The Patriarch Alexius, at the
same time, received orders to withdraw to a monastery.
same time, received orders to withdraw to a monastery.
Cambridge Medieval History - v4 - Eastern Roman Empire
98 (#140) #############################################
98
Accession of Zoë
be restored and a muezzin established there. On his part, the Caliph
agreed to the rebuilding of the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem,
which had been destroyed in 1009, and to the return to the orthodox faith
of those Christians who through force or fear had become Mohammedans.
There is besides in existence a Novel of Constantine VIII dated June
1026 anathematizing seditions.
When on 9 November 1028 Constantine fell dangerously ill, he
bethought himself of settling the succession. He had near him only
his two younger daughters, neither of whom was married. A solu-
tion of the question had to be found without delay. It was resolved
that Zöe should be married on the spot, and the Emperor made choice
of Constantine Dalassenus, but at the last moment palace jealousies
caused him to be set aside, and the final choice fell on Romanus Argyrus.
But he was married. By the order of the Emperor and by threats of the
most horrible punishments, Romanus was brought to consent to a divorce,
and his wife to retire from the world into a convent. There she died in
1032. Romanus was at once proclaimed Caesar and heir to the Empire.
In spite of the existence of his real wife and the nearness of relationship
between the two', the Patriarch made no objection to solemnising this
remarkable union, on account, it would seem, of the State interests in-
volved, and in order to avert a political crisis. At all events, nobody
seems to have raised any protest against the morals displayed, and
Constantine tranquilly expired on 11 November 1028, aged seventy.
Zoë and Romanus III Argyrus (1028-1034).
Zoë, when in right of her birth she ascended the Byzantine throne,
was forty-eight years old, having been born in 980. “Of a haughty temper
and great personal beauty, with a brilliant mind," says Psellus, she had
languished into old age in the women's apartments of the palace, imperial
policy having been neither able nor willing to find her a husband. Her
marriage with Romanus Argyrus meant to her emancipation and liberty,
and she was to make use of her position to recall into being, nay, to
unite in her own person and display to the world, all that had brought
shame
upon
and to give herself up to the worst excesses. There
is something in Zoë of Theodora, something of Romanus II, and again
something of Constantine VIII. Her accession began the hopeless decline
of her dynasty.
The husband whom accident had given her was in himself a worthy
man. Up to the day of his unwelcome marriage, he had lived at Con-
stantinople as a great noble, deeply attached to his affectionate wife,
her race,
i Constantine VII, grandfather of Constantine VIII, and Romanus Argyropulus,
great-grandfather of Romanus Argyrus, had married sisters, Helen and Agatha,
daughters of Romanus Lecapenus. It was probably for this reason that Romanus
was chosen for Zoë's husband and for future Emperor.
## p. 99 (#141) #############################################
Character and government of Romanus III
99
much given to works of piety, and to study as understood by a man of
the world, that is to say, of a rather superficial description. He was a man
of ability, but unfortunately not a little vain, and as Emperor during his
six years' reign he strove to govern well, and dreamed (a strange dream,
considering the age which both he and Zoë had reached) of establishing
an Argyrus dynasty at Constantinople. Unluckily his intelligence did not
keep pace with his good intentions, and owing to his self-deception as to
his own military qualifications and to his too eager appetite for glory,
he ended by bringing the worst calamities upon Constantinople, and upon
himself the most bitter disillusionment.
On his accession, the first measures taken were fortunate, and shew
the importance which Romanus always attached to being on good terms
with the clergy. The first Novel which he issued on his accession in-
creased the contribution made by the imperial exchequer to relieve the
strain on the very limited resources of St Sophia. He then abolished
the famous tax known as the allelengyon which Basil II had re-imposed,
and bestowed lavish alms on all who had been ruined by the late reign.
Going further, he flung open the prison doors and set free those who
were detained for debt, himself paying a great part of what was due
to private creditors and remitting what was claimed by the State. He
restored to liberty numberless victims of the late reign, replacing them
in their old positions, and, when feasible, bestowing great offices on them.
These first steps, however, unfortunately led nowhere. Hardly had
the edicts gone forth, when a series of calamities fell upon the Empire
which changed not only the aspect which Romanus had given to his
government but the very character of the sovereign himself. The account
of the disasters experienced by the Emperor and his army in Syria
must be omitted here. They did not come alone. Soon money began
to fail, and Romanus was forced to concentrate all his energy upon
the financial side of the administration, and from having been liberal
and munificent, he became, except where the clergy and his buildings
were concerned, severe, harsh, and even, it was said, avaricious, to a degree
which brought him many enemies. He was compelled to raise the money
needed by fresh taxes, and it happened further that under his govern-
ment the Empire passed through a time of fearful crisis. In the winter
of 1031-1032 there was an awful famine in Asia Minor accompanied by
prodigious mortality; with the spring came the plague, then an army of
locusts which made havoc of the crops, and then, as though all this
had not been enough, on 13 August Constantinople was shaken by a
terrific earthquake which destroyed numberless houses, hospitals, and
aqueducts. Romanus III was forced to come to the relief of all the un-
fortunate sufferers with money. He did it on a generous scale, but the
finances felt the effects grievously.
In spite of the emptiness of the treasury, of which, indeed, his pro-
pensities were partly the cause, Romanus III was a great builder. Like
CH. v.
7-2
## p. 100 (#142) ############################################
100
Foreign affairs and conspiracies
Justinian and Basil I, he desired to erect at Constantinople a new archi-
tectural marvel, a worthy rival of St Sophia and the New Church. This was
the church of St Mary Peribleptos, and he added to it a large laura for
men. He endowed both church and monastery richly, alienating lands of
considerable extent and unusual fertility. But he went further. Not con-
tent with building the Peribleptos church, he adorned St Sophia with costly
decorations in gold and silver, while at Jerusalem he began the rebuilding
of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, which was not finished till 1048.
In 1030 or 1031, from purely political motives, Romanus III, having
no children of his own, arranged marriages for two of his nieces. One
of them, Helena, was married to Parakat IV, King of Iberia, and the
other to John-Sempad, King of Greater Armenia. The former of these
marriages gave occasion for a visit to Constantinople of Queen Mariam,
Parakat's mother, and for a treaty of alliance between the two sove-
reigns, a treaty, however, which proved of small importance, for
Romanus at the first opportunity tore it up; Helena, in fact, had died
not long after her marriage.
The chroniclers preserve the remembrance of another embassy which
also made its appearance in 1031. This was the Saracen mission, headed
by the son of the Mirdāsid Emir of Aleppo, Shibl-ad-daulah. He, also,
came to request the renewal by treaty of peaceful relations. His pro-
posal, which was accepted, was to go back to the convention signed after
the victories of Nicephorus Phocas, in fact to the payment of a tribute.
A treaty on much the same lines resulted, also at this date, from a visit
paid by the Emir of Tripolis to Constantinople.
When Zoë ascended the throne, it necessarily happened that her
younger sister Theodora was left somewhat neglected and forgotten
in the women's apartments of the palace. This did not suit her at all,
however devout she may have been, and, debarred from ruling, she
betook herself to plotting. Even in 1031 a first conspiracy broke out
against Romanus III, the moving spirit of which, Fruyin, or Prusianus,
was no other than the eldest son of the last Bulgarian sovereign. He was
accused, and apparently the charge was proved, of having had designs
upon the throne of Constantinople and perhaps upon the hand of Theo-
dora. In any case, it is fairly plain that the future Empress took a hand
in the game. But the plot was discovered, and Prusianus was blinded.
Theodora, on this first occasion, was not proceeded against, but her im-
munity did not last long, for soon afterwards another affair arose which
led to more serious consequences. This was the conspiracy of Constantine
Diogenes, Romanus III's own nephew. We know nothing of this plot
except its results. Some of the highest personages in the State were so
deeply implicated in it that they were subjected to the worst outrages,
and then imprisoned for the remainder of their lives. Nor did Theodora
herself go unpunished. She was sent to expiate her guilt at the convent
of Petrion.
## p. 101 (#143) ############################################
Michael IV succeeds Romanus
101
Meanwhile Zoë was pursuing her new way of life without measure or
restraint at the palace. Romanus III, when he had to give up all hope
of children, began to neglect his wife and turn his attention to the
government, while Zoë rushed from one adventure to another. Friction
soon made itself felt between the elderly couple. Zoë was exasperated
by the Emperor's neglect, by the strong influence which his sister Pulcheria
exercised over his mind, and by the limits set to her mad extravagance.
She found the means of vengeance by attracting the love of a younger
brother of the man whose name was soon to become fainous throughout
the Empire, John the Orphanotrophos, a Paphlagonian eunuch of low
birth, who had become the friend, confidant, and only favourite of
Romanus. The brother's name was Michael ; he was young and hand-
some. Thanks to his elder brother, Michael had exchanged his business
of a money-changer, perhaps a coiner, for the post of “Archon of the
Pantheon. ” He soon, in his turn, became a special favourite with
Romanus, and was even more acceptable to Zoë. In course of time the
disgraceful passion of Michael and the Empress became public property,
and Zoë herself ventured to predict the speedy elevation of her lover to
the throne.
Her prophecy was verified on 12 April 1034. Romanus was in his
bath when in the night of 11-12 April he was murdered, apparently
by some of his suite. Exactly what took place was never known. After
having probably been poisoned, he was in some mysterious fashion
drowned. However this may have been, no one at Constantinople
doubted that Zoë and Michael were indirectly the chief movers in a
crime which was to give the imperial crown to Michael IV, the Paphla-
gonian.
Zoë and Michael IV (1034-1041).
The Empress Zoë's satisfaction was brief. In gaining her new hus-
band by a crime she had at the same time found a master. Cunningly acted
upon by John Orphanotrophos, who was already the real ruler of the
Empire, she determined to have Michael proclaimed at once, and, within
a few hours of her husband's death, to marry him publicly. The Patriarch
was hastily summoned to the palace, where he learned at one and the
same time the death of Romanus and the service expected of him. It
was no light thing. It was in fact that he should proceed without
parley to bless the union, on a Good Friday, of a woman stained with
crime, fifty-four or fifty-five years of age, and widowed only a few hours,
with a young man of no family, thirty years her junior. How came
the Patriarch Alexius to lend himself to the accomplishment of any-
thing so infamous ? We cannot tell. Scylitzes only relates that he was
won over by bribes to do the will of the Empress. At all events, no one
at Constantinople made any protest against this exhibition of imperial
CB. IV.
## p. 102 (#144) ############################################
102
Character of Michael IV
morals. The city, it appears, was delighted to greet the new sovereign,
and on the day of Romanus funeral there were no lamentations for
the dead Emperor, who had not been popular with the inhabitants
of Constantinople.
