No More Learning

- was hardly less dominant.
Repairing late and with many misgivings to Pompey's camp in
Epirus, Cicero seems to have been there a "not unfeared, half-wel-
come" and critical guest. Illness is his excuse for absence from the
decisive battle. He himself tells us little of these days. As Plutarch
relates the tale, after Pompey's flight to Egypt Cicero refused the
supreme command, and was thereupon threatened with death by
young Gneius Pompey; but his life was saved by Cato.
One thing at least is undisputed. The last man to decide for
Pompey's cause, he was the first to hurry back to Italy and crave
Cæsar's grace! For many months he waited in ignoble retirement,
fearing the success of his deserted comrades even more than Cæsar's
victory. It is this action that gives the coup de grace to Cicero's
character as a hero. With whatever misgivings, he had chosen his
side. Whatever disturbing threats of violent revenge after victory he
heard in Pompey's camp, he awaited the decisive battle. Then there
remained, for any brave man, only constancy in defeat—or a fall
upon his sword.
Throughout Cæsar's brief reign,- or long dictatorship,- from 48
to 44, Cicero is the most stately and the most obsequious of court-
iers. For him who would plead for clemency, or return thanks for


## p. 3680 (#36) ############################################

3680
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
mercy accorded, at a despot's footstool, there are no more graceful
models than the 'Pro Ligario' and the 'Pro Marcello. ' Cæsar him-
self realized, and wittily remarked, how irksome and hateful such a
part must be to the older, vainer, more self-conscious man of the
twain.
Midway in this period Cicero divorced his wife after thirty years
of wedlock, seemingly from some dissatisfaction over her financial
management, and soon after married a wealthy young ward. This is
the least pleasing chapter of his private life, but perhaps the morti-
fication and suffering it entailed were a sufficient penalty. His only
daughter Tullia's death in 45 B. C. nearly broke the father's heart.
Whatever the reason, Cicero was certainly not in the secret of
Cæsar's assassination. Twice in letters to members of the conspiracy
in later months he begins: "How I wish you had invited me to your
glorious banquet on the Ides of March. " "There would have been
no remnants," he once adds. That is, Antony would not have been
left alive.
We have now reached the last two years- perhaps the most
creditable time-in Cicero's eventful life. This period runs from
March 15th, 44 B. C. , to December 7th, 43 B. C. It was one long
struggle, first covert, then open, between Antony and the slayers of
Cæsar. Cicero's energy and eloquence soon made him the foremost
voice in the Senate once more. For the first time since his exile, he
is now speaking out courageously his own real sentiments. His pub-
lic action is in harmony with his own convictions. The cause was
not hopeless by any means, so far as the destruction of Antony would
have been a final triumph. Indeed, that wild career seemed near its
end, when Octavian's duplicity again threw the game into his rival's
reckless hands. However, few students of history imagine that any
effective restoration of senatorial government was possible. The pe-
culiar pathos of Cicero's end, patriot as he was, is this: it removed
one of the last great obstacles to the only stable and peaceful rule
Rome could receive - the imperial throne of Augustus.
This last period is however among the most creditable, perhaps
the most heroic, in Cicero's career. Its chief memorials are the
fourteen extant orations against Antony. The comparative sincerity
of these Philippics,' and the lack of private letters for much of this.
time, make them important historical documents. The only one
which ranks among his greatest productions-perhaps the classic
masterpiece of invective—is the 'Second Philippic. ' This was never
delivered at all, but published as a pamphlet. This unquestioned
fact throws a curious light on passages like "He is agitated, he
perspires, he turns pale! " describing Antony at the (imaginary)
delivery of the oration. The details of the behavior of Catiline and
―


## p. 3681 (#37) ############################################

MARCUS TUL IUS CICERO
3681
others may be hardly more authentic. The Ninth Philippic' is a
heartfelt funeral eulogy on that same Sulpicius whom he had ridi-
culed in the Pro Murena. '
"The milestones into headstones turn,
And under each a friend. "
«<
A fragment from one of Livy's lost books says, Cicero bore with
becoming spirit none of the ills of life save death itself. " He indeed
perished not only bravely but generously, dissuading his devoted
slaves from useless resistance, and extending his neck to Antony's
assassins. Verres lived to exult at the news, and then shared his
enemy's fate, rather than give up his Greek vases to Antony! Nearly
every Roman, save Nero, dies well.
Upon Cicero's political career our judgment is already indicated.
He was always a patriot at heart, though often a bewildered one.
His vanity, and yet more his physical cowardice, caused some griev-
ous blots upon the record. His last days, and death, may atone for
all save one. The precipitate desertion of the Pompeians is not to
be condoned. .
The best English life of Cicero is by Forsyth; but quaint, dogged,
prejudiced old Middleton should not be forgotten. Plutarch's Cicero
"needs no bush. "
Cicero's oratory was splendidly effective upon his emotional Ital-
ian hearers. It would not be so patiently accepted by any Teutonic
folk. His very copiousness, however, makes him as a rule wonder-
fully clear and easy reading. Quintilian well says: "From Demos-
thenes's periods not a word can be spared, to Cicero's not one could
be added. "
Despite the rout of Verres and of Catiline, the merciless dissec-
tion of Clodia, and the statelier thunders of the Philippics,' Cicero
was most successful and happiest when "defending the interests of
his friends. " Perhaps the greatest success against justice was the
'Pro Cluentio,' which throws so lurid a light on ante-Borgian Italian
criminology. This speech is especially recommended by Niebuhr to
young philologues as a nut worthy of the strongest teeth. There is
a helpful edition by Ramsay, but Hertland's 'Murena' will be a
pleasanter variation for students wearying of the beaten track fol-
lowed by the school editions. Both the failure of the 'Pro Milone ›
and the world-wide success of the Pro Archia' bid us repeat the
vain wish, that this humane and essentially modern nature might
have fallen on a gentler age. Regarding his whole political life as
an uncongenial rôle forced on him by fate, we return devout thanks
for fifty-eight orations, nearly all in revised and finished literary form!
Fragments of seventeen, and titles of still thirty more, yet remain.
VI-231


