitive reality, while
Caar. 2, § 20. J Qod and the World : Proclus, Christianity. 251
the particular is held to be, in its metaphysical reality also, a deriv ative product from the more general, — a view which resulted from hypostatising the syllogistic methods of Aristotle (cf. § 12, 3), — was expressed among the older Neo-Platonists
Porphyry, in his exegesis of Aristotle's categories.
Meanwhile Proclus undertook to carry out methodically this
logical schema of emanation, and out of regard for this principle subordinated a number of simple and likewise unknowable " henads" beneath the highest, completely characterless h>. In so doing he found himself under the necessity of demanding a proper dialectical principle for this logical procession of the particular from the uni
versal. Such a schematism the systematiser of Hellenism found in the logico-metaphysical relation which Plotinus had laid at the basis
of the development of the world from the deity. The procession of the Many forth from the One involves, in the first place, that the particular remains like the universal, and thus that the effect abides or persists within the cause; in the second place, that this product is a new self-subsisting entity in contrast with that which has pro duced and that proceeds forth from the same and finally, that by virtue of just this antithetic relation the individual strives to return again to its ground. Persistence, procession, and return (nmrq, rpoo&K, triorpo*f>jj), or identity, difference and union of that which has been distinguished, are accordingly the three momenta of the dialectical process; and into this formula of emauistic development, by virtue of which every concept should be thought of as in itself — out of itself — returning into itself, Proclus pressed his entire combined metaphysical and mythological construction, — construc tion in which he assigned to the systems of deities of the different religions their place in the mystical and magical universe, arranging
them in the series divided again and again by threes, according to kis law of the determination of concepts. 1
In contrast with this, the peculiarity of Cliristian philosophy consists essentially in this, that in its apprehension of the relation of God to the world, sought to employ throughout the ethical
point of view of free, creative action. Since from the standpoint of its religious conviction held fast to the conception of the person ality of the Original Being, conceived of the procedure of the world forth from God, not as a physical or logical necessity of the
Personally, Proclua characterised by the mingling of superabundant credulous piety with logical formalism carried even to pedantry, combina tion which is highly interesting psychologically. Juki for thin reason lie is, fvrhapa, the most pronounced type of this period which concerned in putting iu ardent religiosity into a scientific system.
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252 Hellenistic- Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Pabt II.
unfolding of his essence, but as an act of will, and in consequence of this the creation of the world was regarded not as an eternal process, but as a fact in time that had occurred once for all. The conception, however, in which these motives of thought became concentrated, was that of the freedom of the will.
This conception had had at first the meaning (with Aristotle) of conceding to the finite personality acting ethically the capacity of a decision between different given possibilities, independently of external influence and compulsion. The conception had then taken on, with Epicurus, the metaphysical meaning of a causeless activity of individual beings. Applied to the absolute, and regarded as a quality of God, it is developed in the Christian philosophy into the thought of " creation out of nothing," into the doctrine of an un caused production of the world from the will of Ood. Every attempt at an explanation of the world is thereby put aside ; the world is
because God has willed and such as because God has willed so to be. At no point the contrast between Neo-Pla- tonism and orthodox Christianity sharper than at this.
Meanwhile, this same principle of the freedom of the will is employed to overcome the very difficulties which resulted from it. For the unlimited creative activity of the omnipotent God forces the problem of " theodicy " forward still more urgently than in the other theories of the universe, — the problem how the reality of evil in the world can be united with God's perfect goodness. The optimism involved in the doctrine of creation, and the pessimism in volved in the felt need of redemption, the theoretical and the practical, the metaphysical and the ethical momenta of religious faith strike hard against each other. But faith, supported by the feeling of responsibility, finds its way of escape out of these difficulties in the assumption that God provided the spirits and human souls which he created, with freedom analogous to his own, and that through their guilt evil came into the good world. 1
This guilt, the thinkers of the Church find not to consist properly in the inclination toward matter or the sensuous; for matter- as created by God cannot in itself be evil. * The sin of free spirits consists rather in their rebellion against the will of God, in their
This expressed abstractly by Clement of Alexandria (Strom. IV. 13, 606) in the form, that evil only an action, not substance (oiVm), and that there fore cannot be regarded as the work of God.
Just for this reason the metaphysical dualism of the Gnostics must be in its principle heterodox, and that, too, no matter whether bore the stamp rather of Oriental mythology or of Hellenistic abstract thought — even though in the ethical consequences which drew coincided in great part with the doctrine of the Church.
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Cmxr. 2, 5 20. ] God and the World : Origen. 253
longing after an unlimited power of self-determination, and only secondarily in the fact that they have turned their love toward God's creations, toward the world instead of toward God himself. Here too, therefore, there prevails in the content of the conception of evil the negative element of departure and falling away from God; ' but the whole earnestness of the religious consciousness asserts itself in this, that this falling away is conceived of not merely as absence of the good, but as a positive, perverted act of will.
In accordance with this the dualism of God and the world, and that of spirit and matter, become indeed deeply involved in the Christian theory of the world. God and the eternal life of the spirit, the world and the transitory life of the flesh, — these are here, too, sharply enough contrasted. In contradiction with the divine pneuma the world of sense is filled with "hylic" spirits,' evil demons, who ensnare man in their pursuits which are animated by hostility to God, stifle in him the voice of universal natural reve lation, and thereby make special revelation necessary ; and without departure from them and from the sensuous nature there is for the early Christian ethics, also, no rescue of the soul possible.
But still this dualism is not regarded as being in its intrinsic nature either necessary or original. It is not the opposition be tween God and matter, but that between God and fallen spirits; it is the purely inner antagonism of the infinite and the finite will. In this direction Christian philosophy completed through Origen the metaphysical spiritualising and internalising or idealising of the world of the senses. In it the corporeal world appears as completely permeated and maintained by spiritual functions, — yes, even as much reduced to spiritual functions, as is the case with Plotinus; but here the essential element in these functions is relations of will.
As the passing over of God into the world is not physical necessity, bnt ethical freedom, so the material world is not a last streaming forth of spirit and soul, but a creation of God for the punishment and for the overcoming of sin.
To be sure, Origen, in developing these thoughts, took up a motive which was allied to Xeo-1'latonism, a motive which brought, him ioto conflict with the current mode of thought in the Church. For strongly as he held fast to the conception of the divine personality and to that of creation as a free act of divine goodness, the scientific thought which desires to see action grounded in essence was yet too strong in him to allow him to regard this creation as a causeless
' In this «ttBM (Ten Origen could call the evil ri ewe t* (in Joh. II. 7, 6o). > Tatiaa. Oral, ad Or<sc 4.
254 Hellenistic- Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Part U.
act taking place once for all in time. The eternal, unchangeable essence of God demands rather the thought that he is creator from eternity even to all eternity, that he never can be without creating, that he creates timelessly. '
But this creation of the eternal will is, therefore, only one that relates to eternal Being, to the spiritual world (owria). In this eternal manner, so Origen teaches, God begets the eternal Son, the Logos, as the sum-total of his world-thoughts (ISia t&cwy), and through him the realm of free spirits, which, limited within itself, surrounds the deity as an ever-living garment. Those of the spirits that continue in the knowledge and love of the Creator remain in unchanged blessedness with him ; but those that become weary and negligent, and turn from him in pride and vainglory, are, for pun ishment, cast into matter created for this purpose. So arises the world of sense, which is, therefore, nothing self-subsistent, but a symbolic eternalisation of spiritual functions. For what may be regarded as Real in it is not the individual bodies, but rather the spiritual Ideas which are present, connected and changing within them. "
So, with Origen, Platonism becomes united with the theory of the creative will. The eternal world of spirits is the eternal prod uct of the changeless divine will. The principle of the temporal and the sensuous (yo>e<w) is the changing will of the spirits. Corporeality arises on account of their sin, and will vanish again with their improvement and purification. Thus will, and the rela-
