's
treacherous
plot to attack Aleppo.
Arab-Historians-of-the-Crusades
Only the men from Tripoli stood firm and gave battle.
When Saint- Gilles understood what had happened, he led a charge of the other 200 Franks against the Muslims, scattered them and killed 7,000 of them.
Then he settled down to besiege Tripoli, aided by local men from the hills and the surrounding countryside, most of them Christians.
The citizens defended themselves stubbornly, and 300 Franks were killed.
Saint-Gilles made a pact with them, and in return for money and horses left Tripoli to attack Tortosa in the same province.
The siege was successful: the Franks killed most of the inhabitants and then moved on to the fort of at-Tuba?
n, near Rafaniyya, which was commanded by a certain Ibn al-'Ari?
d.
In the battle that took place the Muslims were victorious and captured one of the leading Franks, for whom Saint-Gilles offered a ransom of 100,000 dinar1 and 1,000 prisoners; but the offer was refused.
BOHEMOND IS LIBERATED, AND BALDWIN DEFEATED AT RAMLA (IBN AL-ATHI? R, X, 237-8)
In this year (495/1102), Danishma? nd freed Bohemond the Frank, ruler of Antioch, whose capture has just been described. The ransom was 100,000 dinar and the return of Yaghi Siya? n's daughter, whom Bohemond had captured. On his release Bohemond went straight to
Raymond of Saint-Gilles, Count of Toulouse and founder of the Frankish dynasty in Tripoli.
It is hardly necessary to point out that this is a ridiculous exaggeration, as is often the case with figures given by the Muslim chroniclers.
Various standards of dinar were current in the mediaeval Muslim world; the weight of the 'legal' standard was 4. 25 grams of fine gold.
1 2
1
10 Arab Historians of the Crusades
Antioch, where his arrival gave his people new enthusiasm. It was not long before he sent em issaries through Syria to Qinnasrin and the surrounding area to demand tribute. This caused the Muslims suffering that cancelled out the effects of Danishma? nd's glorious exploits.
In the same year Saint-Gilles besieged Hisn al-Akra? d. 1 Jana? h ad-Daula was mustering an army to attack the Franks from the rear when he was murdered in the Great Mosque at Hims by one of the Batinite sect. 2 It is said that his kinsman King Ridwa? n put the knife into the assassin's hand. On the morning after his death Saint-Gilles appeared at the walls of Hims, which he besieged and took. From Hims he took over the control of all Jana? h ad-Daula's domains.
In jumada II/April 1102 the Count besieged Acre and almost captured it. He brought up siege engines and towers, and blockaded the harbour with sixteen galleys. Muslims gathered from all along the coast, burnt the enemy's siege engines and towers and sank their ships. God gave the Muslims a glorious victory and cast down the infidels.
The Frankish Count of Edessa spent many months besieging Beiru? t, but in the end he abandoned his efforts and withdrew his troops.
Finally in rajab/May 1102, the Egyptian armies marched on Ascalon to prevent the Franks from occupying what was left of the former Egyptian possessions in Syria. When Baldwin of Jerusalem heard the news he marched out against them at the head of 700 cavalry. But God granted the Muslims victory and the Franks were routed with heavy losses. Baldwin tried to escape by hiding in a cane-brake but he was smoked out, badly burned. He fled to Ramla, closely pursued by the Muslims, and succeeded in reaching Haifa, although many of his followers died or were captured.
THE FRANKS TAKE JUBA? lL AND ACRE (IBN AL-ATHI? R, X, 225)
In this year (497/1103-4) some ships reached Laodicea from the land of the Franks bringing merchants, soldiers, pilgrims and so on. Saint-Gilles used these as land and sea reinforcements in his siege of Tripoli, and continued his attack on the city. But he could not force an issue and so moved on to attack Juba? il vigorously. When the inhabitants realized that further resistance was useless they sued for peace and handed over the city. But the Franks failed to keep to the terms of the surrender; they seized the Muslims' possessions, using every form of violence and torture to extort them. After Juba? il they marched on to Acre to assist Baldwin, King of Jerusalem. The city was besieged by land and sea. The governor was a certain Banna? , known as Zahr ad-Daula al-Juyushi after the (Fatimid) vizier al-Malik al-Juyushi al-Afdal. He put up a vigorous resistance under repeated attacks, but finally capitulated and abandoned the city. The Franks took it by assault, and unleashed the full violence of their brutality on the population. The governor escaped to Damascus but after a while returned to Egypt to defend his conduct before al-Afdal, who accepted his explanation.
'Krak des Chevaliers', the mighty fortress north-east of Tripoli that played so important a part in the history of the Crusades.
A member of the sect of Batinites, Isma'ilites or Assassins. Their terrorist activities, to which every history of the Crusades contains numerous references, were as unwelcome to the Muslims as to the Franks.
1
2
CHAPTER TWO
The following pages, also taken from Ibn al-Athi? r, describe two important developments: the vigorous Muslim reaction to the Frankish drive on Harra? n, an advance-post on the road to Baghda? d, and the even more important Franco-Muslim coalitions that developed at this time to wage war among themselves. The Muslims' lack of any sort of unified policy, which had been of such advantage to the Crusaders, infected the victors as well, and Baldwin of Edessa and Tancred of Antioch had no scruples about entering into opposing alliance with rival Muslim ami? rs.
SUQ A? N AND CHEKERMI? SH LEAD AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE FRANKS
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, X, 256-7)
While the Franks--God damn them! --were conquering and settling in a part of the territories of Isla? m, the rulers and armies of Isla? m were fighting among themselves, causing discord and disunity among their people and weakening their power to combat the enemy. The city of Harra? n was ruled by one of Maliksha? h's mamlu? ks, a man called Qaraja who a year before this had left the city under the command of a certain Muhammad al-Isfahani. This man, with popular support, rebelled against Qaraja because he was a tyrant, whereas al-Isfahani was an intelligent and energetic man. Qaraja's only supporter in Harra? n was a Turkish page called Jawali? , whom al-Isfahani befriended and made commander of the army. One day, when they were drinking together and al-Isfahani was drunk, Jawali? killed him, with the connivance of one of his servants. Then the Frankish army from Edessa marched on Harra? n.