## p. 3682 (#38) ############################################

3682
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
From all his rivals, predecessors, pupils, not one authentic speech
survives.
The best complete edition of the orations with English notes is by
George Long, in the Bibliotheca Classica. The Philippics' alone are
better edited by J. R. King in the Clarendon Press series. School
editions of select speeches are superabundant. They regularly include
the four Catilinarians, the Manilian, and the pleas before the dic-
tator, sometimes a selection from the Philippics' or Verrine ora-
tions.
There is no masterly translation comparable with the fine work
done by Kennedy for Demosthenes. The Bohn version is respectable
in quality.
Among Cicero's numerous works on rhetoric the chief is the 'De
Oratore. Actually composed in 55 B. C. , it is a dialogue, the scene
set in 91 B. C. , the characters being the chief Roman orators of that
day. L. Crassus, who plays the host gracefully at his Tusculan
country-seat, is also the chief speaker. These men were all known
to Cicero in his boyhood, but most of them perished soon after in
the Marian proscriptions. Of real character-drawing there is little,
and all alike speak in graceful Ciceronian periods. The exposition
of the technical parts of rhetoric goes on in leisurely wise, with
copious illustrations and digressions. There is much pleasant repeti-
tion of commonplaces. Wilkins's edition of the 'De Oratore' is a
good but not an ideal one. The introductions are most helpful.
Countless discussions on etymology, etc. , in the notes, should be rele-
gated to the dictionaries. Instead, we crave adequate cross-refer-
ences to passages in this and other works. The notes seem to be
written too largely piecemeal, each with the single passage in mind.
In Cicero's 'Brutus,' written in 46 B. C. , Cicero, Brutus, and Atti-
cus carry on the conversation, but it is mostly a monologue of Cicero
and a historical sketch of Roman oratory. The affected modesty of
the autobiographic parts is diverting. Brutus was the chief exponent
of a terse, simple, direct oratory,- far nearer, we judge, to English
taste than the Ciceronian; and the opposition between them already
appears. A convenient American edition is that by Kellogg (Ginn).
The opposition just mentioned comes out more clearly in the
'Orator. ' This portrays the ideal public speaker. His chief accom-
plishments are summed up in versatility,—the power to adapt him-
self to any case and audience. An interesting passage discusses the
rhythms of prose. This book has been elaborately edited by J. E.
Sandys. In these three dialogues Cicero says everything of impor-
tance, at least once; and the other rhetorical works in the Corpus
may be neglected here, the more as the most practical working rheto-
ric among them all, the Auctor ad Herennium,' is certainly not


## p. 3683 (#39) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3683
Cicero's. It is probably by Cornificius, and is especially important
as the first complete prose work transmitted to us in authentic Latin
form. (Cato's 'De Re Rustica' has been "modernized. ")
The later history of the Ciceronian correspondence is a dark and
much contested field. (The most recent discussion, with bibliography,
is by Schanz, in Iwan Müller's Handbuch, Vol. viii. , pp. 238–243. )
Probably Cicero's devoted freedman Tiro laid the foundations of our
collections. The part of Petrarch in recovering the letters during the
"Revival of Learning" was much less than has been supposed.
The letters themselves are in wild confusion. There are four col-
lections, entitled To Atticus,' To Friends,' To Brother Marcus,'
'To Brutus': altogether over eight hundred epistles, of which a rela-
tively small number are written to Cicero by his correspondents.
The order is not chronological, and the dates can in many cases
only be conjectured. Yet these letters afford us our chief sources
for the history of this great epoch,- and the best insight we can
ever hope to have into the private life of Roman gentlemen.
The style of the cynical, witty Cælius, or of the learned lawyer
Sulpicius, differs perceptibly in detail from Cicero's own; yet it is
remarkable that all seem able to write clearly if not gracefully.
Cicero's own style varies very widely. The letters to Atticus are
usually colloquial, full of unexplained allusions, sometimes made in-
tentionally obscure and pieced out with a Greek phrase, for fear
of the carrier's treachery! Other letters again, notably a long
'Apologia' addressed to Lentulus after Cicero's return from exile,
are as plainly addressed in reality to the public or to posterity as
are any of the orations.
Prof. R. Y. Tyrrell has long been engaged upon an annotated
edition of all the letters in chronological order. This will be of the
utmost value. An excellent selection, illustrating the orator's public
life chiefly, has been published by Professor Albert Watson. This
volume contains also very full tables of dates, bibliography of all
Cicero's works, and in general is indispensable for the advanced
Latin student. The same letters annotated by Professor Watson have
been delightfully translated by G. E. Jeans. To this volume, rather
than to Forsyth's biography, the English reader should turn to form
his impressions of Cicero at first hand. It is a model of scholarly-
and also literary-translation.
The "New Academy," to which Cicero inclined in philosophy,
was skeptical in its tendencies, and regarded absolute truth as unat-
tainable. This made it easier for Cicero to cast his transcriptions in
the form of dialogues, revealing the beliefs of the various schools
through the lips of the several interlocutors. Thus the 'De Finibus
Bonorum et Malorum sets forth in three successive conversations