1 Orig. De Princ. I. 2, 10 ; III. 4, 3.
9 This idealising of the world of sense was treated in great detail, quite ac cording to the Platonic model, by the most important of the Oriental Church fathers, Gregory of Nyssa (331-394). His main treatise is the XAvot «arijx'? - tikAj. Edition of his works by Morellus (Paris, 1675) [Eng. tr. in Vol. V. , 2d series, Lib. Nicene and Poet-Nicene Fathers, ed. Schaff and Wace, Oxford, Lond. , and N. Y. 1890]. Cf. J. Rupp, 0. des Bisehoft von Jv". Leben tout
Meinungen, Leips. 1834. — This transformation of Nature into psychical terms found an extremely poetic exposition among the Gnostics, particularly with the most ingenious among them, Valentinus. The origin of the world of sense is portrayed as follows in his theogonic-cosmogonic poetic invention : When the lowest of the vEons, Wisdom (eo<pla), in over-hasty longing, would fain have plunged into the original Ground and had been brought back again to her place by the Spirit of Measure (Spos), the Supreme God separated from her her passionate longing (riffos) as a lower Wisdom (iti-ru tropin), called Achamoth, and banished it into the "void" (cf. § 20, 4). This lower <ro<j>ta,nevertheless, impregnated by tpot for her redemption, bore the Demiurge and the world of sense. On this account that ardent longing of oo<t>l* expresses itself in all forms and shapes of this world ; it is her feelings that constitute the essence of phenomena ; her pressure and complaint thrills through all the life of Nature. From her tears have come fountains, streams, and seas ; from her benumbing before the divine word, the rocks and mountains ; from her hope of redemption, light and ether, which in reconciliation stretch above the earth. This poetic invention is farther carried out with the lamentations and penitential songs of <roi>L<Lin the Gnostic treatise, IKonc <ro<t>la.
sap. 2, f 21. ] Philosophy of History. 255
turn of personalities to one another, in particular that of the finite to the infinite personality, are recognised as the ultimate and deepest meaning of all reality.
§ 21. The Problem of Universal Hiitory.
With this triumph of religious ethics over cosmological meta physics, thus sealed by Christianity, is connected the emergence of a farther problem, to solve which a number of important attempts were made — the problem of the philosophy of history.
1. Here something which is in its principle new comes forward, as over against the Greek view of the world. For Greek science had from the beginning directed its questions with reference to the +wn«, the abiding essence (cf. p. 73), and this mode of stating the question, which proceeded from the need of apprehending Nature, had influenced the progress of forming conceptions so strongly that the chronological course of events had always been treated as something of secondary importance, having no meta physical interest of its own. In this connection Greek science regarded not only the individual man, but also the whole human race, with all its fortunes, deeds, and experiences, as ultimately but an episode, a special formation of the world-process which repeats itself forever according to like laws.
This is expressed with plain grandeur in the cosmological begin nings of Greek thought; and even after the anthropological tendency had obtained the mastery in philosophy the thought remained in force as theoretical background for every projected plan of the art
of living, that human life, as it has sprung forth from the unchang ing process of Nature, must flow again into the same (Stoa). Plato had indeed asked for an ultimate end of earthly life, and Aristotle had investigated the regular succession of the forms assumed by political life; but the inquiry for a meaning in human history taken a* a whole, for a connected plan of historical development, had never once been put forward, and still less had it occurred to any of the old thinkers to see in this the intrinsic, essential nature of the world.
The most characteristic procedure in just this respect is that of Neo-Platonisin. Its metaphysics, also, follows the religious motive as its guide; but it gives this motive a genuine Hellenic turn when it regards the procession of the imperfect forth from the perfect as an eternal process of a necessary nature, in which the human individual also finds his place and sees it as his destiny to tesk salvation alone by himself by return to the infinite.
-s^
256 Hellenistic-Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Part II
2. Christianity, however, found from the beginning the essence of the whole world-movement in the experiences of personalities : for it external nature was but a theatre for the development ul the relation of person to person, and especially of the relation of the finite spirit to the deity. And to this were added, as a further determining power, the principle of love, the consciousness of the solidarity of the human race, the deep conviction of the universal sinfulness, and the faith in a common redemption. All this led to_ regarding the history of the fall and of redemption as the true metaphysical import of the world's reality, and so instead of an eliernaljjrocess of Nature, the drama of universal history as an on- ward flow of events that were activities of free will, became the con tent of Christian metaphysics.
There is perhaps no better proof of the power of the impression which the personality of Jesus of Nazareth had left, than the fact that all doctrines of Christianity, however widely they may other wise diverge philosophically or mythically, are yet at one in seeking in him and his appearance the centre of the world's history. By hnu the conflict between good and evil, between light and darkness, is decided.
But this consciousness of victory with which Christianity believed in its Saviour had still another side : to the evil which had been overcome by him belonged also the other religions, as by no means its least ■important element. For the Christian mode of thought of those days was far from denying the reality of the heathen gods ; it regarded them rather as evil demons, fallen spirits who had seduced man and persuaded him to worship them, in order to prevent his returning to the true God. 1
By this thought the conflict of religions, which took place in the Alexandrian period, acquires in the eyes of Christian thinkers a metaphysical significance : the powers whose struggling forms the world's history are the gods of the various religions, and the history of this conflict is the inner significance of all reality. And since every individual man with his ethical life-work is implicated in this great complex process, the importance of individuality becomes raised far above the life of sense, into the sphere of metaphysical reality.
3. With almost all Christian thinkers, accordingly, the world's history appears as a course of inner events which draw after them the origin and fortunes of the world of sense, — a course which takes place once for all. It is essentially only Origen who holds fast
1 So even Origen ; cf. Cont. CO*, ill. 28. -. . . -. _♦.
Caur. 2, 1 21. ] Philosophy of History : Christianity. 25fi
to the fundamental character of Greek science (cf. p. 27, ch. 1). so far as to teach the eternity of the world-process. Between the two motives, the Christian and the Greek, he found a way of escape by making a succession of temporal worlds proceed forth from the eternal spiritual world, which he regarded as the immediate creation of -God, and by holding that these temporal worlds take their origin with the deolension and fall of a number of free spirits, and are to nod their end with the redemption and restitution of the same ( n-CMcaraaTaaif ) . '
The fundamental tendency of Christian thought, on the contrary, was to portray the historical drama of fall and redemption as a connected series of events taking place once for all, which begins with a free decision of lower spirits to sin, and has its turning- point in the redemptive revelation, the resolve of divine freedom.
In contrast with the naturalistic conceptions of Greek thought, kistory is conceived of as the realm of free acts of personalities, taking place but once, and the character of these acts, agreeably to the entire consciousness of the time, is of essentially religious significance.
4. It is highly interesting now to see how in the mythico- metaphysical inventions of the Gnostics, the peculiar relation of Christianity to Judaism is brought to expression in cosmogonic garb. In the Gnostic circles the so-called Gentile Christian ten dency is predominant, the tendency which desires to define the new religion as sharply as possible, as over against Judaism, and this tendency just through the Hellenistic philosophy grows to the most open hostility against Judaism.
The mythological form for this is, that the God of the Old Testa ment, who gave the Mosaic law, is regarded as the fashioner of the world of sense, — for the most part under the Platonic name of the Demiurge, — and is assigned that place in the hierarchy of cosmic forms or Mom, as well as in the history of the universe, which belongs to him in accordance with this function.
At the beginning this relation is not yet that of pronounced oppo sition. A certain Cerinthus (about 115 a. d. ) had already distin guished the God of the Jews as Demiurge, from the Supreme God who was not defiled by any contact with matter, and had taught that in contrast with the "law" given by the God of the Jews, Jesus had brought the revelation of the Supreme God. * So, too,
1 Orig. Dt Prinr. III. 1, 3. These worlds, on account of the freedom from which they proceed, are not at all like one another, but are of the moat mani fold variety; lb. II. 3. 3 f.
• A -"**'~,'l~' which Numenlus also adopted, evidently under Gnostic influ- eaota. Cf. Eoseb. Prop. Ev. XI. 18.