Mu'i? n ad-Daula Suqma? n and Shams ad-Daula Chekermi? sh1 were involved in a vendetta caused by Chekermi? sh's murder of Suqma? n's nephew, as will be narrated later on, God willing. When they heard what had happened they suggested joining forces to save the situation at Harra? n. Each declared that he offered himself to God and sought a reward in heaven alone. They welcomed one-another's overtures and set out for a rendezvous on the bank of the river Khabu? r, where they sealed their alliance. Together they moved off to attack the Franks, Suqma? n with 7,000 Turcoman cavalry and Chekermi? sh with 3,000 Turkish, Arab and Kurdish cavalry. They encountered the enemy on the bank of the river Bali? kh and a battle took place (May 1104). The Muslims pretended to retreat, and were followed for about two farsakh by the Franks. Then they turned on their pursuers and massacred them. The Turcoman troops loaded themselves with booty; the loot was immense and very
The former, as mentioned earlier, was the Artuqid ami? r of Hisn Kaifa, the latter was ami? r of
1
Mosul.
12 Arab Historians of the Crusades
valuable because they were close to the regions under Frankish cultivation. Bohemond of Antioch and Tancred of Galilee were at some distance from the main body of the army, hidden behind a hill from which they were to fall on the Muslims from the rear at the height of the battle. When they emerged they found the Franks in flight and their land being pillaged. They waited for nightfall and then retreated, followed by the Muslims, who killed and captured many of their number. Bohemond and Tancred, with six knights, escaped to safety. Baldwin of Edessa fled with a group of his counts. They made for the Bali? kh, but their horses stuck fast in the mud and they were captured by a band of Suqma? n's Turcomans. Baldwin was taken to their master's tent, but Suqma? n had gone off with his company in pursuit of Bohemond. Chekermi? sh's troops realized that Suqma? n's army had seized the booty from the Frankish camp, while they returned empty-handed, so they said to Chekermi? sh; 'What shall we say to our people, or to the Turcomans, if Suqma? n's men take all the spoils and we have nothing? ' They persuaded him to seize the Count from Suqma? n's tent. When Suqma? n returned he was exceedingly angry, and his followers leapt into the saddle and were on the point of setting out in pursuit, but he called them back and said: 'The Muslims will be as dismayed at our quarrel as they were delighted at our reconciliation. I should not want to give the enemy the satisfaction of seeing me give vent to my anger at Isla? m's expense. '
Suqma? n at once returned to the battlefield, took the arms and standards left by the Franks, ordered his men to dress in Frankish clothing and to mount Frankish horses, and sent them off towards the forts held by the Franks at Shaiha? n. Thinking that their companions were returning in victory the Franks came out of the first of the forts, and were killed. The Muslims took the fort and repeated the trick with the other strongholds. Meanwhile Chekermi? sh marched on Harra? n, occupied it and left a trustworthy officer there while he went on and spent a fortnight besieging Edessa. Then he returned to Mosul, taking with him Baldwin, whom he had seized from Suqma? n's tent. He fixed the ransom at 35(000) dinar and a hundred and sixty Muslim prisoners. The Frankish dead numbered about 12,000.
BALDWIN OF EDESSA AND TANCRED OF ANTIOCH (IBN AL-ATHI? R, X, 321-6)
When Jawali? 1 reached Makisi? n he freed the Frankish count who was a prisoner in Mosul and whom he had brought with him. The Count's name was Baldwin, and he was lord of Edessa, Saru? j, and other towns; he had spent all this time (from 1104-1108) in prison, offering enormous sums as ransom but unable to gain his freedom. Now after having been in prison for almost five years, Jawali? released him and gave him robes of honour. It was agreed that his ransom should be a certain sum of dinar, the release of the Muslims held captive by him, and a promise to help Jawali? , when requested, with all that his armies, his presence and his money could offer. When the terms had been agreed Jawali? sent the Count to the fort of Ja'bar, into the custody of its ruler Salim ibn Malik, until the arrival of his nephew Joscelin, a gallant Frankish knight and Prince of Tall Bashi? r; he had been captured
The Turkish ami? r who seized Mosul from Chekermi? sh, the captor of Baldwin.
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Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 13
at the same battle as the Count but had ransomed himself for 20,000 dinar. Joscelin came to Ja'bar as hostage for the Count, who went to Antioch in freedom. Then Jawali? released Joscelin, accepting as hostages in his place his and the Count's brothers-in-law, and sending Joscelin to join the Count and strengthen his resolve to release his prisoners, pay the ransom and fulfil his other obligations. When Joscelin reached Manbij he captured and sacked it. Some of Jawali? 's men who were with him reproached him with a violation of his undertaking, but he replied that what he did to this city was no affair of theirs.
The Count, free and safely back in Antioch, was given 30,000 dinar, horses, arms, and clothing, by Tancred, who had taken over the city while the Count was in prison. Now Baldwin applied to Tancred to restore the city to him, but met with no response. He moved to Tall Bashi? r, where the arrival of Joscelin, released by Jawali? , delighted and encouraged him. Meanwhile Tancred was preparing to attack him before he had time to muster his army and collect reinforcements, and before Jawali? could come to his aid. These men used to fight one-another and then after the contest would meet to dine and talk. 1
The Count freed a hundred and sixty Muslim prisoners, all from the county of Aleppo. He gave them clothes and sent them on their way. Tancred returned to Antioch with the problem of Edessa still unresolved. Baldwin and Joscelin made a series of raids on Tancred's forts, with the help of Kawasi? l, an Armenian who controlled Ru'ba? n, Kaisu? m and other forts north of Aleppo, and whose army was a miscellaneous band including a number of Muslim renegades. Baldwin's reinforcements from him numbered 2,000 cavalry and 2,000 infantry, all converts. Tancred prepared to fight, and sent the Patriarch of Edessa, whose status, like that of the Caliph among Muslims, commanded everyone's obedience, to mediate about Edessa. A group of metropolitans and priests gave evidence that Bohemond, Tancred's uncle, who had been planning to return to Europe, told Tancred to restore the city to the Count on his release from prison. So on 9 safar (501/29 September 1108) Tancred restored Edessa to Baldwin. Baldwin crossed the Euphrates and gave Jawali? 's emissaries the money and men he had promised, together with a number of prisoners from Harra? n and elsewhere as a douceur. At Saru? j Jawali? 's emissaries repaired a mosque belonging to three hundred poor Muslims. The governor of Saru? j was a convert from Isla? m, and Jawali? 's men heard him speaking ill of Isla? m and beat him up. This led to a brawl. The whole matter was referred to the Count, who said, 'This man is of no use either to you or to us', and had him killed.