And yet, strange to relate, once seated upon the throne, this un-
trained man, with no claims to govern, and already tormented by
the epileptic fits which a few years later were to carry him off in his
turn, proved a good ruler, careful of the public interest, attentive to
the defence of the Empire, and courageous when the situation in
Bulgaria made demands upon his energy. The character given of him by
one who knew him personally and intimately, Psellus, should be studied
in order to gain an idea of what Michael was upon the throne. “Such
was the conduct of the Emperor," he says, “ that setting aside his crime
against Romanus III, his treasonable adultery with Zoë, and the cruelty
with which he sent several illustrious persons into exile on mere sus-
picion, and setting aside, further, his disreputable family, for whom after
all he was not responsible, one cannot do otherwise than place him
among the elect of sovereigns in all ages. ” He wisely declined to make
any hasty innovations, any sweeping changes in the imperial administra-
tion. If there was favouritism, if the Senate found itself invaded by the
creatures of the new régime, this was the doing of Michael's brother.
But there is more to be said. Michael proved to be extremely devout;
hardly was he seated on the throne when he began to realise the crime
he had committed, to regret it, and to do penance. He would now have
no companions but monks, and no anxiety save to do good and to expiate
his sins. His life was that of an ascetic, and the whole of the imperial
treasure went to build convents, a home for the poor, the Ptochotropheion, ,
and even a refuge for fallen women.
Meanwhile, what was Zoë doing ? She had not taken long to realise
how grossly she had deceived herself. Devoid of gratitude towards a
woman whom he had never really loved, Michael broke off relations with
the Empress and refused to see her. Under the influence of his brother
and of his religious impressions, dreading too lest he should meet with
the fate of Romanus, he kept her in retirement and had her carefully
watched. All her attendants were changed, officials devoted to the
Emperor were introduced into her service, and she was forbidden to go
out unless with Michael's permission. Zoë bore with these fresh humi-
liations patiently until, weary of her servitude, she attempted to poison
John. It was labour lost. She met with no success, only causing an
increase in the rigour of her confinement. It was the just reward of her
crime, and lasted up to the death of Michael IV.
On Michael's accession, his whole family took up their abode in the
palace and obtained high offices in the Empire. John Orphanotrophos,
the eldest, became chief minister; Nicetas, Constantine, and George
became respectively, commander at Antioch with the title of Duke,
## p. 103 (#145) ############################################
Government of John the Orphanotrophos
103
Domestic of the Oriental Scholae, and Protovestiary. This latter office,
which fell to the youngest, was one of the great dignities of the court.
The family were all thoroughly corrupt and as uninteresting as they were
uncultivated. They were to prove the ruin of their nephew the next Em-
peror. The only exception was the famous John Orphanotrophos. Beneath
his monk's frock, which he always retained, he was fully as corrupt as his
brothers. Though a confirmed drunkard, he had nevertheless remark-
able talents for government. He was an able financier, unrivalled as an
administrator, and an astute politician. He was, moreover, absolutely
devoted to his family and to the Emperor, and, despite his serious faults,
his falseness, cynicism, and coarseness, he was in truth, as Psellus some-
where calls him, the bulwark of his brother Michael. He it was who had
found means to advance him in Zoë's good graces, and he it was who
later contrived to make the fortune of his nephew, Michael the Calaphates,
from whom he was in the end to receive no reward but exile.
The powerful eunuch's government was energetic, if not uniformly
successful. His untiring activity embraced all the foreign affairs of
the Empire, and Byzantine armies were again sent forth to strive
for the supremacy and safety of the Empire in Asia Minor against
Saracens, Iberians, and Armenians, as well as in Italy and Sicily (where
the situation was further complicated by the arrival of the Normans), and
also, towards the end of the reign, in Bulgaria. Certainly John could
claim brilliant successes from time to time, especially in Sicily, where
Syracuse was temporarily re-taken in 1038. Men of a different stamp,
however, would have been needed to restore to Constantinople her former
prestige, and, in a word, from the reign of Michael must be dated a wide-
spread decline in the strength of the Empire.
As to home affairs, they seem to have been less creditably managed.
John hoped to see a new Paphlagonian dynasty founded, and with this
object, after having reduced to penury and thrust into prison those who,
like Constantine Dalassenus, had fallen under his suspicion, he made it a
point of conscience to enrich his own family beyond measure. The people
were ground down by taxes. Money was wanted for the war; it was
wanted for the absurd and ruinous charities of the Emperor, who, more
and more broken down by illness, thought of nothing but distributing
solidi aurei as a means of regaining health; it was wanted, above all, for
the Emperor's relations. Their rapacity was indeed the prime cause of
the intense unpopularity which before long was to sweep away the whole
tribe of these detested eunuchs. But John imagined himself safe from
attack, and in order to establish his authority more firmly he made a
momentary attempt, like Photius and Cerularius, to bring about the
abdication of Alexius, and have himself nominated Patriarch in his place,
thus getting the entire control of affairs, religious as well as political,
into his own hands. The manoeuvre was only defeated by the energy
of
Alexius, and fear of the complications which might ensue.
CH. IV.
## p. 104 (#146) ############################################
104
Death of Michael IV
While his brother and minister John Orphanotrophos was thus
governing the Empire, Michael, more and more affected by his epileptic
fits, and suffering besides from dropsy, paid scant attention to any-
thing beyond his charitable and devotional employments. He usually
spent his time at Salonica, at the tomb of St Demetrius, and from what
Psellus tells us only military matters could rouse his interest during his
lucid intervals. His state gave some anxiety to the chief minister. Every
contingency must be prepared for, if Constantinople, as he hoped, was to
be endowed with a new dynasty. Therefore, in the course of the year
1040, he decided on striking a decisive blow. As neither he nor his
brothers, who were all eunuchs, could perpetuate their name, he contrived
to persuade Michael IV to nominate as Caesar a very young nephew, son
of their sister Mary. Further, what seems almost incredible, in spite of
the rigorous treatment which both brothers had meted out to Zoë, John
and Michael, to ensure the success of their designs, prevailed on the Em-
press to become a party to them, and suggested to her the idea, to which
she cheerfully acceded, of adopting the young man. This was duly carried
out. Magnificent fêtes were given at Constantinople, in the course of
which Michael V, surnamed the Calaphates, was proclaimed Caesar and
adopted son of the imperial couple.
It was in these circumstances that at the end of the
year
1040
came of a rising in Bulgaria. By a supreme effort of will the Emperor
put himself at the head of his troops and, without hesitation, marched
into Bulgaria. A fierce struggle followed. For a moment the worst
disasters seemed to threaten the Empire. Finally, however, Michael
triumphed, and suppressed the revolt. But this burst of energy destroyed
him. He was still able to be present at the triumph decreed him by his
capital. His government even succeeded at this time in foiling a con-
spiracy, formed no doubt in consequence of the adoption of Michael V,
one of the moving spirits in which was that very Michael Cerularius
who was soon to become Patriarch. Then the end came. On 10 December
1041 he quitted the imperial palace without even taking leave of Zoë,
and betook himself to the monastery of the Holy Argyri, which was
his own foundation. There, laying aside his royal robes, he had himself
clothed in a serge frock, and thus as a monk he died on the same day,
having reigned seven years and eight months over the Empire.
news
Michael V (1041-1042).
The project which John Orphanotrophos had formed in inducing Zoë
to adopt his nephew Michael was not destined to succeed. Indeed it was
to lead to the ruin of the whole egregious family. The young man, as it
proved, had none of the strong points of his uncles, though he shared
in all their defects. Son of a sister of the Paphlagonians, and of Stephen,
a plain artisan employed in careening ships in the port of Constantinople,
## p. 105 (#147) ############################################
Michael V: fall of the Orphanotrophos
105
Michael, when fortune began to smile on his relations, had been ap-
pointed commander of the imperial guard, while his father, suddenly
placed at the head of the fleet, set out to distinguish himself in Sicily by
memorable and grievous defeats. It was from his functions in the palace
that John took his nephew to have him proclaimed Caesar and adopted
as heir to the throne. Unfortunately for both parties, Michael was an
exceedingly worthless young man, vicious, cruel, hypocritical, and un-
grateful, though not wanting in cleverness or shrewdness. An unfor-
tunate tension soon made itself felt in the relations between uncles and
nephew. Michael detested John, and despised his uncle the Emperor.
John began to distrust the Caesar, and Michael IV to be estranged.
The result of this was the rapid fall of the adopted son from favour, and
his banishment beyond the walls of the city. There he remained until
the death of Michael IV, and there he would no doubt have been left,
had he not been necessary to the vast schemes of the Paphlagonians. In
order to secure the continuance of the family the plan set on foot must
be carried out, and it was thus that Zoë, alone and abandoned without
defence to the faction of her brothers-in-law, was forced to allow Michael
to be consecrated, crowned, and proclaimed Emperor of Constantinople.
At first everything seemed to go smoothly. Michael appeared as
the humble servant of the Empress and the docile pupil of his uncle.
Honours were distributed to the nobles, and alms to the people. But
this was merely an attitude temporarily taken up. In reality, there were
serious dissensions between the brothers and the nephew. For a long
time Michael had been acting with his uncle Constantine against John,
whom they both detested. Thus the first care of the young Emperor
was to raise Constantine to the rank of nobilissimus, and his second to
find an opportunity to get rid of the Orphanotrophos. He took ad-
vantage of a debate, at the end of which the old eunuch had retired
in great dudgeon to his estates, to have him suddenly carried off and
deported to the monastery of Monobatae at a great distance. This was
Michael's first victim; his second was to cost him his throne and his
life.
Thus left master of the situation by the banishment of the Orphano-
trophos, who naturally seems to have disappeared unregretted by any-
one at Constantinople, Michael's one idea was to make use of the
power that he had acquired. Psellus tells us that, as a base upstart,
he bore a deadly hatred to the aristocracy and to all in whom he could
trace any marks of distinction. No one, as the historian says, could
live in peace or feel safe in the possession of his wealth and honours.
It was only the lowest of the populace who were in favour and who
seemed well-affected to the Emperor. Nevertheless, as Professor Bury
has aptly pointed out, it was he who restored to liberty and to his offices
and honours the great general, George Maniaces, who had been im-
prisoned during the late reign, as also Constantine Dalassenus, one of
CH. IV.
## p. 106 (#148) ############################################
106
Exile of Zoë: popular rising
ני
the greatest nobles of the time. He it was, too, who founded the fortunes
of Constantine Lichudes, the future Patriarch and a statesman of
distinction. But besides this, another Byzantine historian, Michael
Attaliates, has left these words upon Michael V, which as it were fill in
the sketch of Psellus. “He conferred honours and dignities upon a great
number of good citizens, and also gave proof of great zeal for the main-
tenance of order and the rigorous administration of justice.
In truth, the most serious blunder of Michael was his attack upon
Zoë. From the first he consigned her to the gynaeceum, denying her
even necessaries and subjecting her to close supervision. Then, imagining
his position securely established at Constantinople and being urged on
by his uncle Constantine, suddenly, on 18 April 1042, he had the old
Empress torn from the palace, and having ordered a summary trial at
which she was found guilty of poisoning, without further formalities he
banished the lineal descendant of the Macedonian House to the convent
of Prinkipo, first having her hair cut off.