258 Hellenistic- Roman Thought : Religion* Period. [Part II.
with Saturninus, the God of the Jews appears as the head of the seven planetary spirits, who, as lowest emanation of the spiritual realm, in their desire to rule tore away a portion of matter to form from it the world of sense, and set man as guardian over it. But a conflict arises, since Satan, to conquer back this part of his kingdom, sends against man his demons and the lower "hylic" race of men. Iu this conflict the prophets of the Demiurge prove powerless until the Supreme God sends the iEon voxn as Saviour, in order that he may free pneumatic men and likewise the Demiurge and his spirits from the power of Satan. This same redemption of the Jewish God also is taught by Basilides, who introduces him under the name of the " great Archon " as an efflux of the divine world-seed, as head of the world of sense, and represents him as made to tremble by the Supreme God's message of salvation in Jesus, and as brought to repentance for his undue exaltation.
In a similar manner, the God of the Old Testament, with Carpo- crates, belongs to the fallen angels, who, commissioned to form the world, completed it according to their own caprice, and founded sep arate realms in which they got themselves reverenced by subordinate spirits and by men. But while these particular religions are, like their Gods, in a state of mutual conflict, the Supreme Deity reveals in Jesus the one true universal religion which has Jesus as its object, even as he had already before made revelation in the great educators of humanity, a Pythagoras and a Plato.
In more decided polemic against Judaism Cerdo the Syrian further distinguished the God of the Old Testament from that of the New. The God announced by Moses and the prophets, as the purposeful World-fashioner and as the God of justice is accessible even to natural knowledge — the Stoic conception; the God re vealed through Jesus is the unknowable, the good God — the Philonic conception. The same determinations more sharply defined are employed by Marcion1 (about 150), who conceives of the Chris tian life in a strongly ascetic manner, and regards it as a warfare against the Demiurge and for the Supreme God revealed through Jesus,1 and Marcion's disciple Apelles even treated the Jewish God
1 Cf. Volkmar, Philosophoumena und Marcion ( Theol. Jakrb. Tubingen, 1864). Same author, Das Evange. Uum Jiarcion't (Leips. 1862).
3 An extremely piquant mythological modification of this thought is found in the sect of the Ophites, who gave to the Hebraic narrative of the fall the interpretation, that the serpent which taught man to eat of the tree of knowl edge in Paradise made a beginning of bringing the revelation of the true God to man who had fallen under the dominion of the Demiurge, and that after man had on this account experienced the wrath of the Demiurge, the revela tion had appeared victorious in Jesus. For this knowledge which the serpent desired to teach is the true salvation of man.
CHAr. 2, J 21. ] Philosophy of History : Gnostics, Patristics. 259
as Lucifer, who brought carnal sin into the world of sense which had been formed by the good " Demiurge," the highest angel, so that, at the petition of the Demiurge, the Supreme God sent the Re deemer against him.
5. In contrast with this view we find the doctrine firmly held,
not only by the Recognitions,' ascribed to Clement of Rome
arose about 150 a. d. ), but in the entire orthodox development of
Christian doctrine, that the Supreme God and the creator of the
world, the God of the New and the God of the Old Testaments, are a
the same. But a wellplanned educative development of the divine ^JLuCu revelation is assumed, ancTTn This the history of salvation, i. e. the
inner history of the world, is sought. Proceeding in accordance
with the suggestions of the Pauline epistles,' Justin, and especially
Irenaens, took this standpoint. The theory of revelation did not
become complete until it found this elaboration in the philosophy
of history (cf. § 18).
For the anticipations of Christian revelation, that emerge on the
one hand in Jewish prophecy, on the other in Hellenic philosophy, are regarded from this point of view as pedagogic preparations for Christianity. And since the redemption of sinful man constitutes, according to the Christian view, the sole significance and value of the world's history, and so of all that is real aside from God, the well-ordered succession of Ood's acts of revelation appears as the essential thing TIT the entire~"course of the world's events.
Th the main, corresponding to the doctrine of revelation, three stages of this divine, saving activity are distinguished. 3 As divided theoretically there are, first, the universal-human revelation, given objectively by the purposiveness of Nature, subjectively through the rational endowment of the mind ; second, the special revelation imparted to the Hebrew people through the Mosaic law and the promises of the prophets ; and third, the complete revelation through Jesus. Divided according to time, the periods extended from Adam to Moses, from Moses to Christ, from Christ to the end of the world. 4 This triple division was the more natural for ancient Christianity, the stronger its faith that the closing period of the world's redemj>
1 Edited by Geradorf (Leips. 1838). Cf. A. Hilgenfcld, Die clementiniaehen RrcagnitioKtn und Hamihen (Jena, 1848); G. Chlhorn, Die Homilien und rUrrstnUionen det CI. R. (Gottingcn, 1864).
' which treat the " law " as the " schoolmaster " unto ChrUt (waiUywyli tit 1+*t4,); Gal. iii. 24.
•Thia had been done in part already by the Gnostics, by Basilides at least, according to Hippolytus.
• The later (heretical) development of eschatology added to these three pehods yet a fourth, by the appearance of the " Paraclete. " Cf. , e. g. , Ter- tallian. De Virg. Vet. 1, p. 884 O.
(which
*
260 Hellenistic-Roman Thought: Religious Period. [Part II.
tion, which had begun with the appearance of the Saviour, would be ended in a very short time. The eschatological hopes are an essential constituent of the early Christian metaphysics ; for the philosophy of history which made Jesus the turning-point of the world's history had, as by no means its slighest support, the expectation that the Crucified would return again to judge the world, and to complete the victory of light over 'darkness. However varied these ideas become with time and with the disappointment of the first hopes, however strongly the tendencies of dualism and monism assert themselves here also, by conceiving of the last Judgment either as a definite separation of good and evil, or as a complete overcoming of the latter by the former (o7ro»caTa<rrao-is irdvriav with Origen), and however much a more material and a more spiritual view of blessed ness and unhappiness, of heaven and hell, interplay here also, — in every case the last Judgment forms the conclusion of the work of redemption, and so the consummation of the divine plan of salva tion.
6. The points of view from which the world's history is regarded by Christian thinkers are thus indeed exclusively religious ; but the more general principle of a historical teleology gains recognition within them. While Greek philosophy had reflected upon the pur- posiveness of Nature with a depth and an energy which religious thought could not surpass, the completely new thought rises here that the course of events in human life also has a purposeful mean ing as a whole. The teleology of history becomes raised above that of Nature, and the former appears as the higher in worth, in whose service the latter is employed. '
Such a conception was possible only for a time that from a ripe result looked back upon the vivid memory of a great development in the world's history. The universal civilisation of the Roman Empire found dawning in the self-consciousness of its own inner life the presentiment of a purpose in that working together of national destinies through which it had itself come into existence, and the idea of this mighty process was yielded especially by the continued tradition of Greek literature embracing a thousand years. The religious theory of the world, which had developed from this ancient civilisation, gave to that thought the form that the meaning of the historical movement was to be sought in the preparations of God for the salvation of man ; and since the peoples of the ancient civilisation themselves felt that the time of their efficient working was complete, it is comprehensible that they believed they saw the
' Cf. Irenasus, Bef. IV. 38, 4, p. 702 t *t
CHAr, 2, § 21. ] Philosophy of History : Patristics. - 261
end of history immediately before them, where the sun of their day was sinking.
Connected with all these doctrines the fact, that with Philo the spiritual in the world of experience occupies doubtful position between the immaterial and the material the rout of man, the faculty of th aught and will, part of the divine Logos (even the demons are designated after the Stoic analogy a* XA-yoi), and yet again characterised as finest pneuma.
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C«a*. 2, $ 20. ] Ood and the World : Gnostics. 243
to comprehend how Ideas and things proceeded forth from the divine unity. But it had been shown at that time that this scheme of the development of plurality out of the One, as regards its relation to the predicates of worth, admitted two opposite interpre tations : viz. the Platonic mode of view, defended by Xenocrates, that the One is the good and the perfect, and that that which is derived from this is the imperfect and, ultimately, the bad, and the opposing theory, held by Speusippus, that the good is only the final product, not the starting-point of the development, and that this starting-point is to be sought, on the contrary, in the indefinite, the incomplete. ' It is customary to distinguish the above-described doctrines as the system of emanation and the system of evolution. The former term arises from the fact that in this system, which was decidedly prevalent in the religious philosophy of Alexandrianism, the separate formations of the world-producing " Logos were often designated by the Stoic terra, as " emanations (awoopouu) of the divine essence.