In safar of the next year (502/September 1109) a battle was fought between Jawali? Saqau and Tancred the Frank, Prince of Antioch. The cause was a letter sent by Ridwa? n (of Aleppo) to Tancred of Antioch, putting him on his guard against Jawali? by informing him of Jawali?
's treacherous plot to attack Aleppo. Ridwa? n said that with Jawali? in Aleppo Tancred's Franks would no longer be able to maintain their hold on Syria. He asked for Tancred's help and co-operation in repulsing him. Tancred welcomed this appeal and set out from Antioch with six hundred cavalry sent by Pvidwa? n. When Jawali? heard the news he sent to Baldwin of Edessa to ask for his help in return for the rest of the ransom money. Baldwin left Edessa and met Jawali? at Manbij. At this moment news reached Jawali? that the Sul-tan's army1 had taken Mosul and seized all the money and treasure that Jawali?
The Muslim historian is struck by the chivalry of these medieval knights.
The Seljuqid Sultan Muhammad ibn Maliksha? h (1104-17), the feudal overlord of all these ami? rs.
1 1
14 Arab Historians of the Crusades
had there. This was a heavy blow to him, and many of his followers abandoned him, among them the Atabeg Zangi ibn Aq Sunqu? r and Bakta? sh an-Nahawandi. Jawali? had a thousand cavalry left, as well as a band of volunteers who had attached themselves to him. When the two armies were drawn up outside Tall Bashi? r, Tancred had 1,500 of his own cavalry, six hundred from Ridwa? n, and infantry as well. Jawali? put the ami? rs Aqsiya? n and Alunta? sh al-Abarri on his right, Badra? n ibn Sa? daqa, Ispahba? d Sabau and Sunqur Dira? z on his left, and in the centre the two Franks, Count Baldwin and Joscelin. In the battle that followed the men from Antioch charged the Count of Edessa, and after some violent fighting Tancred forced the enemy's centre to retreat. But Jawali? 's left wing charged the infantry from Antioch and killed so many of them that Tancred's defeat seemed certain. At this point some of Jawali? 's men fell on the chargers belonging to Baldwin, Joscelin and certain others, mounted them and galloped off. Jawali? rode after them to bring them back to the fight, but they did not owe him obedience since the loss of Mosul, and refused to turn back. When he realized that they would not obey him he was afraid to stay at his post, and led his army in a retreat. Ispahba? d Sabau made for Syria; Badra? n ibn Sa? daqa for the fortress of Ja'bar; Ibn Chekermi? sh for Jazirat Ibn 'Umar, and Jawali? himself for Rahba. Many Muslims were killed and their possessions taken by Tancred. The Frankish armies unleashed all their ferocity on the Muslims. Baldwin and Joscelin fled to Tall Bashi? r, and many of the Muslims sought refuge with them. They were well treated: the wounded were cared for, the naked clothed, and all set on their way home.
CHAPTER THREE
The extracts from Ibn al-Qala? nisi that follow give a vivid first-hand account of the fall of the Syrian coastal cities (Tripoli, Beiru? t, Sidon, and later, Tyre), and of the effect on Isla? m's spiritual capital of the influx of Frankish invaders into the empire. Muslim public opinion, alarmed by the tales of the Syrian refugees, demanded substantial military action by the central authorities; the Caliph and the Seljuqid Sultan, who, as usual, 'promised to provide'.
THE FALL OF TRIPOLI (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 163-4)
In sha'ba? n of 502/March 1109 Bertrand,1 the son of Saint-Gilles (who was attacking Tripoli) arrived by sea from his homeland with sixty vessels carrying Franks and Genoese, and encamped under the city walls. He was contesting the claims of Saint-Gilles' nephew, the Count of Cerdagne. Tancred supported Cerdagne and Baldwin supported Bertrand. Baldwin succeeded in making peace between them, and Cerdagne and his men returned to 'Arqa. In a field there he encountered a Frank. He was about to kill him, but the Frank struck back and killed Cerdagne. When Bertrand was told he sent men to take over 'Arqa from the dead man's followers.
After this the Franks turned their full attention to Tripoli. They brought up all their troops to attack it and to press the inhabitants to surrender. This continued from the beginning of sha'ba? n until 11 dhu l-hijja (6 March to 12 July 1109). They brought siege-towers against the walls, and when the inhabitants saw this display of force they lost heart and were sure that there was no hope for them. This state of mind led to despair when the Egyptian fleet was late in bringing supplies and reinforcements, delayed, by God's will, by lack of provisions and contrary winds. The Franks pressed their advantage, stormed the ramparts and took the city by force on Monday 11 dhu l-hijja/12 July 1109. They sacked the city, captured the men and enslaved the women and children. They seized an immense quantity of loot and treasure as well as the contents of the city library,1 works of art and heirlooms belonging to the local notables. The lives of the governor and his soldiers were spared. They had in fact asked for safe-conduct out of the city before it was taken, and after its
Here and elsewhere the text has 'Raymond', confusing the son with his father, Raymond of Saint- Gilles. The father died in 1105, still vainly hoping to become Lord of Tripoli, and was succeeded by his cousin's son, William-Jordan, Count of Cerdagne, until Bertrand arrived to contest his claim. Dar al-'ilm, literally 'house of learning', which was both a library and a college, and the pride of the Banu 'Amma? r, the ami? rs of Tripoli. Juba? il, the ancient Byblos (the Gibelet of the Crusaders), had in fact already been taken by Saint-Gilles in 1104 (see above). The reference here must be to Ja? bala (Zibel), which lies north of Tripoli and south of Laodicea.
1
1
16 Arab Historians of the Crusades
capture they were allowed to go free. They soon arrived in Damascus, but the rest of the population was subjected to terrible ordeals and cruel tortures, its possessions confiscated and its hidden treasures dragged to light. The Franks and Genoese agreed each to take a third of the land and booty and to leave a third for Bertrand. As for Baldwin, they put aside from the total a share that would satisfy him.
After Tancred's failure to achieve his aim by supporting Cerdagne he had turned back and laid siege to Baniya? s, which made a treaty with him in shawwa? l/May of the year 1109. Then he attacked the city of Juba? il, where Fakhr al-Mulk ibn 'Amma? r (ami? r of Tripoli) was staying. Supplies were very short and the citizens hard-pressed. On Friday 22 dhu l-hijja/ 23 July 1109 they began negotiations with Tancred. He offered them their lives in exchange for the city, and they accepted his terms. Fakhr al-Mulk got away with his life and promises that he would be treated with respect and consideration by the Franks.