The Patriarch Alexius, at the
same time, received orders to withdraw to a monastery.
In order to legalise his summary action, Michael V on 19 April
caused to be read to the Senate and the assembled people a message
in which he explained his conduct and accused the Empress and the
Patriarch of having plotted against his life. He felt himself sure of the
good effect of his message and of the general approbation. But in this
he was grossly deceived.
As soon as the populace learned the exile of its sovereign, there
burst forth almost instantly a perfect explosion of fury against the
Emperor. The Prefect of the City narrowly escaped being lynched.
Meanwhile, as the historian Ibn al-Athir relates, the Patriarch, thanks
to money gifts judiciously administered to the soldiers sent to murder
him, contrived to escape and to return in hot haste to Constanti-
nople, where he caused all the bells in the city to be rung. This was
probably about mid-day on Monday 19 April, for at that moment the
revolution broke out with terrific violence round the palace. The army
itself soon joined with the mob to liberate Zoë and kill the Calaphates.
The prisons were broken open, and the whole flood of people rushed
to set the imperial palace on fire and to pillage and destroy the houses
of the Paphlagonian family. Michael and Constantine quickly realised
the seriousness of the revolt, and felt that they had only one chance
of escape, namely, to recall Zoë and endeavour to defend themselves
meanwhile. But even this last shift failed. Zoë indeed arrived at
the palace and shewed herself to the people; but it was too late. The
revolution, under the leadership of the aristocracy and the clergy, was
thoroughly organised, was bent on having the Emperor's life, and
dreaded the feeble Empress' perpetual changes of purpose.
Quoted by Schlumberger, Epopée byzantine, III. p. 383.
## p. 107 (#149) ############################################
Fall of Michael V
107
It was at this moment that the mob, under the skilful guidance
of some of its leaders, suddenly bethought itself that there still existed
in the person of Theodora, forgotten in her convent at Petrion, a
genuine princess, born in the purple, daughter of Constantine VIII and
sister of Zoë. It was instantly resolved to go in search of her, and to
have her crowned and associated in the government. During the evening
of 19 April the Patriarch, who was probably the moving spirit in the
whole affair, officiated at St Sophia, and there he received and at once
proceeded to anoint this elderly woman, who probably hardly under-
stood the transaction in which she appeared as a chief figure. Mean-
while the Emperor was declared to be deposed, and all his partisans
were removed from their offices.
The Emperor felt at once that all was lost, and had only one wish
left, to Ay; but, urged on by his uncle the nobilissimus, he was obliged
to agree to defend himself in his palace, which was still surrounded and
besieged by the crowd. About three thousand men perished in the
assault, which finally, after a siege of two days and two nights, was
successful. The insurgents then made their way into the Sacred Palace, in
the night between Tuesday and Wednesday, smashing and plundering
right and left, but the man whom they sought was no longer there. He
had fled with his uncle and taken refuge in the Studion, where he pre-
cipitately had himself tonsured and clothed with the monastic habit.
This radical solution of the question did not avail to save Michael V
or Constantine. As soon as the mob learned the place of their retreat,
it rushed thither, bent on dragging them from the altar of the church
in which they had taken sanctuary and on putting them to death.
Throughout Wednesday the revolutionaries thundered outside the monas-
tery whither they had now hurried, but none dared violate the sacred
precincts. It was now that Theodora, from this time onward acting as
sovereign, ordered that both uncle and nephew should be removed and
their eyes put out. Surrounded by a mob mad with excitement, the two
Paphlagonians were brought to the Sigma, frightfully mutilated, and
finally condemned to banishment. Michael withdrew to the monastery
of Elcimon, the nobilissimus we know not where. The revolution was
accomplished on 21 April 1042.
Theodora and Zoë (April-June 1042).
On the morrow of Michael's disappearance, the two sisters con-
fronted one another, each with her own partisans. Zoë was the elder, and
might be supposed by many to be more capable of carrying on the
imperial administration than Theodora, who had only just taken leave of
her convent. She thus had claims to the chief share of power. Theodora,
for her part, had the advantage in that she was the younger, and that
not having, like her sister, been twice married already, she might without
CHIY.
## p. 108 (#150) ############################################
108
Zoë and Theodora
raising a scandal provide the Empire with a master capable of defending
it effectively. In any case, she must be immediately admitted to a share
in the government.
This was the solution finally decided on. The two sisters were recon-
ciled—or made a show of it—and it was agreed that Zoë should take
precedence of Theodora, but that the two should govern the Empire
jointly. The government, in the hands of these two aged women, who
were popular with their subjects, lasted for a few weeks and seems to have
been fortunate. Except in the case of Michael V's family and his declared
partisans, who were deprived of their offices, no change was made in the
administration or in the personnel of the higher imperial officials. The
two sisters presided at the councils, which were managed by the leading
ministers, and distributed pardons, favours, and money to great and small.
Several wise edicts were issued against the traffic in judicial posts; vacant
offices were filled up with a view to the best interests of the State.
Maniaces, the famous general, was sent back to Italy to take up the
supreme command of the Byzantine troops in the West.
In spite of these things, however, this strange government could not
last. The sovereigns were too unlike each other in character, too disunited
at heart, too old and too weak, to accomplish anything durable or fruitful.
Furthermore, faction was busy all around them. It was absolutely
necessary to have a man at the head of affairs, who would attend to the
finances with an object other than of depleting them, as Zoë unceasingly
did, and to the army, so as to keep at a distance foes ever on the watch
to take advantage of Byzantine weakness.
It was owing to this need that marriage schemes at once began to be
canvassed. As Theodora positively refused to take any husband whatso-
ever, the court fell back upon Zoë who, despite her sixty-two years,
resolutely demanded a third partner. After several projects had ended
in nothing, the choice of Zoë and the court fell upon Constantine Mono-
machus, who espoused his sovereign on 11 June 1042. On the morrow
he was crowned Emperor of Constantinople.
Zoë, Theodora, and Constantine IX Monomachus (1042-1055).
Up to the moment of his accession the new Emperor had led a
somewhat stormy life. The son of a certain Theodosius, Constantine
was the last representative of one of the most illustrious Byzantine
families. Having lost his first wife, he had married as his second the
daughter of Pulcheria, the stately sister of Romanus Argyrus, and in
this way had acquired an important social position. A great favourite at
court, it is said that even as such he had made early advances to Zoë,
not without success. Unfortunately the rise of the Paphlagonians had
blighted his hopes of a great future, and John Orphanotrophos had
banished him to Mitylene. It was there that news was brought him
## p. 109 (#151) ############################################
Constantine IX associated in the Empire
109
that Zoë had made choice of him for her husband, and he returned in
triumph to Constantinople for the celebration of the marriage which was
to seat him upon the throne.
Constantine was thus by no means an upstart; he was, moreover, a
man of keen intelligence, cultivated, fond of luxury and elegance, but
unfortunately not a little given to debauchery. It has been said that after
a government of women came a government of loose livers and men of
pleasure, but it was, nevertheless, a government fairly fortunate for Con-
stantinople. At all events, it was more representative than the Paphla-
gonian régime, and was even, in its happier hours, as skilful as it was
enterprising.
Constantine had been accustomed to lead a dissolute life, and his
first thought was to enjoy his new position of power to the full.
Among his mistresses were two who have left a name behind them,
Sclerena, and an Alan princess whom we shall meet again later. Sclerena
was a niece of Pulcheria and a grand-daughter of Bardas Sclerus. Being
left a widow, she lost no time in attaching herself to Constantine,
and so strong had been the feeling between them that Sclerena had
followed her lover to his exile at Lesbos. Then when he reached
supreme
power Constantine could not rest until he had recalled her to his side.
Soon, under the benevolent patronage of Zoë, Sclerena appeared as
maîtresse en titre, had her own apartments at the palace, and received the
title of Sebaste or Augusta. Stranger still, she contrived to live on
excellent terms with Theodora, who also dwelt at the palace, and divided
her time between her devotions and attention to her fortune, accumulating
money to her heart's content. The system amounted to something like a
government by four, and it narrowly escaped causing the Empire a fresh
dynastic crisis. For though the four heads of the government regarded
each other's amusements with much complaisance and joined in princely
depredations on the exchequer, the public quite rightly considered that
the scandal had gone far enough, and was not quite easy as to the safety
of the two aged sovereigns. This opinion was conveyed to Constantine
by the popular support given to a revolt of 9 March 1044, during which
it would have gone hard with him but for the intervention of Zoë and
Theodora. Strong measures were taken, the foreigners, “ Jews, Musulmans,
and Armenians,” being driven from Constantinople, but, in spite of this
rigorous repression, the revolt would doubtless have burst forth anew and
for the same reasons, had not Sclerena very opportunely died, no doubt
soon after the rising of 1044.
If at the palace nothing was thought of but amusement, it must
be allowed that, in contrast with what had been the case at other
periods, Constantine and his female colleagues had been careful to
surround themselves with distinguished men, capable of managing public
affairs efficiently. From the beginning of his reign the new Emperor had
had recourse to the wisdom of the famous Michael Cerularius, and when
CH. IV.
## p. 110 (#152) ############################################
110
Revolt of Maniaces
in 1043 Cerularius became Patriarch, his former office was given to a man
of great talent, Constantine Lichudes. Besides these valuable ministers,
men of solid culture and integrity, there were employed a whole crowd
of clerks, notaries, and minor officials, such as Psellus, Xiphilin, and
others, who certainly were not chosen at haphazard.
As always happened on the accession of a new Emperor, the court,
in order to gain the support of all classes, made lavish distributions of
honours to the great and of money to the populace, turned out certain
office-holders, and made certain political changes. Constantine. IX, we
know not why, sent John Orphanotrophos to Mitylene where he put
him later to a violent death ; Michael V he sent to Chios, and Constan-
tine the nobilissimus to Samos. On the other hand, he raised Romanus
Sclerus, Sclerena's brother, to the highest dignities. This was the be-
ginning of a very serious revolt, which was not without influence upon
Sclerena's unpopularity.
Romanus Sclerus had within the Empire a formidable and powerful
foe in the person of that Maniaces whom the ephemeral authority of
Michael V had sent back to Italy. In his new position of favourite,
Romanus desired above all things to make use of his influence to avenge
himself. He prevailed upon Constantine to recall his enemy, and in the
meantime ravaged Maniaces' estates and offered violence to his wife.