Yet the Alexandrian philosophy is not lacking in attempts at evolutionary systems. In particular, these were especially avail able for Gnosticism; for, in consequence of the degree to which it had strained the dualism of spirit and matter, this system was necessarily inclined to seek the monistic way of escape rather in an indifferent, original ground, which divided itself into the opposites. Hence where the Gnostics sought to transcend dualism, — and this was the case with the most important of them, — they projected not only a cosmogonic but a theogonic process, by which the deity unfolded himself from the darkness of his primeval essence, through opposition, to complete revelation. Thus, with Basileides, the nameless, original ground is called the not (yet) existing God (o ow w $ios). This being, we hear, produced the world-seed
(rusmrtpfua), in which the spiritual forces (vI<Jrip-«) lay unordered ■ide by side with the material forces (&n*>p<pia). The forming and ordering of this chaos of forces is completed by their longing for the deity. In connection with this process the various "sonships," the spiritual world (vwtpKoafua), separate themselves from the material world («oo>u>f ), and in the course of the process of generation all the tpheres of the thus developed deity ultimately become separate; each attains its allotted place, the unrest of striving ceases, and the peace of glorification rests over the All.
Motives from both systems, that of evolution and that of emana tion, appear peculiarly mingled in the doctrine of Valentinus. For
Ct Arist Utt. XIV. 4, 1091 b 10 ; XII. 7, 1072 b 31.
244 Hellenistic- Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Part II
here the spiritual world (w\^pa>fia) or system of the "jEons," the eternal essences, is developed first as an unfolding of the dark and mysterious primitive Depth (/3>#os) to self-revelation, and in the second place as a descending production of more imperfect forms. The mythical schema in this is the Oriental pairing of male and female deities. In the highest pair or "syzygy " there appears side byside with the original Ground " Silence " (<nyi? ), which is also called "Thought " (tvvoui). From this union of the Original Being with the capacity of becoming conscious there proceeds as the firstborn the Spirit (here called vov%) which in the second syzygy has as its object " Truth," i. e. the intelligible world, the realm of Ideas. Thus, having itself come to full revelation, the deity in the third syzygy takes the form of " Reason " (Xdyot) and " Life " (0>J), and in the fourth syzygy becomes the principle of external revelation as " Ideal Man " (iv&pamos) and "Community" (titxAj^rto, church). While the de scending process has thus already begun, it is continued still farther by the fact that from the third and fourth syzygies still other ^Eons proceed, which, together with the sacred Eight, form the entire Pleroma, but which stand farther and farther removed from the original Ground. It is the last of these . Eons, " Wisdom "(ao<pia), that, by sinful longing after the original Ground, gives occasion for the separation of this Longing and of its being cast into the mate rial Void, the <e«Vuyta, there to lead to the formation of the earthly world.
If we look at the philosophical thoughts which lie back of these highly ambiguous myth-constructions, it is easy to understand that the school of the Valentinians diverged into various theories. For in no other system of that time are dualistic and monistic motives of both kinds, from the system of evolution as well a» from that of emanation, so intricately mingled.
7. Clarified conceptionally, and freed from mythical apparatus, the like motives appear in the doctrine of Plotinus, yet in such a manner that in the system as completed the principle of emanation almost entirely crowds out the other two.
The synthesis of transcendence and immanence is sought by Plotinus also in the direction of preserving the essence of God as the absolutely one and unchangeable, while plurality and changea bility belong only to his workings. 1 Of the " First," which is ex alted above all finite determinations and oppositions, nothing what ever can be predicated in the strict sense (cf. above, 2). It is
1 In so far we find here, coined into theological form, the problem of the Eleatics and Heraclitus, with which Greek metaphysics began, — a problem which also determined the nature of Platonism.
Chat. 2, § 20. J God and the World; Plotinut. 245
only in an improper sense, in its relation to the world, that it can be designated as the infinite One, as the Good, and as the highest Power or Force (wpurn owa/ut), and the workings of this Power which constitute the universe are to be regarded, not as ramifica tions and parts into which the substance of the First divides, and so
not as " emanations " in the proper sense, but rather as overflowing by-products which in nowise change the substance itself, even though they proceed from the necessity of its essence.
To express this relation in figurative form Plotinus employs the analogy of light, —an analogy which, in turn, has also an influence in determining his conception. Light, without suffering at all in its own essence or itself entering into motion, shines into the darkness and produces about itself an atmosphere of brightness that decreases in intensity more and more from the point which is its source, and finally of itself loses itself in darkness. So likewise the workings of the One and Good, as they become more and more separate from their source, proceeding through the individual spheres, become more and more imperfect and at last change suddenly into the dark, ••ril opposite — matter.
The first sphere of this divine activity according to Plotinus, mind or rational itpirit {vovt), in which the sublime unity differen tiates itself into the duality of thought and Being, i. e. into that of consciousness and its objects. In mind the essence of the deity is preserved as the unity of the thought-function (vtipns) for this thought which identical with Being not regarded as an activity that begins or ceases, changing as were with its objects, but as the eternal, pure perception, ever the same, of its own content, which
of like essence with itself. But this content, the world of Ideas, the eternal Being (ovata in the Platonic sense) as contrasted with phenomena, is, as intelligible world 00710s vonrot) a. t the same time the principle of plurality. For the Ideas are not merely thoughts and archetypes, but are at the same time the moving forces (vol irvvjMif) of lower reality. Because, therefore, unity and variety arc united in this intelligible world as the principles of persistence and of occurrence and change, and are yet again separated, the fun damental conceptions (categories) of this world are these five,' vix, B»-ing or Existing (to 5V), Rest (o-rao-tc)i Motion or Change (iciVipnc),
Identity (rauroVip), and Difference (frcponp). Mind, then, as function which has determinate contents, and carries plurality within itself, is the form through which the deity causes all empiri-
Well known from the dialogue, the Sophist, of the Corpus Flatonicum. Cf. m B. ft.
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246 Hellenistic- Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Part IL
cal reality to proceed forth from itself : God as productive principle, as ground of the world, is mind or rational spirit.
But spirit needs to shine out in a similar manner in order to pro duce the world from itself; its most immediate product is the soul, and this in turn evinces its activity by shaping matter into cor poreality. The peculiar position of the " soul " therefore consists in this, that perceiving or beholding, receives the content of spirit, the world of Ideas, and after this archetype (iUu>v) forms the world of sense. Contrasted with the creative spirit, the receptive, contrasted with matter, the active principle. And this duality of the relations toward the higher and the lower here so strongly emphasised that just as " spirit " divided into thought and Being, so the soul, for Plotinus, out and out doubled as sunk into the blissful contemplation of the Ideas the higher soul, the soul proper, the furf in the narrower sense of the word; as formative power, the lower soul, the <£wris (equivalent to the Xoyos o-Trcp/iariKos of the Stoics).
All these determinations apply on the one hand to the universal soul (world-soul — Plato), and on the other to the individual souls which have proceeded from as the particular forms which has taken on, especially therefore to human souls. The <f>van, the for mative power of Nature, distinguished from the pure, ideal world- soul from the latter emanate the gods, from the former the demons. Beneath man's knowing soul, which turns back to the spirit, its home, stands the vital force which forms the body. Thus the sepa ration in the characteristics of the concept of the soul — a separation which developed materially from dualism (cf. 19, — here de manded formally by the connected whole of the metaphysical system
In this connection, this working of the soul upon matter of course conceived of as purposive, that as appropriate or adapted for ends, because ultimately goes back to spirit and reason
(Xoyos) but since work of the lower soul, regarded as undesigned, unconscious direction, which proceeds according to natural necessity. As the outer portions of the rays of light pene trate into the darkness, so belongs to the nature of the soul to illumine matter with its glory which arises from spirit and from the One.
This matter, however, — and this one of the most essential
points in the metaphysics of Plotinus, — must not be looked
as corporeal mass subsisting in itself beside the One is, rather, itself without body, immaterial. 1 Bodies are indeed formed out of
aautiarot Enntad. III.