Soon after this the Egyptian fleet arrived. In manpower, number of vessels and quantity of equipment and stores it was larger than any that had ever sailed from an Egyptian port. It brought enough men, money and supplies to keep Tripoli's besiegers at bay for a year, as well as supplies for the rest of the Egyptian territories in Syria. The fleet reached Tyre eight days after the fall of Tripoli, by God's will. So the supplies were unloaded at Tyre and distributed throughout the various regions, which was a help to the people of Tyre, Sidon and Beiru? t, who had been complaining of their lack of resources and weakness in the face of Frankish aggression. But the fleet could delay no longer, and set sail with the next fair wind for Egypt.
THE FALL OF BEIRU? T (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 167-8)
In this year (503/1109-10) Tancred and his minions swarmed out of Antioch and over the surrounding regions of Syria. They took Tarsus, imprisoned the governor and overran the district. After returning to Antioch they set out again for Shaizar, and demanded a tribute of 10,000 dinar, after devastating the province. Next they besieged Hisn al-Akra? d, and when the garrison surrendered went on to 'Aqra. Meanwhile Baldwin and Saint-Gilles' son were blockading Beiru? t by land and sea, and while Tancred was on his way back to Antioch Joscelin of Tall Bashi? r went to Beiru? t to strengthen Baldwin's hand and to ask for his help against the ami? r Mawdu? d's army, which was threatening Edessa. The Franks set to work to build a siege-tower to use against the walls of Beiru? t, but as soon as it was finished and put into service the Muslims smashed it to pieces with stones flung from catapults. The Franks began to build another, and Saint-Gilles' son undertook to provide a third.
At this moment twelve Egyptian men-of-war appeared, overwhelmed the Frankish fleet, capturing some of the ships, and brought provisions into Beiru? t. This helped the inhabitants to recover their enthusiasm. Then Baldwin sent to Suwaidiyya1 to ask for the help of the Genoese fleet there. Forty ship-loads of troops duly arrived at Beiru? t, and the Franks mustered all their forces, on land and sea, for an assault on the city on Friday 21 shawwa? l/13 May 1110. They brought up the two siege-towers and fought ferociously. In
The port of Antioch.
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Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 17
the end the defenders lost heart, seeing no escape from certain death. In the evening the Franks made a breakthrough and forced their way into the city. The governor fled with a few companions, but they were brought back by the Franks, the whole party executed and the money they had with them confiscated. The city was sacked, the inhabitants captured and enslaved and their money and goods seized. A short time later a party of 300 cavalry arrived to assist the city. When they came to the Jordan they met a small band of Franks, turned tail and fled into the mountains, where many of them perished.
From Beiru? t Baldwin led his army to besiege the city of Sidon, and forced the inhabitants to surrender. They begged him to defer the date set (for the payment of the tribute they owed him) and he agreed, after setting the sum at 6,000 dinar instead of the 2,000 that he had demanded before that. Then he returned to Jerusalem for the pilgrimage.
THE FALL OF SIDON (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 171)
In this year (503/1109-10) news came of the arrival by sea of a Frankish King2 with more than sixty ships full of pilgrims and soldiers for the war against Isla? m. They made for Jerusalem, and King Baldwin came out to meet them and to decide with them their plans for the invasion of the Muslim empire. From Jerusalem they went to besiege Sidon, and from 3 rabi? ' II (504/19 October 1110) they blockaded the city by land and sea. The Egyptian fleet was still at Tyre, but could not come to Sidon's aid. The Franks spent several days building a siege-tower covered with brushwood, matting and fresh ox-hides, to repulse stones and Greek fire. They mounted the tower on wheels, and on the day of battle they provided it with weapons and water and vinegar to put out fires. Then they moved into attack with it. The sight of it filled the people of Sidon with despair, for they feared a fate like that of Beirut. The qadi of the city and a group of elders came out and appeared before the Franks to ask Baldwin to spare their lives. He guaranteed the safety of the citizens and the army, as well as of their possessions, and promised that any who wanted to go to Damascus should be free to leave Sidon. Reassured by Baldwin's oath the governor, the treasurer and all the armed forces of the city, as well as many of the citizens, left and went to Damascus. This was on 20 jumada I 504/4 December 1110, after a siege lasting forty-seven days. Baldwin restored the city to order, installed a garrison and then returned to Jerusalem. A short while later he returned to Sidon and imposed a tax of more than 20,000 dinar on the remaining Muslim inhabitants, taxing their last penny and reducing them to poverty. They used force to extort money from those they knew to be concealing some.
THE EFFECTS IN BAGHDA? D OF THE EVENTS IN SYRIA (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 173)
In jumada II 5O4/November-December 1110 the Sultan Ghiya? th ad-Dunya wa d-Din Muhammad ibn Maliksha? h travelled from Hamadha? n to Baghda? d. Messengers and messages
Sigurd I, King of Norway.
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18 Arab Historians of the Crusades
reached him there from Syria reporting on the situation there, the movements of the Franks after their retreat from the Euphrates, and events in Sidon, A? tharib and the province of Aleppo. On the first Friday of sha'ba? n a Hashimite Shari? f 1 from Aleppo appeared in the Sultan's mosque at Baghda? d, with a group of sufis, merchants and lawyers, and began to beseech aid for Syria. They made the preacher come down from the pulpit and then smashed it to pieces. They wept and groaned for the disaster that had befallen Isla? m with the arrival of the Franks, for the men who had died and the women and children who had been sold into slavery. They made such a commotion that the people could not offer the obligatory prayers. To calm them, the servers and ima? ms promised, on the Caliph's behalf, that troops would be sent to support Isla? m against the infidel. On the following Friday the men came back and repeated their noisy laments and cries for help, in the Caliph's mosque. Not long after this the Sultan's sister, who was the wife of the Caliph, arrived in Baghda? d from Isfaha? n, bringing a train of endless and indescribable splendour: jewels, rich furnishings, horses and trappings, clothes and equipage, slaves and pages, handmaids and servants. The Shari? f's cries for help disturbed the gaiety and joyousness of the occasion. The Caliph, the Prince of the Faithful al-Mustazhir bi-lla? h, was extremely annoyed and wanted to arrest the offenders and punish them severely. But the Sultan intervened, pardoned the offenders and ordered the ami? rs and army commanders to return to their posts and prepare to march in the Holy War against the infidel enemies of God. 2
In jumada II/December 1110-January 1111 an ambassador arrived from the Byzantine Emperor3 with valuable gifts, and letters inviting the Muslims to unite with him to drive the Franks out of Syria. He called on them to rouse themselves and summon all their energies to strike before the damage was beyond repair and reached too serious proportions. He for his part had already tried by force to prevent the Frankish armies from passing through his lands into Islamic territory. But if their armies and reinforcements came pouring into the Muslim empire by the direct route, necessity would force him to treat with them and allow them to pass through his lands, and to help them to achieve their aims and objects. He begged and prayed that all would unite to combat the Franks and would make common cause with him to extirpate them from these realms.