## p. 3684 (#40) ############################################

3684
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
the ideas of Epicureans, of Stoics, and of the Academy, on the
Highest Good. It is perhaps the chief of these treatises, though
we would still prefer to have even those later compendiums of the
Greek schools through which Cicero probably cited the chief philoso-
phers at second hand! J. S. Reid, an eminent English scholar, has
spent many years upon this dialogue, and his work includes a
masterly translation.
With a somewhat similar plan, the three books of the 'De Natura
Deorum' contain the views of the three schools on the Divine
Beings. The speakers are Cicero's Roman contemporaries. This
rather sketchy work has been annotated by J. B. Mayor in his usual
exhaustive manner. The now fragmentary dialogue entitled 'The
Republic,' and its unfinished supplement The Laws,' were com-
posed and named in avowed rivalry with Plato's two largest works,
but fail to approach the master. The Roman Constitution is
defended as the ideal mingling of monarchy, aristocracy, and
democracy. The student of pure literature can for the most part
neglect these, and others among the hastily written philosophic
works, with the explicit approval of so indefatigable a student as
Professor B. L. Gildersleeve.
The chief fragment preserved of the Republic' is the 'Dream of
Scipio. ' Its dependence on the vision at the close of Plato's 'Repub-
lic' should be carefully observed. It may be fairly described as a
free translation and enlargement from Greek originals, of which
Plato's passage is the chief. Plagiarism was surely viewed quite
otherwise then than now. Still, the Roman additions and modifica-
tions are interesting also,—and even as a translator Cicero is no
ordinary cicerone! Moreover, in this as in so many other examples,
the Latin paraphrase had a wider and more direct influence than
the original. It has been accepted with justice ever since, as the
final and most hopeful pagan word in favor of the soul's immortality.
The lover of Chaucer will recall the genial paraphrase of Scipio's
Dream' in the 'Parlament of Foules' (stanzas 5-12). We give below,
entire, in our quotations from Cicero, the masterly version of the
'Dream,' prepared by Prof. T. R. Lounsbury for his edition of Chau-
cer's poems. The speaker is the younger Scipio Africanus, and his
visit to Africa as a subaltern here described was in 149 B. C. , three
years previous to his own decisive campaign against Carthage which
ended in the destruction of the city.
Cicero shared in full the Roman tendency to give a practical, an
ethical turn to all metaphysical discussion. This is prominent in the
popular favorite among his larger volumes, the Tusculan Disputa-
tions. ' In each of the five related books a thesis is stated nega-
tively, to be triumphantly reversed later on:-


## p. 3685 (#41) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3685
"Death seems to me an evil. ”
"I think pain the greatest of all evils. "
«<
Misery seems to me to befall the wise man. "
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4) "It does not appear to me that the wise man can be secure
from distress of mind. "
(5) "Character does not seem to me sufficient for happiness in
life. "
-
The original portion of this work is relatively large, and many
Roman illustrations occur. Dr. Peabody has included the Tusculans,
the two brief essays next mentioned, and the 'De Officiis,' in his
excellent series of versions (Little, Brown and Company).
The little dialogue on Old Age' is perhaps most read of all
Cicero's works. Its best thoughts, it must be confessed, are freely
borrowed from the opening pages of Plato's 'Republic. ' Still, on
this theme of universal human interest, the Roman also offers much
pleasant food for thought. The moderation of the Greek is forgotten
by Cicero, the professional advocate and special pleader, who almost
cries out to us at last:-
:-
"Grow old along with me:
The best is yet to be,
The last of life,
for which the first was made! "
It was written in 45-4 B. C. The other little essay On Friendship'
does not deserve to be bound up in such good company, though it
usually is so edited. Bacon's very brief essay has more meat in it.
Cicero had many good friends, but fully trusted hardly any one of
them not even Atticus. It was
an age which put friendship to
fearful trial, and the typical Roman seems to us rather selfish and
cold. Certainly this essay is in a frigid tone.
Professor Gildersleeve,
I believe, has likened it to a treatise of Xenophon on hunting, so sys-
tematically is the pursuit of friends discussed.
Perhaps the most practical among Roman Manuals of Morals is
the treatise on Duties (De Officiis'), in three books.
Here the per-
sonal experience of sixty years is drawn upon, avowedly for the
edification of young Marcus, the author's unworthy son. This sole
Ciceronian survivor of Antony's massacres lived to be famous for his
capacity in wine-drinking, and to receive officially, as consul under
Augustus, the news of Antony's final defeat and death a dramatic
revenge.
Most of these philosophic treatises were composed near the end
of Cicero's life, largely in one marvelously productive year, 45-4 B. C. ,
just previous to the slaying of Cæsar. Not all even of the extant
works have been catalogued here. The Academica' and 'De
Divinatione' should at least be mentioned.
(