Maniaces was not of a temper to submit to such usage. Supported by his
troops he raised the standard of revolt against the Emperor, and caused
his own successor, sent out by the Emperor, to be assassinated. He then
began his campaign by marching upon Constantinople, there to have
· himself proclaimed Emperor. But he met with a check at Otranto, and
in February 1043 he embarked, landing soon afterwards at Dyrrhachiun,
whence he advanced upon Salonica in the hope of drawing after him
Bogislav's Serbs, who had recently defeated some Byzantine troops in
1042 near Lake Scutari. But, unfortunately for him, his successes soon
came to an end. At Ostrovo he encountered the army sent against him
by Constantine. He was defeated and killed. The Empire was saved.
At about the same time the chroniclers Scylitzes and Zonaras speak
of another revolt, hatched this time in Cyprus by Theophilus Eroticus,
which, however, does not appear to have involved the government in
serious danger. Such did not prove to be the case with a rising which
broke out in September 1047, and for three months threatened to
deprive Constantine of the throne. Its leader was Leo Tornicius. Con-
stantine IX in his heart cared little for the defence of the Empire, and
consequently neglected the army; the depredations on the treasury
went on apace; there were pressing dangers on the eastern and western
frontiers; and, because of all this, malcontents were numerous. The
rising broke out at Hadrianople, among military commanders who had
been displaced or passed over, and Tornicius put himself at its head.
This man was of Armenian origin and traced his descent from the
## p. 111 (#153) ############################################
Revolt of Tornicius
111
Bagratid kings. Besides all the wrongs which he shared with the other
generals, he had special grievances of his own: in the first place, Con-
stantine's policy in Armenia; then, probably, a love-affair which the
Emperor had broken off. Tornicius, who was a cousin of the Emperor,
was on very intimate terms with a sister of his, named Euprepia. Now
between Constantine and Euprepia relations were somewhat strained,
and it was to punish his sister as well as his cousin, for whom, be it
said, he had no liking, that he sent him to the provinces in honour-
able exile as strategus, and later compelled him to become a monk.
It was this which led Tornicius to resolve upon rebellion, and to take
the leadership of a movement which had long existed in the
army.
On
15 June the whole body of conspirators met at Hadrianople, and soon
afterwards Leo was proclaimed Emperor. Thereupon the insurgents
set out for Constantinople with the army corps from Macedonia. In
these circumstances, Constantine shewed remarkable energy. In spite of
the illness by which he was just then tormented, he set to work to arm
the troops in Constantinople, who barely numbered a thousand, and gave
orders to summon the imperial army by forced marches from the depths
of Armenia. If Tornicius, who had reached the walls of Constantinople,
had made the smallest exertion, he would have had the Empire in his
grasp, but hoping to be acclaimed by the people and unwilling to shed
blood, he remained inactive beneath the ramparts of the town. Mean-
while, Constantine on the other hand was acting. He scattered money
among the enemy's troops, won over officers and men, and could then
await the army from the East and the Bulgarian contingents which he
had demanded. Matters were at this point when, in the beginning of
October, Tornicius left Constantinople to take up a position on the road
from Hadrianople to Arcadiopolis, and to engage in a fruitless siege of
the little town of Rhaedestus. After this he relapsed into inactivity. It
was then, in the month of December, that the army from Armenia reached
Constantinople. Constantine, feeling himself sure of ultimate victory
over a foe so strangely passive, was reluctant to shed blood. The hostile
army was gradually overcome by bribes, hunger, and promises, and
Tornicius soon found himself, with his lieutenant Vatatzes, practically
deserted. Both were made prisoners, their eyes were put out on
24 December 1047, and a little later they suffered death.
While within the borders of his empire Constantine's government
was disturbed by the revolts of Maniaces and Tornicius, outside it
the enemies of Byzantium were also on the alert. In 1043 it became
necessary to take arms against the Russians, who were defeated. As
a result of this campaign and in order to seal the peace which followed,
a Greek princess was married to Yaroslav's son, Vsevolod. Next year,
in 1044, there broke out the war with Armenia which ended in the
complete and lamentable overthrow of that ancient kingdom, and the
appearance on the frontiers of the Empire of the Seljūq Turks. Ani
CH. IN.
## p. 112 (#154) ############################################
112
Annexation of Armenia: Michael Cerularius
was betrayed to the Greeks, and the last King of Armenia, Gagik II, went
forth to live in gilded exile at Bizou. The Katholikos Petros, who had
engineered the surrender of Ani, was also deported, first to Constanti-
nople and later to Sebastea, where he died some years afterwards. To the
misfortune of both, Armenia was made into a Byzantine province, so
that the Empire, without a buffer-state, from this time onwards had to
encounter single-handed the race who, in the end, were one day to
conquer it. To complete the picture, it will be shewn elsewhere that Asia
Minor was not the only ground on which the Byzantine troops were to
measure their strength during the reign of Monomachus. With varying
success, their generals were obliged to confront Arabs, Patzinaks, Lom-
bards, and Normans. Every frontier was threatened, South Italy was lost,
and as a final calamity Michael Cerularius was about to make a complete
and definitive breach with the Roman Church, which alone might per-
haps have been able to save the ancient Greek Empire.
On the death of the Patriarch Alexius on 22 February 1043,
Constantine's government raised to the Patriarchal throne, with circum-
stances of considerable irregularity, the first minister of the Empire,
the man who was to be famous as Michael Cerularius. His consecration
took place on 25 March. Cerularius' ordination was merely an incident
in his career. In 1040, as a result of the conspiracy which he had
organised against the Emperor Michael with a view to taking his place,
he had been condemned to deportation and had been forced to assume
the monastic habit. Still, if Michael found himself on the patriarchal
throne merely through a chapter of accidents, he brought to it, not
indeed any striking virtues, but a fine intellect, wide culture, and iron
will. And, moreover, in all that he did he had a definite aim. Now that
he had reached the highest ecclesiastical position in the Empire and was
second only to the Basileus, he attempted to set up on the shores of the
Bosphorus a Pontificate analogous to that of the Pope at Rome, so that
he would have been in fact Emperor and Patriarch at the same time.
This was, indeed, the real cause of the Schism and of his conduct towards
Constantine IX. It was at the very close of the reign of Constantine
Monomachus, when the Emperor was well known to be ill and near his
end, that Cerularius threw down the brand of discord.
Throughout the pontificate of Alexius relations with Rome had been
excellent, and there were no signs whatever of a conflict when in 1053 it
suddenly burst forth. Cerularius had chosen his opportunity with skill.
The Emperor had grown old and seemed to have no energy left; the Pope,
Leo IX, was unfortunately placed in Italy under the yoke of the
Normans. That Leo, in spite of his misfortunes, should have attempted
to extend his authority over the Greek sees in southern Italy is possible,
and indeed probable enough, for the authority of Constantinople had
sunk extremely low in the West. Nevertheless, the provocation came from
Cerularius. Through the medium of Leo, Archbishop of Ochrida, Ceru-
## p. 113 (#155) ############################################
Schism of the Eastern and Western Churches
113
larius wrote to John of Trani a letter, which was really intended for the
Pope and the West generally. In this letter he attacked the customs of
the Latin Church, particularly the use of unleavened bread and the ob-
servance of Saturday as a fast. At the same time a violent composition
by the monk Nicetas Stethatus was circulated in the Byzantine Church,
in which these two charges were taken up afresh, and an attack was
also made on the celibacy of the clergy. These usages were declared to
be heretical. Questions of dogma were not touched upon. Finally
Cerularius of his own authority closed all those churches in Constanti-
nople which observed the Latin ritual.
Leo IX replied at once; without discussing the trivial charges of the
Patriarch, he removed the controversy to its true ground, namely, the
Roman claim to primacy of jurisdiction, and demanded, before entering
on any discussion, the submission of the Patriarch. The latter at first
yielded, and wrote to the Pope a letter respectful in tone and favourable
to union. It is certain, however, that he was compelled to take this step
by the Emperor, who was himself urged on by the Greeks living in Italy,
among others by the Catapan Argyrus. Leo IX wrote in January 1054
to Constantine, entrusting his letter to three legates who arrived in
April, bearing also a letter to Cerularius very sharp and harsh in tone
and deeply irritating to the Patriarch, as was also the attitude assumed
towards him by the three legates? . On the other hand, Constantine was
won over to the Roman cause by the very affectionate epistle addressed
to him by Leo IX, and immediately proceeded to carry out the Pope's
wishes. Unfortunately at this juncture Leo IX died, on 19 April, and
his successor was not chosen until April 1055. The legates no longer
had sufficient authority to enable them to act, and Cerularius, taking
advantage of his position, began to write and intrigue, with a view to
winning over Eastern Christendom to his cause, beginning with Peter,
Patriarch of Antioch. The legates, for their part, in spite of their
diminished authority, solemnly excommunicated Cerularius and his sup-
porters. The step turned out a mistake on the Latin side. The Patriarch
was only waiting for this opportunity to shew himself in his true colours.
He demanded, indeed, an interview with the legates, who had already
quitted Constantinople on 17 July 1054, but were recalled by the
Emperor's orders. Suddenly, however, suspicions of Cerularius arose.
The Emperor, fearing an ambush, again sent off the legates, for it was
rumoured that the Patriarch intended to stir up the people to assas-
sinate them. It was upon the Emperor that the brunt of Cerularius'
anger fell. At his instigation a rising was let loose in Constantinople, and
Constantine was forced to abase himself before the victorious Patriarch.
With the Emperor's sanction, he at once held a synod in St Sophia on
20 July, the Roman bull was condemned, an anathema was pronounced,
1 See infra, Chapter 1x. pp. 268-69.
C. JIED, H. VOL. IV. CH. IV.
8
## p. 114 (#156) ############################################
114
Literary renaissance
and a few days later the bull was burned. The separation was an
accomplished fact. Its unhappy consequences were to make themselves
soon and lastingly felt.
From the point of view of civilisation, the reign of Constantine
Monomachus must be considered one of the most fortunate, for a true
literary renaissance flourished at Constantinople under the auspices of
the Emperor. Though not himself learned, Constantine was a man
of taste, and liked to surround himself with cultivated people. His
court was the resort of the most intellectual men of the day, and it was
owing to their entreaties that he decided to re-open the University of
Constantinople. The most distinguished scholars at that time were John
Xiphilin, Constantine Lichudes, Cerularius, John Mauropus, Psellus, and
Nicetas Byzantius. They were all bound together by friendship, all loved
and pursued letters and jurisprudence, and some, like Xiphilin, Lichudes,
and Cerularius, were destined to reach the highest positions in Church
and State. The first foundation of Constantine goes back to 1045. With
the help of his friends, he began the restoration of the science of juris-
prudence, founding a School of Law by his Novel περί του Νομοφύλακος.
Then he decided that in the new University all branches of learning
should be taught. Psellus was entrusted with the teaching of philosophy,
Nicetas Byzantius and Mauropus with that of grammar, rhetoric, and
orthography. Thus was formed the School of St Peter, so called from
the place where the new“masters” lectured. Law was lodged at St George
of Mangana, the faculty took the name of the School of the Laws, and
Xiphilin became its head. A library was added to the school. It was
there that the historian Michael Attaliates taught. In these schools of
higher learning law was taught in the first place, but the other branches
of humane learning were not neglected.