THE SIEGE OF TYRE (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 178-81)
In this year (505/1111-12) Baldwin assembled the largest army he could muster and marched on Tyre. Its governor 'Izzal-Mulk and the people of Tyre hurriedly wrote to the Ata-beg of Damascus, Zahi?
BOHEMOND IS LIBERATED, AND BALDWIN DEFEATED AT RAMLA (IBN AL-ATHI? R, X, 237-8)
In this year (495/1102), Danishma? nd freed Bohemond the Frank, ruler of Antioch, whose capture has just been described. The ransom was 100,000 dinar and the return of Yaghi Siya? n's daughter, whom Bohemond had captured. On his release Bohemond went straight to
Raymond of Saint-Gilles, Count of Toulouse and founder of the Frankish dynasty in Tripoli.
It is hardly necessary to point out that this is a ridiculous exaggeration, as is often the case with figures given by the Muslim chroniclers.
Various standards of dinar were current in the mediaeval Muslim world; the weight of the 'legal' standard was 4. 25 grams of fine gold.
1 2
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10 Arab Historians of the Crusades
Antioch, where his arrival gave his people new enthusiasm. It was not long before he sent em issaries through Syria to Qinnasrin and the surrounding area to demand tribute. This caused the Muslims suffering that cancelled out the effects of Danishma? nd's glorious exploits.
In the same year Saint-Gilles besieged Hisn al-Akra? d. 1 Jana? h ad-Daula was mustering an army to attack the Franks from the rear when he was murdered in the Great Mosque at Hims by one of the Batinite sect. 2 It is said that his kinsman King Ridwa? n put the knife into the assassin's hand. On the morning after his death Saint-Gilles appeared at the walls of Hims, which he besieged and took. From Hims he took over the control of all Jana? h ad-Daula's domains.
In jumada II/April 1102 the Count besieged Acre and almost captured it. He brought up siege engines and towers, and blockaded the harbour with sixteen galleys. Muslims gathered from all along the coast, burnt the enemy's siege engines and towers and sank their ships. God gave the Muslims a glorious victory and cast down the infidels.
The Frankish Count of Edessa spent many months besieging Beiru? t, but in the end he abandoned his efforts and withdrew his troops.
Finally in rajab/May 1102, the Egyptian armies marched on Ascalon to prevent the Franks from occupying what was left of the former Egyptian possessions in Syria. When Baldwin of Jerusalem heard the news he marched out against them at the head of 700 cavalry. But God granted the Muslims victory and the Franks were routed with heavy losses. Baldwin tried to escape by hiding in a cane-brake but he was smoked out, badly burned. He fled to Ramla, closely pursued by the Muslims, and succeeded in reaching Haifa, although many of his followers died or were captured.
THE FRANKS TAKE JUBA? lL AND ACRE (IBN AL-ATHI? R, X, 225)
In this year (497/1103-4) some ships reached Laodicea from the land of the Franks bringing merchants, soldiers, pilgrims and so on. Saint-Gilles used these as land and sea reinforcements in his siege of Tripoli, and continued his attack on the city. But he could not force an issue and so moved on to attack Juba? il vigorously. When the inhabitants realized that further resistance was useless they sued for peace and handed over the city. But the Franks failed to keep to the terms of the surrender; they seized the Muslims' possessions, using every form of violence and torture to extort them. After Juba? il they marched on to Acre to assist Baldwin, King of Jerusalem. The city was besieged by land and sea. The governor was a certain Banna? , known as Zahr ad-Daula al-Juyushi after the (Fatimid) vizier al-Malik al-Juyushi al-Afdal. He put up a vigorous resistance under repeated attacks, but finally capitulated and abandoned the city. The Franks took it by assault, and unleashed the full violence of their brutality on the population. The governor escaped to Damascus but after a while returned to Egypt to defend his conduct before al-Afdal, who accepted his explanation.
'Krak des Chevaliers', the mighty fortress north-east of Tripoli that played so important a part in the history of the Crusades.
A member of the sect of Batinites, Isma'ilites or Assassins. Their terrorist activities, to which every history of the Crusades contains numerous references, were as unwelcome to the Muslims as to the Franks.
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CHAPTER TWO
The following pages, also taken from Ibn al-Athi? r, describe two important developments: the vigorous Muslim reaction to the Frankish drive on Harra? n, an advance-post on the road to Baghda? d, and the even more important Franco-Muslim coalitions that developed at this time to wage war among themselves. The Muslims' lack of any sort of unified policy, which had been of such advantage to the Crusaders, infected the victors as well, and Baldwin of Edessa and Tancred of Antioch had no scruples about entering into opposing alliance with rival Muslim ami? rs.
SUQ A? N AND CHEKERMI? SH LEAD AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE FRANKS
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, X, 256-7)
While the Franks--God damn them! --were conquering and settling in a part of the territories of Isla? m, the rulers and armies of Isla? m were fighting among themselves, causing discord and disunity among their people and weakening their power to combat the enemy. The city of Harra? n was ruled by one of Maliksha? h's mamlu? ks, a man called Qaraja who a year before this had left the city under the command of a certain Muhammad al-Isfahani. This man, with popular support, rebelled against Qaraja because he was a tyrant, whereas al-Isfahani was an intelligent and energetic man. Qaraja's only supporter in Harra? n was a Turkish page called Jawali? , whom al-Isfahani befriended and made commander of the army. One day, when they were drinking together and al-Isfahani was drunk, Jawali? killed him, with the connivance of one of his servants. Then the Frankish army from Edessa marched on Harra? n.