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3686
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
Such were Cicero's distractions, when cut off from political life
and oratory, and above all when bereft by Tullia's death. The espe-
cial Consolatio,' composed to regain his courage after this blow,
must head the list of lost works. It took a most pessimistic view of
human life, for which it was reproved by Lactantius. Another per-
ished essay, the Hortensius,' introducing the whole philosophic
series, upheld Milton's thesis, "How charming is divine philosophy,"
and first turned the thoughts of Augustine to serious study.
Cicero's poems, chiefly translations, are extant in copious frag-
ments. They show metrical facility, a little taste, no creative imagi-
nation at all. A final proof of his unresting activity is his attempt
to write history. Few even among professional advocates could have
less of the temper for mere narration and truth. Indeed, reasonable
disregard for the latter trammel is frankly urged upon a friend who
was to write upon the illustrious moments of Cicero's own career!
We said at first that the caprice of fate had exaggerated some
sides of Cicero's activity, by removing all competitors. In any case,
however, his supremacy among Italian orators, and in the ornate dis-
cursive school of eloquence generally, could not have been questioned.
Yet more: as a stylist he lifted a language hitherto poor in
vocabulary, and stiff in phrase, to a level it never afterward sur-
passed. Many words he successfully coined, chiefly either by trans-
lation or free imitation of Greek originals. His clear, copious,
rhythmical phrase was even more fully his own creation. Indeed, at
the present moment, four or five great forms of living speech testify
to Cicero's amazing mastery over both word and phrase. The elo-
quence of Castelar, Crispi, and Gambetta, of Gladstone and of Everett,
is shot through and through, in all its warp and woof, with golden
Ciceronian threads. The 'Archias' speaks to any appreciative stu-
dent of Western Europe, as it were, in a mother tongue which dom-
inates his vernacular speech. Human language, then, has become a
statelier memorial of Cicero than even his vanity can ever have
imagined.
(After writing the substance of this paragraph, I was glad to find
myself in close agreement with Mackail's words in his masterly little
'Latin Literature,' page 62. )
RESUME OF GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
The chief encyclopædia of facts and citations for this period is
the cumbrous old Geschichte Roms, oder Pompeius Cæsar Cicero
und ihre Zeitgenossen' of W. Drumann (Königsberg: 1834-44). The
plan is ideally bad, being a series of family chronicles, while these
three men are more completely isolated from their families and kin


## p. 3687 (#43) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3687
than any other great trio in all Roman history! The book is how-
ever an exhaustive, inexhaustible, little acknowledged, but still
worked quarry of erudition. The best single book in English is
Watson's edition of the (selected) letters (or Jeans's translation), until
it shall be superseded by the complete annotated edition of the corre-
spondence, by Tyrrell.
Mommsen's severe judgment on Cicero is well known. The other
standard historians are less severe. Forsyth's life is not the final
word on the subject by any means, but gives a good general view.
The stately Ciceronian Lexicon by Merguet, already complete for the
orations, will eventually provide a complete concordance and copious
elucidation for all the works. The most accessible complete edition
of Cicero's writings in Latin is by Baiter and Kayser, in eleven vol-
umes. The Index Nominum alone fills four hundred closely printed
pages of Vol. xi. The great critical edition is that of Orelli (Zurich:
1826-38).
On Cicero as an author, and indeed in the whole field of Latin
literature, the 'Geschichte der Römischen Literatur' of Martin
Schanz (in I. Müller's 'Handbuch') is most helpful, and even
readable.
Lawrons
William Cranston Lawton
OF THE OFFICES OF LITERATURE AND POETRY
From the Oration for the Poet Archias
You
You ask us, O Gratius, why we are so exceedingly attached to
this man.
Because he supplies us with food whereby our
mind is refreshed after this noise in the Forum, and with
rest for our ears after they have been wearied with bad lan-
guage. Do you think it possible that we could find a supply for
our daily speeches, when discussing such a variety of matters,
unless we were to cultivate our minds by the study of literature?
or that our minds could bear being kept so constantly on the
stretch if we did not relax them by that same study? But I
confess that I am devoted to those studies; let others be
ashamed of them if they have buried themselves in books with-
out being able to produce anything out of them for the common
advantage, or anything which may bear the eyes of men and
the light. But why need I be ashamed, who for many years
have lived in such a manner as never to allow my own love of


## p. 3688 (#44) ############################################

3688
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
tranquillity to deny me to the necessity or advantage of another,
or my fondness for pleasure to distract, or even sleep to delay,
my attention to such claims? Who then can reproach me, or
who has any right to be angry with me, if I allow myself as
much time for the cultivation of these studies as some take for
the performance of their own business; or for celebrating days
of festival and games; or for other pleasures; or even for the
rest and refreshment of mind and body; or as others devote to
early banquets, to playing at dice, or at ball? And this ought
to be permitted to me, because by these studies my power of
speaking and those faculties are improved, which as far as they
do exist in me have never been denied to my friends when
they have been in peril. And if that ability appears to any one
to be but moderate, at all events I know whence I derive those
principles which are of the greatest value. For if I had not
persuaded myself from my youth upwards, both by the precepts
of many masters and by much reading, that there is nothing in
life greatly to be desired except praise and honor, and that
while pursuing those things all tortures of the body, all dangers
of death and banishment are to be considered but of small
importance, I should never have exposed myself in defense of
your safety to such numerous and arduous contests, and to
these daily attacks of profligate men. But all books are full of
such precepts, and all the sayings of philosophers, and all an-
tiquity, are full of precedents teaching the same lesson; but all
these things would lie buried in darkness if the light of litera-
ture and learning were not applied to them. How many images
of the bravest men, carefully elaborated, have both the Greek
and Latin writers bequeathed to us, not merely for us to look
at and gaze upon, but also for our imitation! And I, always
keeping them before my eyes as examples for my own public
conduct, have endeavored to model my mind and views by con-
tinually thinking of those excellent men.
Some one will ask "What! were those identical great men,
whose virtues have been recorded in books, accomplished in all
that learning which you are extolling so highly? " It is difficult
to assert this of all of them; but still I know what answer I can
make to that question: I admit that many men have existed of
admirable disposition and virtue, who without learning, by the
almost divine instinct of their own mere nature, have been, of
their own accord as it were, moderate and wise men.
I even