98
Accession of Zoë
be restored and a muezzin established there. On his part, the Caliph
agreed to the rebuilding of the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem,
which had been destroyed in 1009, and to the return to the orthodox faith
of those Christians who through force or fear had become Mohammedans.
There is besides in existence a Novel of Constantine VIII dated June
1026 anathematizing seditions.
When on 9 November 1028 Constantine fell dangerously ill, he
bethought himself of settling the succession. He had near him only
his two younger daughters, neither of whom was married. A solu-
tion of the question had to be found without delay. It was resolved
that Zöe should be married on the spot, and the Emperor made choice
of Constantine Dalassenus, but at the last moment palace jealousies
caused him to be set aside, and the final choice fell on Romanus Argyrus.
But he was married. By the order of the Emperor and by threats of the
most horrible punishments, Romanus was brought to consent to a divorce,
and his wife to retire from the world into a convent. There she died in
1032. Romanus was at once proclaimed Caesar and heir to the Empire.
In spite of the existence of his real wife and the nearness of relationship
between the two', the Patriarch made no objection to solemnising this
remarkable union, on account, it would seem, of the State interests in-
volved, and in order to avert a political crisis. At all events, nobody
seems to have raised any protest against the morals displayed, and
Constantine tranquilly expired on 11 November 1028, aged seventy.
Zoë and Romanus III Argyrus (1028-1034).
Zoë, when in right of her birth she ascended the Byzantine throne,
was forty-eight years old, having been born in 980. “Of a haughty temper
and great personal beauty, with a brilliant mind," says Psellus, she had
languished into old age in the women's apartments of the palace, imperial
policy having been neither able nor willing to find her a husband. Her
marriage with Romanus Argyrus meant to her emancipation and liberty,
and she was to make use of her position to recall into being, nay, to
unite in her own person and display to the world, all that had brought
shame
upon
and to give herself up to the worst excesses. There
is something in Zoë of Theodora, something of Romanus II, and again
something of Constantine VIII. Her accession began the hopeless decline
of her dynasty.
The husband whom accident had given her was in himself a worthy
man. Up to the day of his unwelcome marriage, he had lived at Con-
stantinople as a great noble, deeply attached to his affectionate wife,
her race,
i Constantine VII, grandfather of Constantine VIII, and Romanus Argyropulus,
great-grandfather of Romanus Argyrus, had married sisters, Helen and Agatha,
daughters of Romanus Lecapenus. It was probably for this reason that Romanus
was chosen for Zoë's husband and for future Emperor.
## p. 99 (#141) #############################################
Character and government of Romanus III
99
much given to works of piety, and to study as understood by a man of
the world, that is to say, of a rather superficial description. He was a man
of ability, but unfortunately not a little vain, and as Emperor during his
six years' reign he strove to govern well, and dreamed (a strange dream,
considering the age which both he and Zoë had reached) of establishing
an Argyrus dynasty at Constantinople. Unluckily his intelligence did not
keep pace with his good intentions, and owing to his self-deception as to
his own military qualifications and to his too eager appetite for glory,
he ended by bringing the worst calamities upon Constantinople, and upon
himself the most bitter disillusionment.
On his accession, the first measures taken were fortunate, and shew
the importance which Romanus always attached to being on good terms
with the clergy. The first Novel which he issued on his accession in-
creased the contribution made by the imperial exchequer to relieve the
strain on the very limited resources of St Sophia. He then abolished
the famous tax known as the allelengyon which Basil II had re-imposed,
and bestowed lavish alms on all who had been ruined by the late reign.
Going further, he flung open the prison doors and set free those who
were detained for debt, himself paying a great part of what was due
to private creditors and remitting what was claimed by the State. He
restored to liberty numberless victims of the late reign, replacing them
in their old positions, and, when feasible, bestowing great offices on them.
These first steps, however, unfortunately led nowhere. Hardly had
the edicts gone forth, when a series of calamities fell upon the Empire
which changed not only the aspect which Romanus had given to his
government but the very character of the sovereign himself. The account
of the disasters experienced by the Emperor and his army in Syria
must be omitted here. They did not come alone. Soon money began
to fail, and Romanus was forced to concentrate all his energy upon
the financial side of the administration, and from having been liberal
and munificent, he became, except where the clergy and his buildings
were concerned, severe, harsh, and even, it was said, avaricious, to a degree
which brought him many enemies. He was compelled to raise the money
needed by fresh taxes, and it happened further that under his govern-
ment the Empire passed through a time of fearful crisis. In the winter
of 1031-1032 there was an awful famine in Asia Minor accompanied by
prodigious mortality; with the spring came the plague, then an army of
locusts which made havoc of the crops, and then, as though all this
had not been enough, on 13 August Constantinople was shaken by a
terrific earthquake which destroyed numberless houses, hospitals, and
aqueducts. Romanus III was forced to come to the relief of all the un-
fortunate sufferers with money. He did it on a generous scale, but the
finances felt the effects grievously.
In spite of the emptiness of the treasury, of which, indeed, his pro-
pensities were partly the cause, Romanus III was a great builder. Like
CH. v.
7-2
## p. 100 (#142) ############################################
100
Foreign affairs and conspiracies
Justinian and Basil I, he desired to erect at Constantinople a new archi-
tectural marvel, a worthy rival of St Sophia and the New Church. This was
the church of St Mary Peribleptos, and he added to it a large laura for
men. He endowed both church and monastery richly, alienating lands of
considerable extent and unusual fertility. But he went further. Not con-
tent with building the Peribleptos church, he adorned St Sophia with costly
decorations in gold and silver, while at Jerusalem he began the rebuilding
of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, which was not finished till 1048.
In 1030 or 1031, from purely political motives, Romanus III, having
no children of his own, arranged marriages for two of his nieces. One
of them, Helena, was married to Parakat IV, King of Iberia, and the
other to John-Sempad, King of Greater Armenia. The former of these
marriages gave occasion for a visit to Constantinople of Queen Mariam,
Parakat's mother, and for a treaty of alliance between the two sove-
reigns, a treaty, however, which proved of small importance, for
Romanus at the first opportunity tore it up; Helena, in fact, had died
not long after her marriage.
The chroniclers preserve the remembrance of another embassy which
also made its appearance in 1031. This was the Saracen mission, headed
by the son of the Mirdāsid Emir of Aleppo, Shibl-ad-daulah. He, also,
came to request the renewal by treaty of peaceful relations. His pro-
posal, which was accepted, was to go back to the convention signed after
the victories of Nicephorus Phocas, in fact to the payment of a tribute.
A treaty on much the same lines resulted, also at this date, from a visit
paid by the Emir of Tripolis to Constantinople.
When Zoë ascended the throne, it necessarily happened that her
younger sister Theodora was left somewhat neglected and forgotten
in the women's apartments of the palace. This did not suit her at all,
however devout she may have been, and, debarred from ruling, she
betook herself to plotting. Even in 1031 a first conspiracy broke out
against Romanus III, the moving spirit of which, Fruyin, or Prusianus,
was no other than the eldest son of the last Bulgarian sovereign. He was
accused, and apparently the charge was proved, of having had designs
upon the throne of Constantinople and perhaps upon the hand of Theo-
dora. In any case, it is fairly plain that the future Empress took a hand
in the game. But the plot was discovered, and Prusianus was blinded.
Theodora, on this first occasion, was not proceeded against, but her im-
munity did not last long, for soon afterwards another affair arose which
led to more serious consequences. This was the conspiracy of Constantine
Diogenes, Romanus III's own nephew. We know nothing of this plot
except its results. Some of the highest personages in the State were so
deeply implicated in it that they were subjected to the worst outrages,
and then imprisoned for the remainder of their lives. Nor did Theodora
herself go unpunished. She was sent to expiate her guilt at the convent
of Petrion.
## p. 101 (#143) ############################################
Michael IV succeeds Romanus
101
Meanwhile Zoë was pursuing her new way of life without measure or
restraint at the palace. Romanus III, when he had to give up all hope
of children, began to neglect his wife and turn his attention to the
government, while Zoë rushed from one adventure to another. Friction
soon made itself felt between the elderly couple. Zoë was exasperated
by the Emperor's neglect, by the strong influence which his sister Pulcheria
exercised over his mind, and by the limits set to her mad extravagance.
She found the means of vengeance by attracting the love of a younger
brother of the man whose name was soon to become fainous throughout
the Empire, John the Orphanotrophos, a Paphlagonian eunuch of low
birth, who had become the friend, confidant, and only favourite of
Romanus. The brother's name was Michael ; he was young and hand-
some. Thanks to his elder brother, Michael had exchanged his business
of a money-changer, perhaps a coiner, for the post of “Archon of the
Pantheon. ” He soon, in his turn, became a special favourite with
Romanus, and was even more acceptable to Zoë. In course of time the
disgraceful passion of Michael and the Empress became public property,
and Zoë herself ventured to predict the speedy elevation of her lover to
the throne.
Her prophecy was verified on 12 April 1034. Romanus was in his
bath when in the night of 11-12 April he was murdered, apparently
by some of his suite. Exactly what took place was never known. After
having probably been poisoned, he was in some mysterious fashion
drowned. However this may have been, no one at Constantinople
doubted that Zoë and Michael were indirectly the chief movers in a
crime which was to give the imperial crown to Michael IV, the Paphla-
gonian.
Zoë and Michael IV (1034-1041).
The Empress Zoë's satisfaction was brief. In gaining her new hus-
band by a crime she had at the same time found a master. Cunningly acted
upon by John Orphanotrophos, who was already the real ruler of the
Empire, she determined to have Michael proclaimed at once, and, within
a few hours of her husband's death, to marry him publicly. The Patriarch
was hastily summoned to the palace, where he learned at one and the
same time the death of Romanus and the service expected of him. It
was no light thing. It was in fact that he should proceed without
parley to bless the union, on a Good Friday, of a woman stained with
crime, fifty-four or fifty-five years of age, and widowed only a few hours,
with a young man of no family, thirty years her junior. How came
the Patriarch Alexius to lend himself to the accomplishment of any-
thing so infamous ? We cannot tell. Scylitzes only relates that he was
won over by bribes to do the will of the Empress. At all events, no one
at Constantinople made any protest against this exhibition of imperial
CB. IV.
## p. 102 (#144) ############################################
102
Character of Michael IV
morals. The city, it appears, was delighted to greet the new sovereign,
and on the day of Romanus funeral there were no lamentations for
the dead Emperor, who had not been popular with the inhabitants
of Constantinople.