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it, but itself no body and since thus neither spiritual nor corporeal in its nature, cannot be determined by any qualities
But for Plotinus, this epistemological
has, at the same time, the force of metaphysical indeterminateness. Matter for him absolute negativity, pure privation {<rriprj<ri<:), complete absence of Being, absolute Non-being related to the One as darkness to light, as the empty to the full. This Zkr) of the Neo-Platonists not the Aristotelian or the Stoic, but once more the Platonic empty, dark space. 1 So far in ancient thought does the working of the Eleatic identification of empty space with Non-being, and of the farther extension of this doctrine
Democritus and Plato, extend: in Neo-Platonism, also, space serves as the presupposition for the multiplication which the Ideas
(araoc).
indeterminateness
find in the phenomenal world of sense.
Plotinus, also, the lower soul, or <£w7is, whose office to shine
out upon matter, the principle of divisibility,* while the higher soul possesses the indivisibility which akin to the rational spirit. In this pure negativity lies a ground for the possibility of deter
mining by predicate of worth this matter thus devoid of quali ties the evil. As absolute want (nWu ravriXys), as the negation of the One and of Being, also the negation of the Good, Amnaia. iyaffov. But by introducing the conception of evil in this manner, receives a special form evil not itself something positively existent want, or deficiency lack of the Good, Non-being. This conception thus formed gave Plotinus a welcome argument for theodicy the evil not, need not be justified, and so follows from the sheer conceptions as so deter mined that all that is, good.
For Plotinus, therefore, the world of the senses not in itself evil any more than in itself good; but because in light passes over into darkness, because thus presents mixture of Being and Non-being (the Platonic conception of y«Wi? here comes into force anew), good so far as has part in God or the Good; i. e. so far as is; and on the other hand, eri7 in so far as has part in matter or the Evil i. e. in so far as not [has no real, positive existence]. Evil proper, the true evil twpwrov •uor), matter, negation the corporeal world can be called evil only because formed out of matter secondary evil (Scvrcpor «w); and the predicate " evil " belongs to souls only they give
Knntail III. 18. Universal empty space forms the possibility (intoKtliuron} tut the exlutence of bodies, while, on the other hand, the particular spatial deter- ■unatenau conditioned by the nature of the bodies, II. 12.
lb III.
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248 Hellenistic- Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Part IL
themselves over to matter. To be sure, this entrance into matter belongs to the essential characteristics of the soul itself; the soul forms just that sphere in which the shining forth of the deity passes over into matter, and this participation in evil is, therefore, for the soul, a natural necessity which is to be conceived of as a continuation of its own proceeding forth from the rational spirit. '
By this distinction of the world of sense from matter, Plotinus was able to do justice, also, to the positive element in phenomena,1 For since the original power works through spirit and soul upon matter, all that in the world of sense really exists or
itself soul and spirit. In this rooted the spiritualisation of the
world, the idealising of the universe, which forms the characteristic element in the conception of Nature held by Plotinus. The material but the outer husk, behiud which, as the truly active reality, are souls and spirits. body or corporeal substance
the copy or shadow of the Idea which in has shaped itself to matter; its true essence this spiritual or intellectual element which appears as phenomenon in the image seen by sense.
It in such shining of the ideal essence through its sensuous phenomenon that beauty consists. By virtue of this streaming of the spiritual light into matter the entire world of the senses beautiful, and likewise the individual thing, formed after its arche type. Here in the treatise of Plotinus on beauty (Ennead. 6) this conception meets us for the first time among the fundamental conceptions of theory of the world; the first attempt at
metaphysical aesthetics. Hitherto the beautiful had always appeared only in homonomy with the good and the perfect, and the mild attempts to separate the conception and make independent, which were contained in Plato's Symposium, were now taken up again for the first time by Plotinus for even the theory of art, to which aesthetic science had restricted itself as appeared most clearly in the fragment of the Aristotelian Poetic, considered the beautiful essentially according to its ethical effects (cf. 13, 14). Ancient life must run its entire course, and that turning toward the inner life, that internalising, as were, which this life experienced in the religious period, must be completed, to bring about the scientific
corporeal
evidently
Therefore, though Plotinus in his ethics emphasised strongly freedom in the sense of responsibility, the great tendency of his metaphysical thought shown just in this, that he did not make this freedom of -- power to the con trary " his explaining principle, but sought to understand the transition of the world into evil as a metaphysical necessity.
Very characteristic in this respect the treatise {Emuad. II. which he wrote against the barbarian contempt of Nature shown by the Gnostics.
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CHAf. -20. ] God and the World: Plotinut. 249
consciousness of this finest and highest content of the Grecian world and the conception in which this takes place on this account characteristic for the development from which comes forth the beauty which the Greeks had created and enjoyed now recognised as the victorious power of spirit in externalising its sensuous phenomena. This conception also triumph of the spirit, which in unfolding its activities has at last apprehended its own essential nature, and has conceived as world-principle.
As regards the phenomenal world, Plotinus takes point of view which must be designated as the interpretation of Nature in terms psychical life, and so turns out that with reference to this antithe sis ancient thought described its course from one extreme to the other. The oldest science knew the soul only as one of Nature's products side by side with many others, — for Neo-Platonism the whole of Nature regarded as real only in so far as soul.
But by employing this idealistic principle for explaining individ ual things and processes in the world of sense, all sobriety and clearness in natural research at an end. In place of regular, causal connections appears the mysterious, dreamily unconscious weaving of the world-soul, the rule of gods and demons, the spirit ual sympathy of all things expressing itself in strange relations among them. All forms of divination, astrology, faith in miracles, naturally stream into this mode of regarding Nature, and man seems to be surrounded by nothing but higher and mysterious forces this world created by spirit, full of souls, embraces him like
magic circle.
The whole process in which the world proceeds forth from the
deity appears, accordingly, as timeless, eternal necessity, and . hough Plotinus speaks also of periodical return of the same (Articular formations, the world-process itself yet for him without beginning or end. As belongs to t^e nature of light to shine forever into the darkness, so God does not exist without the stream ing forth with which he creates the world out of matter.
In this universal life of spirit the individual personality vanishes, m a subordinate, particular phenomenon. Released from the all- •oul as one of countless forms in which that unfolds, cast into the sensuous body out of the purer pre-existent state, on account of its guilty inclination toward what void and vain, and
its task to estrange itself from the body and from material essence in general, and to "purify" itself again from the body. Only when
has succeeded in this can hope to traverse backward the stages by which has proceeded forth frcm the deity, and so to return to the deity. The first positive step to this exaltation civic and
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250 Hellenistic-Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Part IL
political virtue, by which man asserts himself as a rationally forma tive force in the phenomenal world ; but since this virtue evinces itself only in reference to objects of the senses, the dianoetic virtue of knowledge stands far above it (cf. Aristotle), — the virtue by which the soul sinks into its own spiritual intrinsic life. As a help stimulating to this virtue, Plotinus praises the contemplation of the beautiful, which finds a presentiment of the Idea in the thing of sense, and, in overcoming the inclination toward matter, rises from the sensuously beautiful to the spiritually beautiful. And even this dianoetic virtue, this aesthetic duapia and self-beholding of the spirit, is only the preliminary stage for that ecstatic rapture with which the individual, losing all consciousness, enters into unity with the ground of the world (§ 18, 6). The salvation and the blessed
ness of the individual is his sinking into the All-One.
The later Neo-Platoniats, — Porphyry first, and, still more, Jamblichus and Proclus, — in the case of this exaltation emphasise, far more than Plotinus, the help which the individual finds for it in positive religion and its acts of worship. For these men largely increased the number of different stages through which the world proceeds forth from the " One," and identified them with the forms of the deities in the different ethnic religions by all kinds of more or less arbi trary allegories. It was therefore natural, in connection with the return of the soul to God, since it must traverse the same stages up to the state of ecstatic deification, to claim the support of these lower gods : and thus as the metaphys ics of the Neo-Platonist8 degenerated into mythology, their ethics degenerated into theurgic arts.