## p. 3689 (#45) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3689
add this, that very often nature without learning has had more
to do with leading men to credit and to virtue, than learning
when not assisted by a good natural disposition. And I also
contend that when to an excellent and admirable natural dispo-
sition there is added a certain system and training of education,
then from that combination arises an extraordinary perfection of
character: such as is seen in that godlike man whom our
fathers saw in their time— Africanus; and in Caius Lælius and
Lucius Furius, most virtuous and moderate men; and in that
most excellent man, the most learned man of his time, Marcus
Cato the elder: and all these men, if they had been to derive no
assistance from literature in the cultivation and practice of vir-
tue, would never have applied themselves to the study of it.
Though even if there were no such great advantage to be
reaped from it, and if it were only pleasure that is sought from
these studies, still I imagine you would consider it a most
reasonable and liberal employment of the mind: for other occu-
pations are not suited to every time, nor to every age or place;
but these studies are the food of youth, the delight of old age;
the ornament of prosperity, the refuge and comfort of adversity;
a delight at home, and no hindrance abroad; they are com-
panions by night, and in travel, and in the country.
And if we ourselves were not able to arrive at these advan-
tages, nor even taste them with our senses, still we ought to
admire them even when we saw them in others.
And
indeed, we have constantly heard from men of the greatest
eminence and learning that the study of other sciences was
made up of learning, and rules, and regular method; but that a
poet was such by the unassisted work of nature, and was moved
by the vigor of his own mind, and was inspired as it were by
some divine wrath. Wherefore rightly does our own great En-
nius call poets holy; because they seem to be recommended to
us by some especial gift, as it were, and liberality of the gods.
Let then, judges, this name of poet, this name which no bar-
barians even have ever disregarded, be holy in your eyes, men
of cultivated minds as you all are. Rocks and deserts reply to
the poet's voice; savage beasts are often moved and arrested by
song; and shall we who have been trained in the pursuit of the
most virtuous acts refuse to be swayed by the voice of poets?
The Colophonians say that Homer was their citizen; the Chians.
claim him as theirs, the Salaminians assert their right to him;


## p. 3690 (#46) ############################################

3690
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
but the men of Smyrna loudly assert him to be a citizen of
Smyrna, and they have even raised a temple to him in their
city. Many other places also fight with one another for the
honor of being his birthplace.
They then claim a stranger, even after his death, because he
was a poet: shall we reject this man while he is alive, a man
who by his own inclination and by our laws does actually belong
to us? especially when Archias has employed all his genius with
the utmost zeal in celebrating the glory and renown of the
Roman people? For when a young man, he touched on our
wars against the Cimbri and gained the favor even of Caius
Marius himself, a man who was tolerably proof against this sort
of study. For there was no one so disinclined to the Muses as
not willingly to endure that the praise of his labors should be
made immortal by means of verse. They say that the great
Themistocles, the greatest man that Athens produced, said when
some one asked him what sound or whose voice he took the
greatest delight in hearing, "The voice of that by whom his own.
exploits were best celebrated. " Therefore, the great Marius was
also exceedingly attached to Lucius Plotius, because he thought
that the achievement which he had performed could be celebrated
by his genius. And the whole Mithridatic war, great and diffi-
cult as it was, and carried on with so much diversity of fortune
by land and sea, has been related at length by him; and the
books in which that is sung of, not only make illustrious Lucius
Lucullus, that most gallant and celebrated man, but they do
honor also to the Roman people. For while Lucullus was gen-
eral, the Roman people opened Pontus, though it was defended
both by the resources of the king and by the character of the
country itself.
Under the same general the army of the Roman
people, with no very great numbers, routed the countless hosts
of the Armenians. It is the glory of the Roman people that by
the wisdom of that same general, the city of the Cyzicenes, most
friendly to us, was delivered and preserved from all the attacks
of the kind, and from the very jaws as it were of the whole war.
Ours is the glory which will be for ever celebrated, which is
derived from the fleet of the enemy which was sunk after its
admirals had been slain, and from the marvelous naval battle off
Tenedos: those trophies belong to us, those monuments are ours,
those triumphs are ours. Therefore I say that the men by
whose genius these exploits are celebrated make illustrious at


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3691
the same time the glory of the Roman people. Our countryman
Ennius was dear to the elder Africanus; and even on the tomb
of the Scipios his effigy is believed to be visible, carved in the
marble. But undoubtedly it is not only the men who are them-
selves praised who are done honor to by those praises, but the
name of the Roman people also is adorned by them. Cato, the
ancestor of this Cato, is extolled to the skies. Great honor is
paid to the exploits of the Roman people. Lastly, all those
great men, the Maximi, the Marcelli, and the Fulvii, are done
honor to, not without all of us having also a share in the pan-
egyric.
Certainly, if the mind had no anticipations of posterity, and
if it were to confine all its thoughts within the same limits as
those by which the space of our lives is bounded, it would neither
break itself with such severe labors, nor would it be tormented
with such cares and sleepless anxiety, nor would it so often have
to fight for its very life. At present there is a certain virtue in
every good man, which night and day stirs up the mind with the
stimulus of glory, and reminds it that all mention of our name
will not cease at the same time with our lives, but that our fame
will endure to all posterity.
Do we all who are occupied in the affairs of the State, and
who are surrounded by such perils and dangers in life, appear to
be so narrow-minded as, though to the last moment of our lives
we have never passed one tranquil or easy moment, to think that
everything will perish at the same time as ourselves? Ought we
not, when many most illustrious men have with great care col-
lected and left behind them statues and images, representations
not of their minds but of their bodies, much more to desire to
leave behind us a copy of our counsels and of our virtues,
wrought and elaborated by the greatest genius? I thought, at
the very moment of performing them, that I was scattering and
disseminating all the deeds which I was performing, all over the
world for the eternal recollection of nations. And whether that
delight is to be denied to my soul after death, or whether, as
the wisest men have thought, it will affect some portion of my
spirit, at all events I am at present delighted with some such
idea and hope.