And yet, strange to relate, once seated upon the throne, this un-
trained man, with no claims to govern, and already tormented by
the epileptic fits which a few years later were to carry him off in his
turn, proved a good ruler, careful of the public interest, attentive to
the defence of the Empire, and courageous when the situation in
Bulgaria made demands upon his energy. The character given of him by
one who knew him personally and intimately, Psellus, should be studied
in order to gain an idea of what Michael was upon the throne. “Such
was the conduct of the Emperor," he says, “ that setting aside his crime
against Romanus III, his treasonable adultery with Zoë, and the cruelty
with which he sent several illustrious persons into exile on mere sus-
picion, and setting aside, further, his disreputable family, for whom after
all he was not responsible, one cannot do otherwise than place him
among the elect of sovereigns in all ages. ” He wisely declined to make
any hasty innovations, any sweeping changes in the imperial administra-
tion. If there was favouritism, if the Senate found itself invaded by the
creatures of the new régime, this was the doing of Michael's brother.
But there is more to be said. Michael proved to be extremely devout;
hardly was he seated on the throne when he began to realise the crime
he had committed, to regret it, and to do penance. He would now have
no companions but monks, and no anxiety save to do good and to expiate
his sins. His life was that of an ascetic, and the whole of the imperial
treasure went to build convents, a home for the poor, the Ptochotropheion, ,
and even a refuge for fallen women.
Meanwhile, what was Zoë doing ? She had not taken long to realise
how grossly she had deceived herself. Devoid of gratitude towards a
woman whom he had never really loved, Michael broke off relations with
the Empress and refused to see her. Under the influence of his brother
and of his religious impressions, dreading too lest he should meet with
the fate of Romanus, he kept her in retirement and had her carefully
watched. All her attendants were changed, officials devoted to the
Emperor were introduced into her service, and she was forbidden to go
out unless with Michael's permission. Zoë bore with these fresh humi-
liations patiently until, weary of her servitude, she attempted to poison
John. It was labour lost. She met with no success, only causing an
increase in the rigour of her confinement. It was the just reward of her
crime, and lasted up to the death of Michael IV.
On Michael's accession, his whole family took up their abode in the
palace and obtained high offices in the Empire. John Orphanotrophos,
the eldest, became chief minister; Nicetas, Constantine, and George
became respectively, commander at Antioch with the title of Duke,
## p. 103 (#145) ############################################
Government of John the Orphanotrophos
103
Domestic of the Oriental Scholae, and Protovestiary. This latter office,
which fell to the youngest, was one of the great dignities of the court.
The family were all thoroughly corrupt and as uninteresting as they were
uncultivated. They were to prove the ruin of their nephew the next Em-
peror. The only exception was the famous John Orphanotrophos. Beneath
his monk's frock, which he always retained, he was fully as corrupt as his
brothers. Though a confirmed drunkard, he had nevertheless remark-
able talents for government. He was an able financier, unrivalled as an
administrator, and an astute politician. He was, moreover, absolutely
devoted to his family and to the Emperor, and, despite his serious faults,
his falseness, cynicism, and coarseness, he was in truth, as Psellus some-
where calls him, the bulwark of his brother Michael. He it was who had
found means to advance him in Zoë's good graces, and he it was who
later contrived to make the fortune of his nephew, Michael the Calaphates,
from whom he was in the end to receive no reward but exile.
The powerful eunuch's government was energetic, if not uniformly
successful. His untiring activity embraced all the foreign affairs of
the Empire, and Byzantine armies were again sent forth to strive
for the supremacy and safety of the Empire in Asia Minor against
Saracens, Iberians, and Armenians, as well as in Italy and Sicily (where
the situation was further complicated by the arrival of the Normans), and
also, towards the end of the reign, in Bulgaria. Certainly John could
claim brilliant successes from time to time, especially in Sicily, where
Syracuse was temporarily re-taken in 1038. Men of a different stamp,
however, would have been needed to restore to Constantinople her former
prestige, and, in a word, from the reign of Michael must be dated a wide-
spread decline in the strength of the Empire.
As to home affairs, they seem to have been less creditably managed.
John hoped to see a new Paphlagonian dynasty founded, and with this
object, after having reduced to penury and thrust into prison those who,
like Constantine Dalassenus, had fallen under his suspicion, he made it a
point of conscience to enrich his own family beyond measure. The people
were ground down by taxes. Money was wanted for the war; it was
wanted for the absurd and ruinous charities of the Emperor, who, more
and more broken down by illness, thought of nothing but distributing
solidi aurei as a means of regaining health; it was wanted, above all, for
the Emperor's relations. Their rapacity was indeed the prime cause of
the intense unpopularity which before long was to sweep away the whole
tribe of these detested eunuchs. But John imagined himself safe from
attack, and in order to establish his authority more firmly he made a
momentary attempt, like Photius and Cerularius, to bring about the
abdication of Alexius, and have himself nominated Patriarch in his place,
thus getting the entire control of affairs, religious as well as political,
into his own hands. The manoeuvre was only defeated by the energy
of
Alexius, and fear of the complications which might ensue.
CH. IV.
## p. 104 (#146) ############################################
104
Death of Michael IV
While his brother and minister John Orphanotrophos was thus
governing the Empire, Michael, more and more affected by his epileptic
fits, and suffering besides from dropsy, paid scant attention to any-
thing beyond his charitable and devotional employments. He usually
spent his time at Salonica, at the tomb of St Demetrius, and from what
Psellus tells us only military matters could rouse his interest during his
lucid intervals. His state gave some anxiety to the chief minister. Every
contingency must be prepared for, if Constantinople, as he hoped, was to
be endowed with a new dynasty. Therefore, in the course of the year
1040, he decided on striking a decisive blow. As neither he nor his
brothers, who were all eunuchs, could perpetuate their name, he contrived
to persuade Michael IV to nominate as Caesar a very young nephew, son
of their sister Mary. Further, what seems almost incredible, in spite of
the rigorous treatment which both brothers had meted out to Zoë, John
and Michael, to ensure the success of their designs, prevailed on the Em-
press to become a party to them, and suggested to her the idea, to which
she cheerfully acceded, of adopting the young man. This was duly carried
out. Magnificent fêtes were given at Constantinople, in the course of
which Michael V, surnamed the Calaphates, was proclaimed Caesar and
adopted son of the imperial couple.
It was in these circumstances that at the end of the
year
1040
came of a rising in Bulgaria. By a supreme effort of will the Emperor
put himself at the head of his troops and, without hesitation, marched
into Bulgaria. A fierce struggle followed. For a moment the worst
disasters seemed to threaten the Empire. Finally, however, Michael
triumphed, and suppressed the revolt. But this burst of energy destroyed
him. He was still able to be present at the triumph decreed him by his
capital. His government even succeeded at this time in foiling a con-
spiracy, formed no doubt in consequence of the adoption of Michael V,
one of the moving spirits in which was that very Michael Cerularius
who was soon to become Patriarch. Then the end came. On 10 December
1041 he quitted the imperial palace without even taking leave of Zoë,
and betook himself to the monastery of the Holy Argyri, which was
his own foundation. There, laying aside his royal robes, he had himself
clothed in a serge frock, and thus as a monk he died on the same day,
having reigned seven years and eight months over the Empire.
news
Michael V (1041-1042).
The project which John Orphanotrophos had formed in inducing Zoë
to adopt his nephew Michael was not destined to succeed. Indeed it was
to lead to the ruin of the whole egregious family. The young man, as it
proved, had none of the strong points of his uncles, though he shared
in all their defects. Son of a sister of the Paphlagonians, and of Stephen,
a plain artisan employed in careening ships in the port of Constantinople,
## p. 105 (#147) ############################################
Michael V: fall of the Orphanotrophos
105
Michael, when fortune began to smile on his relations, had been ap-
pointed commander of the imperial guard, while his father, suddenly
placed at the head of the fleet, set out to distinguish himself in Sicily by
memorable and grievous defeats. It was from his functions in the palace
that John took his nephew to have him proclaimed Caesar and adopted
as heir to the throne. Unfortunately for both parties, Michael was an
exceedingly worthless young man, vicious, cruel, hypocritical, and un-
grateful, though not wanting in cleverness or shrewdness. An unfor-
tunate tension soon made itself felt in the relations between uncles and
nephew. Michael detested John, and despised his uncle the Emperor.
John began to distrust the Caesar, and Michael IV to be estranged.
The result of this was the rapid fall of the adopted son from favour, and
his banishment beyond the walls of the city. There he remained until
the death of Michael IV, and there he would no doubt have been left,
had he not been necessary to the vast schemes of the Paphlagonians. In
order to secure the continuance of the family the plan set on foot must
be carried out, and it was thus that Zoë, alone and abandoned without
defence to the faction of her brothers-in-law, was forced to allow Michael
to be consecrated, crowned, and proclaimed Emperor of Constantinople.
At first everything seemed to go smoothly. Michael appeared as
the humble servant of the Empress and the docile pupil of his uncle.
Honours were distributed to the nobles, and alms to the people. But
this was merely an attitude temporarily taken up. In reality, there were
serious dissensions between the brothers and the nephew. For a long
time Michael had been acting with his uncle Constantine against John,
whom they both detested. Thus the first care of the young Emperor
was to raise Constantine to the rank of nobilissimus, and his second to
find an opportunity to get rid of the Orphanotrophos. He took ad-
vantage of a debate, at the end of which the old eunuch had retired
in great dudgeon to his estates, to have him suddenly carried off and
deported to the monastery of Monobatae at a great distance. This was
Michael's first victim; his second was to cost him his throne and his
life.
Thus left master of the situation by the banishment of the Orphano-
trophos, who naturally seems to have disappeared unregretted by any-
one at Constantinople, Michael's one idea was to make use of the
power that he had acquired. Psellus tells us that, as a base upstart,
he bore a deadly hatred to the aristocracy and to all in whom he could
trace any marks of distinction. No one, as the historian says, could
live in peace or feel safe in the possession of his wealth and honours.
It was only the lowest of the populace who were in favour and who
seemed well-affected to the Emperor. Nevertheless, as Professor Bury
has aptly pointed out, it was he who restored to liberty and to his offices
and honours the great general, George Maniaces, who had been im-
prisoned during the late reign, as also Constantine Dalassenus, one of
CH. IV.
## p. 106 (#148) ############################################
106
Exile of Zoë: popular rising
ני
the greatest nobles of the time. He it was, too, who founded the fortunes
of Constantine Lichudes, the future Patriarch and a statesman of
distinction. But besides this, another Byzantine historian, Michael
Attaliates, has left these words upon Michael V, which as it were fill in
the sketch of Psellus. “He conferred honours and dignities upon a great
number of good citizens, and also gave proof of great zeal for the main-
tenance of order and the rigorous administration of justice.
In truth, the most serious blunder of Michael was his attack upon
Zoë. From the first he consigned her to the gynaeceum, denying her
even necessaries and subjecting her to close supervision. Then, imagining
his position securely established at Constantinople and being urged on
by his uncle Constantine, suddenly, on 18 April 1042, he had the old
Empress torn from the palace, and having ordered a summary trial at
which she was found guilty of poisoning, without further formalities he
banished the lineal descendant of the Macedonian House to the convent
of Prinkipo, first having her hair cut off.