8. On the whole, therefore, the derivation of the world from God as set forth by Plotinus, in spite of all its idealising and spiritualising of Nature, follows the physical schema of natural processes. This streaming forth of things from the original Power is an eternal necessity, founded in the essence of this Power ; creation is a pur posive working, but unconscious and without design.
But at the same time, a logical motive comes into play here, which has its origin in the old Platonic character of Ideas as class-concepts. For just as the Idea is related to individual things of sense, so in turn the deity is related to Ideas, as the universal to the particular. God is the absolute universal, and according to a law of formal logic, in accordance with which concepts become poorer in contents or intension in proportion as their extension increases so that the content 0 must correspond to the extension ao, the absolutely uni versal is also the concept of the " First," void of all content. Bui if from this First proceed first the intelligible, then the psychical, and finally the sensuous world, this metaphysical relation corre sponds to the logical process of determination or partition. This point of view, according to which the more general is throughout regarded as the higher, metaphysically more primitive reality, while
Caar. 2, § 20. J Qod and the World : Proclus, Christianity. 251
the particular is held to be, in its metaphysical reality also, a deriv ative product from the more general, — a view which resulted from hypostatising the syllogistic methods of Aristotle (cf. § 12, 3), — was expressed among the older Neo-Platonists
Porphyry, in his exegesis of Aristotle's categories.
Meanwhile Proclus undertook to carry out methodically this
logical schema of emanation, and out of regard for this principle subordinated a number of simple and likewise unknowable " henads" beneath the highest, completely characterless h>. In so doing he found himself under the necessity of demanding a proper dialectical principle for this logical procession of the particular from the uni
versal. Such a schematism the systematiser of Hellenism found in the logico-metaphysical relation which Plotinus had laid at the basis
of the development of the world from the deity. The procession of the Many forth from the One involves, in the first place, that the particular remains like the universal, and thus that the effect abides or persists within the cause; in the second place, that this product is a new self-subsisting entity in contrast with that which has pro duced and that proceeds forth from the same and finally, that by virtue of just this antithetic relation the individual strives to return again to its ground. Persistence, procession, and return (nmrq, rpoo&K, triorpo*f>jj), or identity, difference and union of that which has been distinguished, are accordingly the three momenta of the dialectical process; and into this formula of emauistic development, by virtue of which every concept should be thought of as in itself — out of itself — returning into itself, Proclus pressed his entire combined metaphysical and mythological construction, — construc tion in which he assigned to the systems of deities of the different religions their place in the mystical and magical universe, arranging
them in the series divided again and again by threes, according to kis law of the determination of concepts. 1
In contrast with this, the peculiarity of Cliristian philosophy consists essentially in this, that in its apprehension of the relation of God to the world, sought to employ throughout the ethical
point of view of free, creative action. Since from the standpoint of its religious conviction held fast to the conception of the person ality of the Original Being, conceived of the procedure of the world forth from God, not as a physical or logical necessity of the
Personally, Proclua characterised by the mingling of superabundant credulous piety with logical formalism carried even to pedantry, combina tion which is highly interesting psychologically. Juki for thin reason lie is, fvrhapa, the most pronounced type of this period which concerned in putting iu ardent religiosity into a scientific system.
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252 Hellenistic- Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Pabt II.
unfolding of his essence, but as an act of will, and in consequence of this the creation of the world was regarded not as an eternal process, but as a fact in time that had occurred once for all. The conception, however, in which these motives of thought became concentrated, was that of the freedom of the will.
This conception had had at first the meaning (with Aristotle) of conceding to the finite personality acting ethically the capacity of a decision between different given possibilities, independently of external influence and compulsion. The conception had then taken on, with Epicurus, the metaphysical meaning of a causeless activity of individual beings. Applied to the absolute, and regarded as a quality of God, it is developed in the Christian philosophy into the thought of " creation out of nothing," into the doctrine of an un caused production of the world from the will of Ood. Every attempt at an explanation of the world is thereby put aside ; the world is
because God has willed and such as because God has willed so to be. At no point the contrast between Neo-Pla- tonism and orthodox Christianity sharper than at this.
Meanwhile, this same principle of the freedom of the will is employed to overcome the very difficulties which resulted from it. For the unlimited creative activity of the omnipotent God forces the problem of " theodicy " forward still more urgently than in the other theories of the universe, — the problem how the reality of evil in the world can be united with God's perfect goodness. The optimism involved in the doctrine of creation, and the pessimism in volved in the felt need of redemption, the theoretical and the practical, the metaphysical and the ethical momenta of religious faith strike hard against each other. But faith, supported by the feeling of responsibility, finds its way of escape out of these difficulties in the assumption that God provided the spirits and human souls which he created, with freedom analogous to his own, and that through their guilt evil came into the good world. 1
This guilt, the thinkers of the Church find not to consist properly in the inclination toward matter or the sensuous; for matter- as created by God cannot in itself be evil. * The sin of free spirits consists rather in their rebellion against the will of God, in their
This expressed abstractly by Clement of Alexandria (Strom. IV. 13, 606) in the form, that evil only an action, not substance (oiVm), and that there fore cannot be regarded as the work of God.
Just for this reason the metaphysical dualism of the Gnostics must be in its principle heterodox, and that, too, no matter whether bore the stamp rather of Oriental mythology or of Hellenistic abstract thought — even though in the ethical consequences which drew coincided in great part with the doctrine of the Church.
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Cmxr. 2, 5 20. ] God and the World : Origen. 253
longing after an unlimited power of self-determination, and only secondarily in the fact that they have turned their love toward God's creations, toward the world instead of toward God himself. Here too, therefore, there prevails in the content of the conception of evil the negative element of departure and falling away from God; ' but the whole earnestness of the religious consciousness asserts itself in this, that this falling away is conceived of not merely as absence of the good, but as a positive, perverted act of will.
In accordance with this the dualism of God and the world, and that of spirit and matter, become indeed deeply involved in the Christian theory of the world. God and the eternal life of the spirit, the world and the transitory life of the flesh, — these are here, too, sharply enough contrasted. In contradiction with the divine pneuma the world of sense is filled with "hylic" spirits,' evil demons, who ensnare man in their pursuits which are animated by hostility to God, stifle in him the voice of universal natural reve lation, and thereby make special revelation necessary ; and without departure from them and from the sensuous nature there is for the early Christian ethics, also, no rescue of the soul possible.
But still this dualism is not regarded as being in its intrinsic nature either necessary or original. It is not the opposition be tween God and matter, but that between God and fallen spirits; it is the purely inner antagonism of the infinite and the finite will. In this direction Christian philosophy completed through Origen the metaphysical spiritualising and internalising or idealising of the world of the senses. In it the corporeal world appears as completely permeated and maintained by spiritual functions, — yes, even as much reduced to spiritual functions, as is the case with Plotinus; but here the essential element in these functions is relations of will.
As the passing over of God into the world is not physical necessity, bnt ethical freedom, so the material world is not a last streaming forth of spirit and soul, but a creation of God for the punishment and for the overcoming of sin.
To be sure, Origen, in developing these thoughts, took up a motive which was allied to Xeo-1'latonism, a motive which brought, him ioto conflict with the current mode of thought in the Church. For strongly as he held fast to the conception of the divine personality and to that of creation as a free act of divine goodness, the scientific thought which desires to see action grounded in essence was yet too strong in him to allow him to regard this creation as a causeless
' In this «ttBM (Ten Origen could call the evil ri ewe t* (in Joh. II. 7, 6o). > Tatiaa. Oral, ad Or<sc 4.