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HONORS PROPOSED FOR THE DEAD STATESMAN SULPICIUS
From the Ninth Philippic
OU
UR ancestors indeed decreed statues to many men; public
sepulchres to few. But statues perish by weather, by vio-
lence, by lapse of time; the sanctity of the sepulchres is
in the soil itself, which can neither be moved nor destroyed by
any violence; and while other things are extinguished, so sepul-
chres become holier by age.
Let then this man be distinguished by that honor also, a
man to whom no honor can be given which is not deserved.
Let us be grateful in paying respect in death to him to whom
we can now show no other gratitude. And by that same step
let the audacity of Marcus Antonius, waging a nefarious war,
be branded with infamy. For when these honors have been
paid to Servius Sulpicius, the evidence of his embassy having
been insulted and rejected by Antonius will remain for ever-
lasting.
On which account I give my vote for a decree in this form:
"As Servius Sulpicius Rufus, the son of Quintus, of the Lemo-
nian tribe, at a most critical period of the republic, and being
ill with a very serious and dangerous disease, preferred the
authority of the Senate and the safety of the republic to his
own life; and struggled against the violence and severity of his
illness, in order to arrive at the camp of Antonius, to which the
Senate had sent him; and as he, when he had almost arrived at
the camp, being overwhelmed by the violence of the disease,
has lost his life in discharging a most important office of the
republic; and as his death has been in strict correspondence to
a life passed with the greatest integrity and honor, during which
he, Servius Sulpicius, has often been of great service to the re-
public, both as a private individual and in the discharge of vari-
ous magistracies: and as he, being such a man, has encountered
death on behalf of the republic while employed on an embassy;
the Senate decrees that a brazen pedestrian statue of Servius.
Sulpicius be erected in the rostra in compliance with the resolu-
tion of this order, and that his children and posterity shall have
a place round this statue of five feet in every direction, from
which to behold the games and gladiatorial combats, because he
died in the cause of the republic; and that this reason be in-
scribed on the pedestal of the statue; and that Caius Pansa and


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3693
Aulus Hirtius the consuls, one or both of them, if it seem good
to them, shall command the quæstors of the city to let out a
contract for making that pedestal and that statue, and erecting
them in the rostra; and that whatever price they contract
for, they shall take care the amount is given and paid to the
contractor; and as in old times the Senate has exerted its
authority with respect to the obsequies of, and honors paid to,
brave men, it now decrees that he shall be carried to the tomb
on the day of his funeral with the greatest possible solemnity.
And as Servius
Servius Sulpicius Rufus, the son of Quintus cf the
Lemonian tribe, has deserved so well of the republic as to be
entitled to be complimented with all those distinctions; the Sen-
ate is of opinion, and thinks it for the advantage of the repub-
lic, that the curule ædile should suspend the edict which usually
prevails with respect to funerals, in the case. of the funeral of
Servius Sulpicius Rufus, the son of Quintus of the Lemonian
tribe; and that Caius Pansa the consul shall assign him a place
for a tomb in the Esquiline plain, or in whatever place shall
seem good to him, extending thirty feet in every direction,
where Servius Sulpicius may be buried; and that that shall be
his tomb, and that of his children and posterity, as having been
a tomb most deservedly given to them by the public authority. "
OLD FRIENDS BETTER THAN NEW
From the Dialogue on Friendship'
Β'
UT there arises on this subject a somewhat difficult question:
Whether ever new friends, if deserving friendship, are to be
preferred to old ones, just as we are wont to prefer young
colts to old horses? -a perplexity unworthy of a man; for there
ought to be no satiety of friendship as of other things: every-
thing which is oldest (as those wines which bear age well) ought
to be sweetest; and that is true which is sometimes said, "Many
bushels of salt must be eaten together," before the duty of
friendship can be fulfilled. But new friendships, if they afford a
hope that, as in the case of plants which never disappoint, fruits
shall appear, such are not to be rejected; yet the old one must
be preserved in its proper place, for the power of age and custom
is exceedingly great; besides, in the very case of the horse, which
I just mentioned, if there is no impediment, there is no one who


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MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
does not more pleasurably use that to which he is accustomed
than one unbroken and strange to him; and habit asserts its
power, and habit prevails, not only in the case of this, which is
animate, but also in the cases of those things which are inani-
mate; since we take delight in the very mountainous or woody
scenery among which we have long dwelt.
HONORED OLD AGE
From the Dialogue on Old Age
B
UT in my whole discourse remember that I am praising that
old age which is established on the foundations of youth:
from which this is effected which I once asserted with the
great approbation of all present,— that wretched was the old age
which had to defend itself by speaking. Neither gray hairs nor
wrinkles can suddenly catch respect; but the former part of life
honorably spent, reaps the fruits of authority at the close. For
these very observances which seem light and common are marks
of honor -to be saluted, to be sought after, to receive prece-
dence, to have persons rising up to you, to be attended on the
way, to be escorted home, to be consulted; points which, both
among us and in other States, in proportion as they are the most
excellent in their morals, are the most scrupulously observed.
They say that Lysander the Lacedæmonian, whom I mentioned
a little above, was accustomed to remark that Lacedæmon was
the most honorable abode for old age; for nowhere is so much
conceded to that time of life, nowhere is old age more respected.
Nay, further: it is recorded that when at Athens during the
games a certain elderly person had entered the theatre, a place
was nowhere offered him in that large assembly by his own
townsmen; but when he had approached the Lacedæmonians,
who, as they were ambassadors, had taken their seats together
in a particular place, they all rose up and invited the old man to
a seat; and when reiterated applause had been bestowed upon
them by the whole assembly, one of them remarked that the
Athenians knew what was right, but were unwilling to do it.
There are many excellent rules in our college, but this of which
I am treating especially, that in proportion as each man has the
advantage in age, so he takes precedence in giving his opinion;
and older augurs are preferred not only to those who are higher