The Patriarch Alexius, at the
same time, received orders to withdraw to a monastery.
In order to legalise his summary action, Michael V on 19 April
caused to be read to the Senate and the assembled people a message
in which he explained his conduct and accused the Empress and the
Patriarch of having plotted against his life. He felt himself sure of the
good effect of his message and of the general approbation. But in this
he was grossly deceived.
As soon as the populace learned the exile of its sovereign, there
burst forth almost instantly a perfect explosion of fury against the
Emperor. The Prefect of the City narrowly escaped being lynched.
Meanwhile, as the historian Ibn al-Athir relates, the Patriarch, thanks
to money gifts judiciously administered to the soldiers sent to murder
him, contrived to escape and to return in hot haste to Constanti-
nople, where he caused all the bells in the city to be rung. This was
probably about mid-day on Monday 19 April, for at that moment the
revolution broke out with terrific violence round the palace. The army
itself soon joined with the mob to liberate Zoë and kill the Calaphates.
The prisons were broken open, and the whole flood of people rushed
to set the imperial palace on fire and to pillage and destroy the houses
of the Paphlagonian family. Michael and Constantine quickly realised
the seriousness of the revolt, and felt that they had only one chance
of escape, namely, to recall Zoë and endeavour to defend themselves
meanwhile. But even this last shift failed. Zoë indeed arrived at
the palace and shewed herself to the people; but it was too late. The
revolution, under the leadership of the aristocracy and the clergy, was
thoroughly organised, was bent on having the Emperor's life, and
dreaded the feeble Empress' perpetual changes of purpose.
Quoted by Schlumberger, Epopée byzantine, III. p. 383.
## p. 107 (#149) ############################################
Fall of Michael V
107
It was at this moment that the mob, under the skilful guidance
of some of its leaders, suddenly bethought itself that there still existed
in the person of Theodora, forgotten in her convent at Petrion, a
genuine princess, born in the purple, daughter of Constantine VIII and
sister of Zoë. It was instantly resolved to go in search of her, and to
have her crowned and associated in the government. During the evening
of 19 April the Patriarch, who was probably the moving spirit in the
whole affair, officiated at St Sophia, and there he received and at once
proceeded to anoint this elderly woman, who probably hardly under-
stood the transaction in which she appeared as a chief figure. Mean-
while the Emperor was declared to be deposed, and all his partisans
were removed from their offices.
The Emperor felt at once that all was lost, and had only one wish
left, to Ay; but, urged on by his uncle the nobilissimus, he was obliged
to agree to defend himself in his palace, which was still surrounded and
besieged by the crowd. About three thousand men perished in the
assault, which finally, after a siege of two days and two nights, was
successful. The insurgents then made their way into the Sacred Palace, in
the night between Tuesday and Wednesday, smashing and plundering
right and left, but the man whom they sought was no longer there. He
had fled with his uncle and taken refuge in the Studion, where he pre-
cipitately had himself tonsured and clothed with the monastic habit.
This radical solution of the question did not avail to save Michael V
or Constantine. As soon as the mob learned the place of their retreat,
it rushed thither, bent on dragging them from the altar of the church
in which they had taken sanctuary and on putting them to death.
Throughout Wednesday the revolutionaries thundered outside the monas-
tery whither they had now hurried, but none dared violate the sacred
precincts. It was now that Theodora, from this time onward acting as
sovereign, ordered that both uncle and nephew should be removed and
their eyes put out. Surrounded by a mob mad with excitement, the two
Paphlagonians were brought to the Sigma, frightfully mutilated, and
finally condemned to banishment. Michael withdrew to the monastery
of Elcimon, the nobilissimus we know not where. The revolution was
accomplished on 21 April 1042.
Theodora and Zoë (April-June 1042).
On the morrow of Michael's disappearance, the two sisters con-
fronted one another, each with her own partisans. Zoë was the elder, and
might be supposed by many to be more capable of carrying on the
imperial administration than Theodora, who had only just taken leave of
her convent. She thus had claims to the chief share of power. Theodora,
for her part, had the advantage in that she was the younger, and that
not having, like her sister, been twice married already, she might without
CHIY.
## p. 108 (#150) ############################################
108
Zoë and Theodora
raising a scandal provide the Empire with a master capable of defending
it effectively. In any case, she must be immediately admitted to a share
in the government.
This was the solution finally decided on. The two sisters were recon-
ciled—or made a show of it—and it was agreed that Zoë should take
precedence of Theodora, but that the two should govern the Empire
jointly. The government, in the hands of these two aged women, who
were popular with their subjects, lasted for a few weeks and seems to have
been fortunate. Except in the case of Michael V's family and his declared
partisans, who were deprived of their offices, no change was made in the
administration or in the personnel of the higher imperial officials. The
two sisters presided at the councils, which were managed by the leading
ministers, and distributed pardons, favours, and money to great and small.
Several wise edicts were issued against the traffic in judicial posts; vacant
offices were filled up with a view to the best interests of the State.
Maniaces, the famous general, was sent back to Italy to take up the
supreme command of the Byzantine troops in the West.
In spite of these things, however, this strange government could not
last. The sovereigns were too unlike each other in character, too disunited
at heart, too old and too weak, to accomplish anything durable or fruitful.
Furthermore, faction was busy all around them. It was absolutely
necessary to have a man at the head of affairs, who would attend to the
finances with an object other than of depleting them, as Zoë unceasingly
did, and to the army, so as to keep at a distance foes ever on the watch
to take advantage of Byzantine weakness.
It was owing to this need that marriage schemes at once began to be
canvassed. As Theodora positively refused to take any husband whatso-
ever, the court fell back upon Zoë who, despite her sixty-two years,
resolutely demanded a third partner. After several projects had ended
in nothing, the choice of Zoë and the court fell upon Constantine Mono-
machus, who espoused his sovereign on 11 June 1042. On the morrow
he was crowned Emperor of Constantinople.
Zoë, Theodora, and Constantine IX Monomachus (1042-1055).
Up to the moment of his accession the new Emperor had led a
somewhat stormy life. The son of a certain Theodosius, Constantine
was the last representative of one of the most illustrious Byzantine
families. Having lost his first wife, he had married as his second the
daughter of Pulcheria, the stately sister of Romanus Argyrus, and in
this way had acquired an important social position. A great favourite at
court, it is said that even as such he had made early advances to Zoë,
not without success. Unfortunately the rise of the Paphlagonians had
blighted his hopes of a great future, and John Orphanotrophos had
banished him to Mitylene. It was there that news was brought him
## p. 109 (#151) ############################################
Constantine IX associated in the Empire
109
that Zoë had made choice of him for her husband, and he returned in
triumph to Constantinople for the celebration of the marriage which was
to seat him upon the throne.
Constantine was thus by no means an upstart; he was, moreover, a
man of keen intelligence, cultivated, fond of luxury and elegance, but
unfortunately not a little given to debauchery. It has been said that after
a government of women came a government of loose livers and men of
pleasure, but it was, nevertheless, a government fairly fortunate for Con-
stantinople. At all events, it was more representative than the Paphla-
gonian régime, and was even, in its happier hours, as skilful as it was
enterprising.
Constantine had been accustomed to lead a dissolute life, and his
first thought was to enjoy his new position of power to the full.
Among his mistresses were two who have left a name behind them,
Sclerena, and an Alan princess whom we shall meet again later. Sclerena
was a niece of Pulcheria and a grand-daughter of Bardas Sclerus. Being
left a widow, she lost no time in attaching herself to Constantine,
and so strong had been the feeling between them that Sclerena had
followed her lover to his exile at Lesbos. Then when he reached
supreme
power Constantine could not rest until he had recalled her to his side.
Soon, under the benevolent patronage of Zoë, Sclerena appeared as
maîtresse en titre, had her own apartments at the palace, and received the
title of Sebaste or Augusta. Stranger still, she contrived to live on
excellent terms with Theodora, who also dwelt at the palace, and divided
her time between her devotions and attention to her fortune, accumulating
money to her heart's content. The system amounted to something like a
government by four, and it narrowly escaped causing the Empire a fresh
dynastic crisis. For though the four heads of the government regarded
each other's amusements with much complaisance and joined in princely
depredations on the exchequer, the public quite rightly considered that
the scandal had gone far enough, and was not quite easy as to the safety
of the two aged sovereigns. This opinion was conveyed to Constantine
by the popular support given to a revolt of 9 March 1044, during which
it would have gone hard with him but for the intervention of Zoë and
Theodora. Strong measures were taken, the foreigners, “ Jews, Musulmans,
and Armenians,” being driven from Constantinople, but, in spite of this
rigorous repression, the revolt would doubtless have burst forth anew and
for the same reasons, had not Sclerena very opportunely died, no doubt
soon after the rising of 1044.
If at the palace nothing was thought of but amusement, it must
be allowed that, in contrast with what had been the case at other
periods, Constantine and his female colleagues had been careful to
surround themselves with distinguished men, capable of managing public
affairs efficiently. From the beginning of his reign the new Emperor had
had recourse to the wisdom of the famous Michael Cerularius, and when
CH. IV.
## p. 110 (#152) ############################################
110
Revolt of Maniaces
in 1043 Cerularius became Patriarch, his former office was given to a man
of great talent, Constantine Lichudes. Besides these valuable ministers,
men of solid culture and integrity, there were employed a whole crowd
of clerks, notaries, and minor officials, such as Psellus, Xiphilin, and
others, who certainly were not chosen at haphazard.
As always happened on the accession of a new Emperor, the court,
in order to gain the support of all classes, made lavish distributions of
honours to the great and of money to the populace, turned out certain
office-holders, and made certain political changes. Constantine. IX, we
know not why, sent John Orphanotrophos to Mitylene where he put
him later to a violent death ; Michael V he sent to Chios, and Constan-
tine the nobilissimus to Samos. On the other hand, he raised Romanus
Sclerus, Sclerena's brother, to the highest dignities. This was the be-
ginning of a very serious revolt, which was not without influence upon
Sclerena's unpopularity.
Romanus Sclerus had within the Empire a formidable and powerful
foe in the person of that Maniaces whom the ephemeral authority of
Michael V had sent back to Italy. In his new position of favourite,
Romanus desired above all things to make use of his influence to avenge
himself. He prevailed upon Constantine to recall his enemy, and in the
meantime ravaged Maniaces' estates and offered violence to his wife.
Maniaces was not of a temper to submit to such usage. Supported by his
troops he raised the standard of revolt against the Emperor, and caused
his own successor, sent out by the Emperor, to be assassinated. He then
began his campaign by marching upon Constantinople, there to have
· himself proclaimed Emperor. But he met with a check at Otranto, and
in February 1043 he embarked, landing soon afterwards at Dyrrhachiun,
whence he advanced upon Salonica in the hope of drawing after him
Bogislav's Serbs, who had recently defeated some Byzantine troops in
1042 near Lake Scutari. But, unfortunately for him, his successes soon
came to an end. At Ostrovo he encountered the army sent against him
by Constantine. He was defeated and killed. The Empire was saved.