Mu'i? n ad-Daula Suqma? n and Shams ad-Daula Chekermi? sh1 were involved in a vendetta caused by Chekermi? sh's murder of Suqma? n's nephew, as will be narrated later on, God willing. When they heard what had happened they suggested joining forces to save the situation at Harra? n. Each declared that he offered himself to God and sought a reward in heaven alone. They welcomed one-another's overtures and set out for a rendezvous on the bank of the river Khabu? r, where they sealed their alliance. Together they moved off to attack the Franks, Suqma? n with 7,000 Turcoman cavalry and Chekermi? sh with 3,000 Turkish, Arab and Kurdish cavalry. They encountered the enemy on the bank of the river Bali? kh and a battle took place (May 1104). The Muslims pretended to retreat, and were followed for about two farsakh by the Franks. Then they turned on their pursuers and massacred them. The Turcoman troops loaded themselves with booty; the loot was immense and very
The former, as mentioned earlier, was the Artuqid ami? r of Hisn Kaifa, the latter was ami? r of
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12 Arab Historians of the Crusades
valuable because they were close to the regions under Frankish cultivation. Bohemond of Antioch and Tancred of Galilee were at some distance from the main body of the army, hidden behind a hill from which they were to fall on the Muslims from the rear at the height of the battle. When they emerged they found the Franks in flight and their land being pillaged. They waited for nightfall and then retreated, followed by the Muslims, who killed and captured many of their number. Bohemond and Tancred, with six knights, escaped to safety. Baldwin of Edessa fled with a group of his counts. They made for the Bali? kh, but their horses stuck fast in the mud and they were captured by a band of Suqma? n's Turcomans. Baldwin was taken to their master's tent, but Suqma? n had gone off with his company in pursuit of Bohemond. Chekermi? sh's troops realized that Suqma? n's army had seized the booty from the Frankish camp, while they returned empty-handed, so they said to Chekermi? sh; 'What shall we say to our people, or to the Turcomans, if Suqma? n's men take all the spoils and we have nothing? ' They persuaded him to seize the Count from Suqma? n's tent. When Suqma? n returned he was exceedingly angry, and his followers leapt into the saddle and were on the point of setting out in pursuit, but he called them back and said: 'The Muslims will be as dismayed at our quarrel as they were delighted at our reconciliation. I should not want to give the enemy the satisfaction of seeing me give vent to my anger at Isla? m's expense. '
Suqma? n at once returned to the battlefield, took the arms and standards left by the Franks, ordered his men to dress in Frankish clothing and to mount Frankish horses, and sent them off towards the forts held by the Franks at Shaiha? n. Thinking that their companions were returning in victory the Franks came out of the first of the forts, and were killed. The Muslims took the fort and repeated the trick with the other strongholds. Meanwhile Chekermi? sh marched on Harra? n, occupied it and left a trustworthy officer there while he went on and spent a fortnight besieging Edessa. Then he returned to Mosul, taking with him Baldwin, whom he had seized from Suqma? n's tent. He fixed the ransom at 35(000) dinar and a hundred and sixty Muslim prisoners. The Frankish dead numbered about 12,000.
BALDWIN OF EDESSA AND TANCRED OF ANTIOCH (IBN AL-ATHI? R, X, 321-6)
When Jawali? 1 reached Makisi? n he freed the Frankish count who was a prisoner in Mosul and whom he had brought with him. The Count's name was Baldwin, and he was lord of Edessa, Saru? j, and other towns; he had spent all this time (from 1104-1108) in prison, offering enormous sums as ransom but unable to gain his freedom. Now after having been in prison for almost five years, Jawali? released him and gave him robes of honour. It was agreed that his ransom should be a certain sum of dinar, the release of the Muslims held captive by him, and a promise to help Jawali? , when requested, with all that his armies, his presence and his money could offer. When the terms had been agreed Jawali? sent the Count to the fort of Ja'bar, into the custody of its ruler Salim ibn Malik, until the arrival of his nephew Joscelin, a gallant Frankish knight and Prince of Tall Bashi? r; he had been captured
The Turkish ami? r who seized Mosul from Chekermi? sh, the captor of Baldwin.
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at the same battle as the Count but had ransomed himself for 20,000 dinar. Joscelin came to Ja'bar as hostage for the Count, who went to Antioch in freedom. Then Jawali? released Joscelin, accepting as hostages in his place his and the Count's brothers-in-law, and sending Joscelin to join the Count and strengthen his resolve to release his prisoners, pay the ransom and fulfil his other obligations. When Joscelin reached Manbij he captured and sacked it. Some of Jawali? 's men who were with him reproached him with a violation of his undertaking, but he replied that what he did to this city was no affair of theirs.
The Count, free and safely back in Antioch, was given 30,000 dinar, horses, arms, and clothing, by Tancred, who had taken over the city while the Count was in prison. Now Baldwin applied to Tancred to restore the city to him, but met with no response. He moved to Tall Bashi? r, where the arrival of Joscelin, released by Jawali? , delighted and encouraged him. Meanwhile Tancred was preparing to attack him before he had time to muster his army and collect reinforcements, and before Jawali? could come to his aid. These men used to fight one-another and then after the contest would meet to dine and talk. 1
The Count freed a hundred and sixty Muslim prisoners, all from the county of Aleppo. He gave them clothes and sent them on their way. Tancred returned to Antioch with the problem of Edessa still unresolved. Baldwin and Joscelin made a series of raids on Tancred's forts, with the help of Kawasi? l, an Armenian who controlled Ru'ba? n, Kaisu? m and other forts north of Aleppo, and whose army was a miscellaneous band including a number of Muslim renegades. Baldwin's reinforcements from him numbered 2,000 cavalry and 2,000 infantry, all converts. Tancred prepared to fight, and sent the Patriarch of Edessa, whose status, like that of the Caliph among Muslims, commanded everyone's obedience, to mediate about Edessa. A group of metropolitans and priests gave evidence that Bohemond, Tancred's uncle, who had been planning to return to Europe, told Tancred to restore the city to the Count on his release from prison. So on 9 safar (501/29 September 1108) Tancred restored Edessa to Baldwin. Baldwin crossed the Euphrates and gave Jawali? 's emissaries the money and men he had promised, together with a number of prisoners from Harra? n and elsewhere as a douceur. At Saru? j Jawali? 's emissaries repaired a mosque belonging to three hundred poor Muslims. The governor of Saru? j was a convert from Isla? m, and Jawali? 's men heard him speaking ill of Isla? m and beat him up. This led to a brawl. The whole matter was referred to the Count, who said, 'This man is of no use either to you or to us', and had him killed.
In safar of the next year (502/September 1109) a battle was fought between Jawali? Saqau and Tancred the Frank, Prince of Antioch. The cause was a letter sent by Ridwa? n (of Aleppo) to Tancred of Antioch, putting him on his guard against Jawali? by informing him of Jawali?