254 Hellenistic- Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Part U.
act taking place once for all in time. The eternal, unchangeable essence of God demands rather the thought that he is creator from eternity even to all eternity, that he never can be without creating, that he creates timelessly. '
But this creation of the eternal will is, therefore, only one that relates to eternal Being, to the spiritual world (owria). In this eternal manner, so Origen teaches, God begets the eternal Son, the Logos, as the sum-total of his world-thoughts (ISia t&cwy), and through him the realm of free spirits, which, limited within itself, surrounds the deity as an ever-living garment. Those of the spirits that continue in the knowledge and love of the Creator remain in unchanged blessedness with him ; but those that become weary and negligent, and turn from him in pride and vainglory, are, for pun ishment, cast into matter created for this purpose. So arises the world of sense, which is, therefore, nothing self-subsistent, but a symbolic eternalisation of spiritual functions. For what may be regarded as Real in it is not the individual bodies, but rather the spiritual Ideas which are present, connected and changing within them. "
So, with Origen, Platonism becomes united with the theory of the creative will. The eternal world of spirits is the eternal prod uct of the changeless divine will. The principle of the temporal and the sensuous (yo>e<w) is the changing will of the spirits. Corporeality arises on account of their sin, and will vanish again with their improvement and purification. Thus will, and the rela-
1 Orig. De Princ. I. 2, 10 ; III. 4, 3.
9 This idealising of the world of sense was treated in great detail, quite ac cording to the Platonic model, by the most important of the Oriental Church fathers, Gregory of Nyssa (331-394). His main treatise is the XAvot «arijx'? - tikAj. Edition of his works by Morellus (Paris, 1675) [Eng. tr. in Vol. V. , 2d series, Lib. Nicene and Poet-Nicene Fathers, ed. Schaff and Wace, Oxford, Lond. , and N. Y. 1890]. Cf. J. Rupp, 0. des Bisehoft von Jv". Leben tout
Meinungen, Leips. 1834. — This transformation of Nature into psychical terms found an extremely poetic exposition among the Gnostics, particularly with the most ingenious among them, Valentinus. The origin of the world of sense is portrayed as follows in his theogonic-cosmogonic poetic invention : When the lowest of the vEons, Wisdom (eo<pla), in over-hasty longing, would fain have plunged into the original Ground and had been brought back again to her place by the Spirit of Measure (Spos), the Supreme God separated from her her passionate longing (riffos) as a lower Wisdom (iti-ru tropin), called Achamoth, and banished it into the "void" (cf. § 20, 4). This lower <ro<j>ta,nevertheless, impregnated by tpot for her redemption, bore the Demiurge and the world of sense. On this account that ardent longing of oo<t>l* expresses itself in all forms and shapes of this world ; it is her feelings that constitute the essence of phenomena ; her pressure and complaint thrills through all the life of Nature. From her tears have come fountains, streams, and seas ; from her benumbing before the divine word, the rocks and mountains ; from her hope of redemption, light and ether, which in reconciliation stretch above the earth. This poetic invention is farther carried out with the lamentations and penitential songs of <roi>L<Lin the Gnostic treatise, IKonc <ro<t>la.
sap. 2, f 21. ] Philosophy of History. 255
turn of personalities to one another, in particular that of the finite to the infinite personality, are recognised as the ultimate and deepest meaning of all reality.
§ 21. The Problem of Universal Hiitory.
With this triumph of religious ethics over cosmological meta physics, thus sealed by Christianity, is connected the emergence of a farther problem, to solve which a number of important attempts were made — the problem of the philosophy of history.
1. Here something which is in its principle new comes forward, as over against the Greek view of the world. For Greek science had from the beginning directed its questions with reference to the +wn«, the abiding essence (cf. p. 73), and this mode of stating the question, which proceeded from the need of apprehending Nature, had influenced the progress of forming conceptions so strongly that the chronological course of events had always been treated as something of secondary importance, having no meta physical interest of its own. In this connection Greek science regarded not only the individual man, but also the whole human race, with all its fortunes, deeds, and experiences, as ultimately but an episode, a special formation of the world-process which repeats itself forever according to like laws.
This is expressed with plain grandeur in the cosmological begin nings of Greek thought; and even after the anthropological tendency had obtained the mastery in philosophy the thought remained in force as theoretical background for every projected plan of the art
of living, that human life, as it has sprung forth from the unchang ing process of Nature, must flow again into the same (Stoa). Plato had indeed asked for an ultimate end of earthly life, and Aristotle had investigated the regular succession of the forms assumed by political life; but the inquiry for a meaning in human history taken a* a whole, for a connected plan of historical development, had never once been put forward, and still less had it occurred to any of the old thinkers to see in this the intrinsic, essential nature of the world.
The most characteristic procedure in just this respect is that of Neo-Platonisin. Its metaphysics, also, follows the religious motive as its guide; but it gives this motive a genuine Hellenic turn when it regards the procession of the imperfect forth from the perfect as an eternal process of a necessary nature, in which the human individual also finds his place and sees it as his destiny to tesk salvation alone by himself by return to the infinite.
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256 Hellenistic-Roman Thought : Religious Period. [Part II
2. Christianity, however, found from the beginning the essence of the whole world-movement in the experiences of personalities : for it external nature was but a theatre for the development ul the relation of person to person, and especially of the relation of the finite spirit to the deity. And to this were added, as a further determining power, the principle of love, the consciousness of the solidarity of the human race, the deep conviction of the universal sinfulness, and the faith in a common redemption. All this led to_ regarding the history of the fall and of redemption as the true metaphysical import of the world's reality, and so instead of an eliernaljjrocess of Nature, the drama of universal history as an on- ward flow of events that were activities of free will, became the con tent of Christian metaphysics.
There is perhaps no better proof of the power of the impression which the personality of Jesus of Nazareth had left, than the fact that all doctrines of Christianity, however widely they may other wise diverge philosophically or mythically, are yet at one in seeking in him and his appearance the centre of the world's history. By hnu the conflict between good and evil, between light and darkness, is decided.
But this consciousness of victory with which Christianity believed in its Saviour had still another side : to the evil which had been overcome by him belonged also the other religions, as by no means its least ■important element. For the Christian mode of thought of those days was far from denying the reality of the heathen gods ; it regarded them rather as evil demons, fallen spirits who had seduced man and persuaded him to worship them, in order to prevent his returning to the true God. 1
By this thought the conflict of religions, which took place in the Alexandrian period, acquires in the eyes of Christian thinkers a metaphysical significance : the powers whose struggling forms the world's history are the gods of the various religions, and the history of this conflict is the inner significance of all reality. And since every individual man with his ethical life-work is implicated in this great complex process, the importance of individuality becomes raised far above the life of sense, into the sphere of metaphysical reality.
3. With almost all Christian thinkers, accordingly, the world's history appears as a course of inner events which draw after them the origin and fortunes of the world of sense, — a course which takes place once for all. It is essentially only Origen who holds fast
1 So even Origen ; cf. Cont. CO*, ill. 28. -. . . -. _♦.
Caur. 2, 1 21. ] Philosophy of History : Christianity. 25fi
to the fundamental character of Greek science (cf. p. 27, ch. 1). so far as to teach the eternity of the world-process. Between the two motives, the Christian and the Greek, he found a way of escape by making a succession of temporal worlds proceed forth from the eternal spiritual world, which he regarded as the immediate creation of -God, and by holding that these temporal worlds take their origin with the deolension and fall of a number of free spirits, and are to nod their end with the redemption and restitution of the same ( n-CMcaraaTaaif ) . '
The fundamental tendency of Christian thought, on the contrary, was to portray the historical drama of fall and redemption as a connected series of events taking place once for all, which begins with a free decision of lower spirits to sin, and has its turning- point in the redemptive revelation, the resolve of divine freedom.
In contrast with the naturalistic conceptions of Greek thought, kistory is conceived of as the realm of free acts of personalities, taking place but once, and the character of these acts, agreeably to the entire consciousness of the time, is of essentially religious significance.
4. It is highly interesting now to see how in the mythico- metaphysical inventions of the Gnostics, the peculiar relation of Christianity to Judaism is brought to expression in cosmogonic garb. In the Gnostic circles the so-called Gentile Christian ten dency is predominant, the tendency which desires to define the new religion as sharply as possible, as over against Judaism, and this tendency just through the Hellenistic philosophy grows to the most open hostility against Judaism.
The mythological form for this is, that the God of the Old Testa ment, who gave the Mosaic law, is regarded as the fashioner of the world of sense, — for the most part under the Platonic name of the Demiurge, — and is assigned that place in the hierarchy of cosmic forms or Mom, as well as in the history of the universe, which belongs to him in accordance with this function.