At about the same time the chroniclers Scylitzes and Zonaras speak
of another revolt, hatched this time in Cyprus by Theophilus Eroticus,
which, however, does not appear to have involved the government in
serious danger. Such did not prove to be the case with a rising which
broke out in September 1047, and for three months threatened to
deprive Constantine of the throne. Its leader was Leo Tornicius. Con-
stantine IX in his heart cared little for the defence of the Empire, and
consequently neglected the army; the depredations on the treasury
went on apace; there were pressing dangers on the eastern and western
frontiers; and, because of all this, malcontents were numerous. The
rising broke out at Hadrianople, among military commanders who had
been displaced or passed over, and Tornicius put himself at its head.
This man was of Armenian origin and traced his descent from the
## p. 111 (#153) ############################################
Revolt of Tornicius
111
Bagratid kings. Besides all the wrongs which he shared with the other
generals, he had special grievances of his own: in the first place, Con-
stantine's policy in Armenia; then, probably, a love-affair which the
Emperor had broken off. Tornicius, who was a cousin of the Emperor,
was on very intimate terms with a sister of his, named Euprepia. Now
between Constantine and Euprepia relations were somewhat strained,
and it was to punish his sister as well as his cousin, for whom, be it
said, he had no liking, that he sent him to the provinces in honour-
able exile as strategus, and later compelled him to become a monk.
It was this which led Tornicius to resolve upon rebellion, and to take
the leadership of a movement which had long existed in the
army.
On
15 June the whole body of conspirators met at Hadrianople, and soon
afterwards Leo was proclaimed Emperor. Thereupon the insurgents
set out for Constantinople with the army corps from Macedonia. In
these circumstances, Constantine shewed remarkable energy. In spite of
the illness by which he was just then tormented, he set to work to arm
the troops in Constantinople, who barely numbered a thousand, and gave
orders to summon the imperial army by forced marches from the depths
of Armenia. If Tornicius, who had reached the walls of Constantinople,
had made the smallest exertion, he would have had the Empire in his
grasp, but hoping to be acclaimed by the people and unwilling to shed
blood, he remained inactive beneath the ramparts of the town. Mean-
while, Constantine on the other hand was acting. He scattered money
among the enemy's troops, won over officers and men, and could then
await the army from the East and the Bulgarian contingents which he
had demanded. Matters were at this point when, in the beginning of
October, Tornicius left Constantinople to take up a position on the road
from Hadrianople to Arcadiopolis, and to engage in a fruitless siege of
the little town of Rhaedestus. After this he relapsed into inactivity. It
was then, in the month of December, that the army from Armenia reached
Constantinople. Constantine, feeling himself sure of ultimate victory
over a foe so strangely passive, was reluctant to shed blood. The hostile
army was gradually overcome by bribes, hunger, and promises, and
Tornicius soon found himself, with his lieutenant Vatatzes, practically
deserted. Both were made prisoners, their eyes were put out on
24 December 1047, and a little later they suffered death.
While within the borders of his empire Constantine's government
was disturbed by the revolts of Maniaces and Tornicius, outside it
the enemies of Byzantium were also on the alert. In 1043 it became
necessary to take arms against the Russians, who were defeated. As
a result of this campaign and in order to seal the peace which followed,
a Greek princess was married to Yaroslav's son, Vsevolod. Next year,
in 1044, there broke out the war with Armenia which ended in the
complete and lamentable overthrow of that ancient kingdom, and the
appearance on the frontiers of the Empire of the Seljūq Turks. Ani
CH. IN.
## p. 112 (#154) ############################################
112
Annexation of Armenia: Michael Cerularius
was betrayed to the Greeks, and the last King of Armenia, Gagik II, went
forth to live in gilded exile at Bizou. The Katholikos Petros, who had
engineered the surrender of Ani, was also deported, first to Constanti-
nople and later to Sebastea, where he died some years afterwards. To the
misfortune of both, Armenia was made into a Byzantine province, so
that the Empire, without a buffer-state, from this time onwards had to
encounter single-handed the race who, in the end, were one day to
conquer it. To complete the picture, it will be shewn elsewhere that Asia
Minor was not the only ground on which the Byzantine troops were to
measure their strength during the reign of Monomachus. With varying
success, their generals were obliged to confront Arabs, Patzinaks, Lom-
bards, and Normans. Every frontier was threatened, South Italy was lost,
and as a final calamity Michael Cerularius was about to make a complete
and definitive breach with the Roman Church, which alone might per-
haps have been able to save the ancient Greek Empire.
On the death of the Patriarch Alexius on 22 February 1043,
Constantine's government raised to the Patriarchal throne, with circum-
stances of considerable irregularity, the first minister of the Empire,
the man who was to be famous as Michael Cerularius. His consecration
took place on 25 March. Cerularius' ordination was merely an incident
in his career. In 1040, as a result of the conspiracy which he had
organised against the Emperor Michael with a view to taking his place,
he had been condemned to deportation and had been forced to assume
the monastic habit. Still, if Michael found himself on the patriarchal
throne merely through a chapter of accidents, he brought to it, not
indeed any striking virtues, but a fine intellect, wide culture, and iron
will. And, moreover, in all that he did he had a definite aim. Now that
he had reached the highest ecclesiastical position in the Empire and was
second only to the Basileus, he attempted to set up on the shores of the
Bosphorus a Pontificate analogous to that of the Pope at Rome, so that
he would have been in fact Emperor and Patriarch at the same time.
This was, indeed, the real cause of the Schism and of his conduct towards
Constantine IX. It was at the very close of the reign of Constantine
Monomachus, when the Emperor was well known to be ill and near his
end, that Cerularius threw down the brand of discord.
Throughout the pontificate of Alexius relations with Rome had been
excellent, and there were no signs whatever of a conflict when in 1053 it
suddenly burst forth. Cerularius had chosen his opportunity with skill.
The Emperor had grown old and seemed to have no energy left; the Pope,
Leo IX, was unfortunately placed in Italy under the yoke of the
Normans. That Leo, in spite of his misfortunes, should have attempted
to extend his authority over the Greek sees in southern Italy is possible,
and indeed probable enough, for the authority of Constantinople had
sunk extremely low in the West. Nevertheless, the provocation came from
Cerularius. Through the medium of Leo, Archbishop of Ochrida, Ceru-
## p. 113 (#155) ############################################
Schism of the Eastern and Western Churches
113
larius wrote to John of Trani a letter, which was really intended for the
Pope and the West generally. In this letter he attacked the customs of
the Latin Church, particularly the use of unleavened bread and the ob-
servance of Saturday as a fast. At the same time a violent composition
by the monk Nicetas Stethatus was circulated in the Byzantine Church,
in which these two charges were taken up afresh, and an attack was
also made on the celibacy of the clergy. These usages were declared to
be heretical. Questions of dogma were not touched upon. Finally
Cerularius of his own authority closed all those churches in Constanti-
nople which observed the Latin ritual.
Leo IX replied at once; without discussing the trivial charges of the
Patriarch, he removed the controversy to its true ground, namely, the
Roman claim to primacy of jurisdiction, and demanded, before entering
on any discussion, the submission of the Patriarch. The latter at first
yielded, and wrote to the Pope a letter respectful in tone and favourable
to union. It is certain, however, that he was compelled to take this step
by the Emperor, who was himself urged on by the Greeks living in Italy,
among others by the Catapan Argyrus. Leo IX wrote in January 1054
to Constantine, entrusting his letter to three legates who arrived in
April, bearing also a letter to Cerularius very sharp and harsh in tone
and deeply irritating to the Patriarch, as was also the attitude assumed
towards him by the three legates? . On the other hand, Constantine was
won over to the Roman cause by the very affectionate epistle addressed
to him by Leo IX, and immediately proceeded to carry out the Pope's
wishes. Unfortunately at this juncture Leo IX died, on 19 April, and
his successor was not chosen until April 1055. The legates no longer
had sufficient authority to enable them to act, and Cerularius, taking
advantage of his position, began to write and intrigue, with a view to
winning over Eastern Christendom to his cause, beginning with Peter,
Patriarch of Antioch. The legates, for their part, in spite of their
diminished authority, solemnly excommunicated Cerularius and his sup-
porters. The step turned out a mistake on the Latin side. The Patriarch
was only waiting for this opportunity to shew himself in his true colours.
He demanded, indeed, an interview with the legates, who had already
quitted Constantinople on 17 July 1054, but were recalled by the
Emperor's orders. Suddenly, however, suspicions of Cerularius arose.
The Emperor, fearing an ambush, again sent off the legates, for it was
rumoured that the Patriarch intended to stir up the people to assas-
sinate them. It was upon the Emperor that the brunt of Cerularius'
anger fell. At his instigation a rising was let loose in Constantinople, and
Constantine was forced to abase himself before the victorious Patriarch.
With the Emperor's sanction, he at once held a synod in St Sophia on
20 July, the Roman bull was condemned, an anathema was pronounced,
1 See infra, Chapter 1x. pp. 268-69.
C. JIED, H. VOL. IV. CH. IV.
8
## p. 114 (#156) ############################################
114
Literary renaissance
and a few days later the bull was burned. The separation was an
accomplished fact. Its unhappy consequences were to make themselves
soon and lastingly felt.
From the point of view of civilisation, the reign of Constantine
Monomachus must be considered one of the most fortunate, for a true
literary renaissance flourished at Constantinople under the auspices of
the Emperor. Though not himself learned, Constantine was a man
of taste, and liked to surround himself with cultivated people. His
court was the resort of the most intellectual men of the day, and it was
owing to their entreaties that he decided to re-open the University of
Constantinople. The most distinguished scholars at that time were John
Xiphilin, Constantine Lichudes, Cerularius, John Mauropus, Psellus, and
Nicetas Byzantius. They were all bound together by friendship, all loved
and pursued letters and jurisprudence, and some, like Xiphilin, Lichudes,
and Cerularius, were destined to reach the highest positions in Church
and State. The first foundation of Constantine goes back to 1045. With
the help of his friends, he began the restoration of the science of juris-
prudence, founding a School of Law by his Novel περί του Νομοφύλακος.
Then he decided that in the new University all branches of learning
should be taught. Psellus was entrusted with the teaching of philosophy,
Nicetas Byzantius and Mauropus with that of grammar, rhetoric, and
orthography. Thus was formed the School of St Peter, so called from
the place where the new“masters” lectured. Law was lodged at St George
of Mangana, the faculty took the name of the School of the Laws, and
Xiphilin became its head. A library was added to the school. It was
there that the historian Michael Attaliates taught. In these schools of
higher learning law was taught in the first place, but the other branches
of humane learning were not neglected.