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3695
in office, but even to such as are in actual command. What
pleasures, then, of the body can be compared with the privileges
of authority? which they who have nobly employed seem to me
to have consummated the drama of life, and not like inexpert
performers to have broken down in the last act. Still, old men
are peevish, and fretful, and passionate, and unmanageable,-
nay, if we seek for such, also covetous: but these are the faults
of their characters, not of their old age. And yet that peevish-
ness and those faults which I have mentioned have some excuse,
not quite satisfactory indeed, but such as may be admitted.
They fancy that they are neglected, despised, made a jest of;
besides, in a weak state of body every offense is irritating. All
which defects however are extenuated by good dispositions and
qualities; and this may be discovered not only in real life, but
on the stage, from the two brothers that are represented in
'The Brothers'; how much austerity in the one, and how much
gentleness in the other! Such is the fact: for as it is not every
wine, so it is not every man's life, that grows sour from old
age. I approve of gravity in old age, but this in a moderate
degree, like everything else; harshness by no means. What
avarice in an old man can propose to itself I cannot conceive:
for can anything be more absurd than, in proportion as less of
our journey remains, to seek a greater supply of provisions?
DEATH IS WELCOME TO THE OLD
From the Dialogue on Old Age'
A
N OLD man indeed has nothing to hope for; yet he is in so
much the happier state than a young one, since he has
already attained what the other is only hoping for. The
one is wishing to live long, the other has lived long. And yet,
good gods! what is there in man's life that can be called long?
For allow the latest period: let us anticipate the age of the
kings of the Tartessii. For there dwelt, as I find it recorded, a
man named Arganthonius at Gades, who reigned for eighty
years, and lived one hundred and twenty. But to my mind
nothing whatever seems of long duration, in which there is any
end. For when that arrives, then the time which has passed has
flowed away; that only remains which you have secured by virtue
and right conduct. Hours indeed depart from us, and days and


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3696
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
months and years; nor does past time ever return, nor can it be
discovered what is to follow. Whatever time is assigned to each
to live, with that he ought to be content: for neither need the
drama be performed entire by the actor, in order to give satisfac-
tion, provided he be approved in whatever act he may be; nor
need the wise man live till the plaudite. For the short period of
life is long enough for living well and honorably; and if you
should advance further, you need no more grieve than farmers do
when the loveliness of springtime hath passed, that summer and
autumn have come. For spring represents the time of youth
and gives promise of the future fruits; the remaining seasons are
intended for plucking and gathering in those fruits. Now the
harvest of old age, as I have often said, is the recollection and
abundance of blessings previously secured. In truth, everything
that happens agreeably to nature is to be reckoned among bless-
ings. What, however, is so agreeable to nature as for an old
man to die? which even is the lot of the young, though nature
opposes and resists. And thus it is that young men seem to
me to die just as when the violence of flame is extinguished by
a flood of water; whereas old men die as the exhausted fire
goes out, spontaneously, without the exertion of any force: and
as fruits when they are green are plucked by force from the
trees, but when ripe and mellow drop off, so violence takes away
their lives from youths, maturity from old men; a state which
to me indeed is so delightful, that the nearer I approach to
death, I seem as it were to be getting sight of land, and at
length after a long voyage to be just coming into harbor.
GREAT ORATORS AND THEIR TRAINING
From the Dialogue on Oratory>
F
OR who can suppose that amid the great multitude of stu-
dents, the utmost abundance of masters, the most eminent
geniuses among men, the infinite variety of causes, the
most ample rewards offered to eloquence, there is any other
reason to be found for the small number of orators than the
incredible magnitude and difficulty of the art? A knowledge
of a vast number of things is necessary, without which volubility
of words is empty and ridiculous; speech itself is to be formed,
not merely by choice, but by careful construction of words; and


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3697
all the emotions of the mind which nature has given to man,
must be intimately known; for all the force and art of speaking
must be employed in allaying or exciting the feelings of those
who listen. To this must be added a certain portion of grace
and wit, learning worthy of a well-bred man, and quickness and
brevity in replying as well as attacking, accompanied with a
refined decorum and urbanity. Besides, the whole of antiquity
and a multitude of examples is to be kept in the memory;
nor is the knowledge of laws in general, or of the civil law in
particular, to be neglected. And why need I add any remarks
on delivery itself, which is to be ordered by action of body, by
gesture, by look, and by modulation and variation of the voice,
the great power of which, alone and in itself, the comparatively
trivial art of actors and the stage proves; on which though all
bestow their utmost labor to form their look, voice, and gesture,
who knows not how few there are, and have ever been, to whom
we can attend with patience? What can I say of that repository
for all things, the memory; which, unless it be made the keeper
of the matter and words that are the fruits of thought and
invention, all the talents of the orator, we see, though they be
of the highest degree of excellence, will be of no avail ? Let
us then cease to wonder what is the cause of the scarcity of
good speakers, since eloquence results from all those qualifica-
tions, in each of which singly it is a great merit to labor suc-
cessfully; and let us rather exhort our children, and others
whose glory and honor is dear to us, to contemplate in their
minds the full magnitude of the object, and not to trust that
they can reach the height at which they aim by the aid of the
precepts, masters, and exercises that they are all now follow-
ing, but to understand that they must adopt others of a different
character.
In my opinion, indeed, no man can be an orator possessed
of every praiseworthy accomplishment unless he has attained
the knowledge of everything important, and of all liberal arts;
for his language must be ornate and copious from knowledge,
since unless there be beneath the surface matter understood
and felt by the speaker, oratory becomes an empty and almost
puerile flow of words.
"I am then of opinion," said Crassus, "that nature and
genius in the first place contribute most aid to speaking; and
that to those writers on the art to whom Antonius just now
VI-232