At the beginning this relation is not yet that of pronounced oppo sition. A certain Cerinthus (about 115 a. d. ) had already distin guished the God of the Jews as Demiurge, from the Supreme God who was not defiled by any contact with matter, and had taught that in contrast with the "law" given by the God of the Jews, Jesus had brought the revelation of the Supreme God. * So, too,
1 Orig. Dt Prinr. III. 1, 3. These worlds, on account of the freedom from which they proceed, are not at all like one another, but are of the moat mani fold variety; lb. II. 3. 3 f.
• A -"**'~,'l~' which Numenlus also adopted, evidently under Gnostic influ- eaota. Cf. Eoseb. Prop. Ev. XI. 18.
258 Hellenistic- Roman Thought : Religion* Period. [Part II.
with Saturninus, the God of the Jews appears as the head of the seven planetary spirits, who, as lowest emanation of the spiritual realm, in their desire to rule tore away a portion of matter to form from it the world of sense, and set man as guardian over it. But a conflict arises, since Satan, to conquer back this part of his kingdom, sends against man his demons and the lower "hylic" race of men. Iu this conflict the prophets of the Demiurge prove powerless until the Supreme God sends the iEon voxn as Saviour, in order that he may free pneumatic men and likewise the Demiurge and his spirits from the power of Satan. This same redemption of the Jewish God also is taught by Basilides, who introduces him under the name of the " great Archon " as an efflux of the divine world-seed, as head of the world of sense, and represents him as made to tremble by the Supreme God's message of salvation in Jesus, and as brought to repentance for his undue exaltation.
In a similar manner, the God of the Old Testament, with Carpo- crates, belongs to the fallen angels, who, commissioned to form the world, completed it according to their own caprice, and founded sep arate realms in which they got themselves reverenced by subordinate spirits and by men. But while these particular religions are, like their Gods, in a state of mutual conflict, the Supreme Deity reveals in Jesus the one true universal religion which has Jesus as its object, even as he had already before made revelation in the great educators of humanity, a Pythagoras and a Plato.
In more decided polemic against Judaism Cerdo the Syrian further distinguished the God of the Old Testament from that of the New. The God announced by Moses and the prophets, as the purposeful World-fashioner and as the God of justice is accessible even to natural knowledge — the Stoic conception; the God re vealed through Jesus is the unknowable, the good God — the Philonic conception. The same determinations more sharply defined are employed by Marcion1 (about 150), who conceives of the Chris tian life in a strongly ascetic manner, and regards it as a warfare against the Demiurge and for the Supreme God revealed through Jesus,1 and Marcion's disciple Apelles even treated the Jewish God
1 Cf. Volkmar, Philosophoumena und Marcion ( Theol. Jakrb. Tubingen, 1864). Same author, Das Evange. Uum Jiarcion't (Leips. 1862).
3 An extremely piquant mythological modification of this thought is found in the sect of the Ophites, who gave to the Hebraic narrative of the fall the interpretation, that the serpent which taught man to eat of the tree of knowl edge in Paradise made a beginning of bringing the revelation of the true God to man who had fallen under the dominion of the Demiurge, and that after man had on this account experienced the wrath of the Demiurge, the revela tion had appeared victorious in Jesus. For this knowledge which the serpent desired to teach is the true salvation of man.
CHAr. 2, J 21. ] Philosophy of History : Gnostics, Patristics. 259
as Lucifer, who brought carnal sin into the world of sense which had been formed by the good " Demiurge," the highest angel, so that, at the petition of the Demiurge, the Supreme God sent the Re deemer against him.
5. In contrast with this view we find the doctrine firmly held,
not only by the Recognitions,' ascribed to Clement of Rome
arose about 150 a. d. ), but in the entire orthodox development of
Christian doctrine, that the Supreme God and the creator of the
world, the God of the New and the God of the Old Testaments, are a
the same. But a wellplanned educative development of the divine ^JLuCu revelation is assumed, ancTTn This the history of salvation, i. e. the
inner history of the world, is sought. Proceeding in accordance
with the suggestions of the Pauline epistles,' Justin, and especially
Irenaens, took this standpoint. The theory of revelation did not
become complete until it found this elaboration in the philosophy
of history (cf. § 18).
For the anticipations of Christian revelation, that emerge on the
one hand in Jewish prophecy, on the other in Hellenic philosophy, are regarded from this point of view as pedagogic preparations for Christianity. And since the redemption of sinful man constitutes, according to the Christian view, the sole significance and value of the world's history, and so of all that is real aside from God, the well-ordered succession of Ood's acts of revelation appears as the essential thing TIT the entire~"course of the world's events.
Th the main, corresponding to the doctrine of revelation, three stages of this divine, saving activity are distinguished. 3 As divided theoretically there are, first, the universal-human revelation, given objectively by the purposiveness of Nature, subjectively through the rational endowment of the mind ; second, the special revelation imparted to the Hebrew people through the Mosaic law and the promises of the prophets ; and third, the complete revelation through Jesus. Divided according to time, the periods extended from Adam to Moses, from Moses to Christ, from Christ to the end of the world. 4 This triple division was the more natural for ancient Christianity, the stronger its faith that the closing period of the world's redemj>
1 Edited by Geradorf (Leips. 1838). Cf. A. Hilgenfcld, Die clementiniaehen RrcagnitioKtn und Hamihen (Jena, 1848); G. Chlhorn, Die Homilien und rUrrstnUionen det CI. R. (Gottingcn, 1864).
' which treat the " law " as the " schoolmaster " unto ChrUt (waiUywyli tit 1+*t4,); Gal. iii. 24.
•Thia had been done in part already by the Gnostics, by Basilides at least, according to Hippolytus.
• The later (heretical) development of eschatology added to these three pehods yet a fourth, by the appearance of the " Paraclete. " Cf. , e. g. , Ter- tallian. De Virg. Vet. 1, p. 884 O.
(which
*
260 Hellenistic-Roman Thought: Religious Period. [Part II.
tion, which had begun with the appearance of the Saviour, would be ended in a very short time. The eschatological hopes are an essential constituent of the early Christian metaphysics ; for the philosophy of history which made Jesus the turning-point of the world's history had, as by no means its slighest support, the expectation that the Crucified would return again to judge the world, and to complete the victory of light over 'darkness. However varied these ideas become with time and with the disappointment of the first hopes, however strongly the tendencies of dualism and monism assert themselves here also, by conceiving of the last Judgment either as a definite separation of good and evil, or as a complete overcoming of the latter by the former (o7ro»caTa<rrao-is irdvriav with Origen), and however much a more material and a more spiritual view of blessed ness and unhappiness, of heaven and hell, interplay here also, — in every case the last Judgment forms the conclusion of the work of redemption, and so the consummation of the divine plan of salva tion.
6. The points of view from which the world's history is regarded by Christian thinkers are thus indeed exclusively religious ; but the more general principle of a historical teleology gains recognition within them. While Greek philosophy had reflected upon the pur- posiveness of Nature with a depth and an energy which religious thought could not surpass, the completely new thought rises here that the course of events in human life also has a purposeful mean ing as a whole. The teleology of history becomes raised above that of Nature, and the former appears as the higher in worth, in whose service the latter is employed. '
Such a conception was possible only for a time that from a ripe result looked back upon the vivid memory of a great development in the world's history. The universal civilisation of the Roman Empire found dawning in the self-consciousness of its own inner life the presentiment of a purpose in that working together of national destinies through which it had itself come into existence, and the idea of this mighty process was yielded especially by the continued tradition of Greek literature embracing a thousand years. The religious theory of the world, which had developed from this ancient civilisation, gave to that thought the form that the meaning of the historical movement was to be sought in the preparations of God for the salvation of man ; and since the peoples of the ancient civilisation themselves felt that the time of their efficient working was complete, it is comprehensible that they believed they saw the
' Cf. Irenasus, Bef. IV. 38, 4, p. 702 t *t
CHAr, 2, § 21. ] Philosophy of History : Patristics. - 261
end of history immediately before them, where the sun of their day was sinking.