's treacherous plot to attack Aleppo. Ridwa? n said that with Jawali? in Aleppo Tancred's Franks would no longer be able to maintain their hold on Syria. He asked for Tancred's help and co-operation in repulsing him. Tancred welcomed this appeal and set out from Antioch with six hundred cavalry sent by Pvidwa? n. When Jawali? heard the news he sent to Baldwin of Edessa to ask for his help in return for the rest of the ransom money. Baldwin left Edessa and met Jawali? at Manbij. At this moment news reached Jawali? that the Sul-tan's army1 had taken Mosul and seized all the money and treasure that Jawali?
The Muslim historian is struck by the chivalry of these medieval knights.
The Seljuqid Sultan Muhammad ibn Maliksha? h (1104-17), the feudal overlord of all these ami? rs.
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14 Arab Historians of the Crusades
had there. This was a heavy blow to him, and many of his followers abandoned him, among them the Atabeg Zangi ibn Aq Sunqu? r and Bakta? sh an-Nahawandi. Jawali? had a thousand cavalry left, as well as a band of volunteers who had attached themselves to him. When the two armies were drawn up outside Tall Bashi? r, Tancred had 1,500 of his own cavalry, six hundred from Ridwa? n, and infantry as well. Jawali? put the ami? rs Aqsiya? n and Alunta? sh al-Abarri on his right, Badra? n ibn Sa? daqa, Ispahba? d Sabau and Sunqur Dira? z on his left, and in the centre the two Franks, Count Baldwin and Joscelin. In the battle that followed the men from Antioch charged the Count of Edessa, and after some violent fighting Tancred forced the enemy's centre to retreat. But Jawali? 's left wing charged the infantry from Antioch and killed so many of them that Tancred's defeat seemed certain. At this point some of Jawali? 's men fell on the chargers belonging to Baldwin, Joscelin and certain others, mounted them and galloped off. Jawali? rode after them to bring them back to the fight, but they did not owe him obedience since the loss of Mosul, and refused to turn back. When he realized that they would not obey him he was afraid to stay at his post, and led his army in a retreat. Ispahba? d Sabau made for Syria; Badra? n ibn Sa? daqa for the fortress of Ja'bar; Ibn Chekermi? sh for Jazirat Ibn 'Umar, and Jawali? himself for Rahba. Many Muslims were killed and their possessions taken by Tancred. The Frankish armies unleashed all their ferocity on the Muslims. Baldwin and Joscelin fled to Tall Bashi? r, and many of the Muslims sought refuge with them. They were well treated: the wounded were cared for, the naked clothed, and all set on their way home.
CHAPTER THREE
The extracts from Ibn al-Qala? nisi that follow give a vivid first-hand account of the fall of the Syrian coastal cities (Tripoli, Beiru? t, Sidon, and later, Tyre), and of the effect on Isla? m's spiritual capital of the influx of Frankish invaders into the empire. Muslim public opinion, alarmed by the tales of the Syrian refugees, demanded substantial military action by the central authorities; the Caliph and the Seljuqid Sultan, who, as usual, 'promised to provide'.
THE FALL OF TRIPOLI (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 163-4)
In sha'ba? n of 502/March 1109 Bertrand,1 the son of Saint-Gilles (who was attacking Tripoli) arrived by sea from his homeland with sixty vessels carrying Franks and Genoese, and encamped under the city walls. He was contesting the claims of Saint-Gilles' nephew, the Count of Cerdagne. Tancred supported Cerdagne and Baldwin supported Bertrand. Baldwin succeeded in making peace between them, and Cerdagne and his men returned to 'Arqa. In a field there he encountered a Frank. He was about to kill him, but the Frank struck back and killed Cerdagne. When Bertrand was told he sent men to take over 'Arqa from the dead man's followers.
After this the Franks turned their full attention to Tripoli. They brought up all their troops to attack it and to press the inhabitants to surrender. This continued from the beginning of sha'ba? n until 11 dhu l-hijja (6 March to 12 July 1109). They brought siege-towers against the walls, and when the inhabitants saw this display of force they lost heart and were sure that there was no hope for them. This state of mind led to despair when the Egyptian fleet was late in bringing supplies and reinforcements, delayed, by God's will, by lack of provisions and contrary winds. The Franks pressed their advantage, stormed the ramparts and took the city by force on Monday 11 dhu l-hijja/12 July 1109. They sacked the city, captured the men and enslaved the women and children. They seized an immense quantity of loot and treasure as well as the contents of the city library,1 works of art and heirlooms belonging to the local notables. The lives of the governor and his soldiers were spared. They had in fact asked for safe-conduct out of the city before it was taken, and after its
Here and elsewhere the text has 'Raymond', confusing the son with his father, Raymond of Saint- Gilles. The father died in 1105, still vainly hoping to become Lord of Tripoli, and was succeeded by his cousin's son, William-Jordan, Count of Cerdagne, until Bertrand arrived to contest his claim. Dar al-'ilm, literally 'house of learning', which was both a library and a college, and the pride of the Banu 'Amma? r, the ami? rs of Tripoli. Juba? il, the ancient Byblos (the Gibelet of the Crusaders), had in fact already been taken by Saint-Gilles in 1104 (see above). The reference here must be to Ja? bala (Zibel), which lies north of Tripoli and south of Laodicea.
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capture they were allowed to go free. They soon arrived in Damascus, but the rest of the population was subjected to terrible ordeals and cruel tortures, its possessions confiscated and its hidden treasures dragged to light. The Franks and Genoese agreed each to take a third of the land and booty and to leave a third for Bertrand. As for Baldwin, they put aside from the total a share that would satisfy him.
After Tancred's failure to achieve his aim by supporting Cerdagne he had turned back and laid siege to Baniya? s, which made a treaty with him in shawwa? l/May of the year 1109. Then he attacked the city of Juba? il, where Fakhr al-Mulk ibn 'Amma? r (ami? r of Tripoli) was staying. Supplies were very short and the citizens hard-pressed. On Friday 22 dhu l-hijja/ 23 July 1109 they began negotiations with Tancred. He offered them their lives in exchange for the city, and they accepted his terms. Fakhr al-Mulk got away with his life and promises that he would be treated with respect and consideration by the Franks.
Soon after this the Egyptian fleet arrived. In manpower, number of vessels and quantity of equipment and stores it was larger than any that had ever sailed from an Egyptian port. It brought enough men, money and supplies to keep Tripoli's besiegers at bay for a year, as well as supplies for the rest of the Egyptian territories in Syria. The fleet reached Tyre eight days after the fall of Tripoli, by God's will. So the supplies were unloaded at Tyre and distributed throughout the various regions, which was a help to the people of Tyre, Sidon and Beiru? t, who had been complaining of their lack of resources and weakness in the face of Frankish aggression. But the fleet could delay no longer, and set sail with the next fair wind for Egypt.