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MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
alluded, it was not skill and method in speaking, but natural
talent that was wanting; for there ought to be certain lively
powers in the mind and understanding, which may be acute to
invent, fertile to explain and adorn, and strong and retentive to
remember; and if any one imagines that these powers may be
acquired by art (which is false, for it is very well if they can
be animated and excited by art; but they certainly cannot by art
be ingrafted or instilled, since they are all the gifts of nature),
what will he say of those qualities which are certainly born with
the man himself - volubility of tongue, tone of voice, strength of
lungs, and a peculiar conformation and aspect of the whole
countenance and body? I do not say that art cannot improve
in these particulars (for I am not ignorant that what is good
may be made better by education, and what is not very good
may be in some degree polished and amended); but there are
some persons so hesitating in their speech, so inharmonious in
their tone of voice, or so unwieldy and rude in the air and
movements of their bodies, that whatever power they possess
either from genius or art, they can never be reckoned in the
number of accomplished speakers; while there are others so hap-
pily qualified in these respects, so eminently adorned with the
gifts of nature, that they seem not to have been born like other
men, but molded by some divinity. It is indeed a great task
and enterprise for a person to undertake and profess that while
every one else is silent, he alone must be heard on the most
important subjects, and in a large assembly of men; for there is
scarcely any one present who is not sharper and quicker to dis-
cover defects in the speaker than merits; and thus whatever
offends the hearer effaces the recollection of what is worthy of
praise. I do not make these observations for the purpose of
altogether deterring young men from the study of oratory, even
if they be deficient in some natural endowments. For who does
not perceive that to C. Cælius, my contemporary, a new man,
the mere mediocrity in speaking which he was enabled to attain
was a great honor? Who does not know that Q. Varius, your
equal in age, a clumsy uncouth man, has obtained his great popu-
larity by the cultivation of such faculties as he has?
"But as our inquiry regards the complete orator, we must
imagine in our discussion an orator from whom every kind of
fault is abstracted, and who is adorned with every kind of
merit. For if the multitude of suits, if the variety of causes, if


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3699
the rabble and barbarism of the forum, afford room for even
the most wretched speakers, we must not for that reason take
our eyes from the object of our inquiry. In those arts in
which it is not indispensable usefulness that is sought, but lib-
eral amusement for the mind, how nicely, how almost fastid-
iously, do we judge! For there are no suits or controversies
which can force men, though they may tolerate indifferent ora-
tors in the forum, to endure also bad actors upon the stage.
The orator therefore must take the most studious precaution not
merely to satisfy those whom he necessarily must satisfy, but to
seem worthy of admiration to those who are at liberty to judge
disinterestedly. If you would know what I myself think, I will
express to you, my intimate friends, what I have hitherto never
mentioned, and thought that I never should mention.
To me,
those who speak best and speak with the utmost ease and
grace, appear, if they do not commence their speeches with
some timidity, and show some confusion in the exordium, to
have almost lost the sense of shame; though it is impossible that
such should not be the case: for the better qualified a man is to
speak, the more he fears the difficulties of speaking, the uncer-
tain success of a speech, and the expectation of the audience.
But he who can produce and deliver nothing worthy of his sub-
ject, nothing worthy of the name of an orator, nothing worthy
the attention of his audience, seems to me, though he be ever
so confused while he is speaking, to be downright shameless; for
we ought to avoid a character for shamelessness, not by testify-
ing shame, but by not doing that which does not become us.
But the speaker who has no shame (as I see to be the case with
many) I regard as deserving not only of rebuke but of personal
castigation. Indeed, what I often observe in you I very fre-
quently experience in myself; that I turn pale in the outset of
my speech, and feel a tremor through my whole thoughts, as it
were, and limbs. When I was a young man, I was on one occa-
sion so timid in commencing an accusation, that I owed to Q.
Maximus the greatest of obligations for immediately dismissing
the assembly as soon as he saw me absolutely disheartened and
incapacitated through fear. " Here they all signified assent,
looked significantly at one another, and began to talk together;
for there was a wonderful modesty in Crassus, which however
was not only no disadvantage to his oratory, but even an assist-
ance to it, by giving it the recommendation of probity.


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CICERO TO TIRO
[The following epistles are taken by permission from Jeans's Letters of
Cicero. This letter gives a vivid glimpse of Cicero's tenderness to his slaves
and freedmen. Tiro was probably the first editor of his former master's
letters. ]
ΑΕ
GYPTA arrived here on the 12th of April. Although he
reported that you were now quite rid of your fever and
going on very well, he nevertheless caused me some
anxiety by his report that you were not able to write to me, the
more so because Hermia, who ought to have been here on the
same day, has not yet come. I am more anxious than you can
believe about your health. Only free me from this anxiety and
I will free you from all duties. I would write you more if I
thought you could now read more with pleasure. Use all the tal-
ents you possess, of which I have no small opinion, to keep your-
self safe for my sake as well as your own. Again and again I
repeat, take every precaution about your health. Good-by.
P. S. -Hermia is just come. I have your note with its poor
weak handwriting-no wonder, too, after so severe an illness. I
send out Ægypta to stay with you because he is not a bad com-
panion, and appeared to me to be fond of you; and with him a
cook, for you to make use of his services.
Good-by.
CICERO TO ATTICUS
[The family affection of Cicero might be illustrated by many such letters
as the following:]
I
T BEING now eleven days since I left you, I am scrawling this
little bit of a note just as I am leaving my country-house
before it is light.