THE FALL OF BEIRU? T (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 167-8)
In this year (503/1109-10) Tancred and his minions swarmed out of Antioch and over the surrounding regions of Syria. They took Tarsus, imprisoned the governor and overran the district. After returning to Antioch they set out again for Shaizar, and demanded a tribute of 10,000 dinar, after devastating the province. Next they besieged Hisn al-Akra? d, and when the garrison surrendered went on to 'Aqra. Meanwhile Baldwin and Saint-Gilles' son were blockading Beiru? t by land and sea, and while Tancred was on his way back to Antioch Joscelin of Tall Bashi? r went to Beiru? t to strengthen Baldwin's hand and to ask for his help against the ami? r Mawdu? d's army, which was threatening Edessa. The Franks set to work to build a siege-tower to use against the walls of Beiru? t, but as soon as it was finished and put into service the Muslims smashed it to pieces with stones flung from catapults. The Franks began to build another, and Saint-Gilles' son undertook to provide a third.
At this moment twelve Egyptian men-of-war appeared, overwhelmed the Frankish fleet, capturing some of the ships, and brought provisions into Beiru? t. This helped the inhabitants to recover their enthusiasm. Then Baldwin sent to Suwaidiyya1 to ask for the help of the Genoese fleet there. Forty ship-loads of troops duly arrived at Beiru? t, and the Franks mustered all their forces, on land and sea, for an assault on the city on Friday 21 shawwa? l/13 May 1110. They brought up the two siege-towers and fought ferociously. In
The port of Antioch.
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the end the defenders lost heart, seeing no escape from certain death. In the evening the Franks made a breakthrough and forced their way into the city. The governor fled with a few companions, but they were brought back by the Franks, the whole party executed and the money they had with them confiscated. The city was sacked, the inhabitants captured and enslaved and their money and goods seized. A short time later a party of 300 cavalry arrived to assist the city. When they came to the Jordan they met a small band of Franks, turned tail and fled into the mountains, where many of them perished.
From Beiru? t Baldwin led his army to besiege the city of Sidon, and forced the inhabitants to surrender. They begged him to defer the date set (for the payment of the tribute they owed him) and he agreed, after setting the sum at 6,000 dinar instead of the 2,000 that he had demanded before that. Then he returned to Jerusalem for the pilgrimage.
THE FALL OF SIDON (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 171)
In this year (503/1109-10) news came of the arrival by sea of a Frankish King2 with more than sixty ships full of pilgrims and soldiers for the war against Isla? m. They made for Jerusalem, and King Baldwin came out to meet them and to decide with them their plans for the invasion of the Muslim empire. From Jerusalem they went to besiege Sidon, and from 3 rabi? ' II (504/19 October 1110) they blockaded the city by land and sea. The Egyptian fleet was still at Tyre, but could not come to Sidon's aid. The Franks spent several days building a siege-tower covered with brushwood, matting and fresh ox-hides, to repulse stones and Greek fire. They mounted the tower on wheels, and on the day of battle they provided it with weapons and water and vinegar to put out fires. Then they moved into attack with it. The sight of it filled the people of Sidon with despair, for they feared a fate like that of Beirut. The qadi of the city and a group of elders came out and appeared before the Franks to ask Baldwin to spare their lives. He guaranteed the safety of the citizens and the army, as well as of their possessions, and promised that any who wanted to go to Damascus should be free to leave Sidon. Reassured by Baldwin's oath the governor, the treasurer and all the armed forces of the city, as well as many of the citizens, left and went to Damascus. This was on 20 jumada I 504/4 December 1110, after a siege lasting forty-seven days. Baldwin restored the city to order, installed a garrison and then returned to Jerusalem. A short while later he returned to Sidon and imposed a tax of more than 20,000 dinar on the remaining Muslim inhabitants, taxing their last penny and reducing them to poverty. They used force to extort money from those they knew to be concealing some.
THE EFFECTS IN BAGHDA? D OF THE EVENTS IN SYRIA (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 173)
In jumada II 5O4/November-December 1110 the Sultan Ghiya? th ad-Dunya wa d-Din Muhammad ibn Maliksha? h travelled from Hamadha? n to Baghda? d. Messengers and messages
Sigurd I, King of Norway.
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reached him there from Syria reporting on the situation there, the movements of the Franks after their retreat from the Euphrates, and events in Sidon, A? tharib and the province of Aleppo. On the first Friday of sha'ba? n a Hashimite Shari? f 1 from Aleppo appeared in the Sultan's mosque at Baghda? d, with a group of sufis, merchants and lawyers, and began to beseech aid for Syria. They made the preacher come down from the pulpit and then smashed it to pieces. They wept and groaned for the disaster that had befallen Isla? m with the arrival of the Franks, for the men who had died and the women and children who had been sold into slavery. They made such a commotion that the people could not offer the obligatory prayers. To calm them, the servers and ima? ms promised, on the Caliph's behalf, that troops would be sent to support Isla? m against the infidel. On the following Friday the men came back and repeated their noisy laments and cries for help, in the Caliph's mosque. Not long after this the Sultan's sister, who was the wife of the Caliph, arrived in Baghda? d from Isfaha? n, bringing a train of endless and indescribable splendour: jewels, rich furnishings, horses and trappings, clothes and equipage, slaves and pages, handmaids and servants. The Shari? f's cries for help disturbed the gaiety and joyousness of the occasion. The Caliph, the Prince of the Faithful al-Mustazhir bi-lla? h, was extremely annoyed and wanted to arrest the offenders and punish them severely. But the Sultan intervened, pardoned the offenders and ordered the ami? rs and army commanders to return to their posts and prepare to march in the Holy War against the infidel enemies of God. 2
In jumada II/December 1110-January 1111 an ambassador arrived from the Byzantine Emperor3 with valuable gifts, and letters inviting the Muslims to unite with him to drive the Franks out of Syria. He called on them to rouse themselves and summon all their energies to strike before the damage was beyond repair and reached too serious proportions. He for his part had already tried by force to prevent the Frankish armies from passing through his lands into Islamic territory. But if their armies and reinforcements came pouring into the Muslim empire by the direct route, necessity would force him to treat with them and allow them to pass through his lands, and to help them to achieve their aims and objects. He begged and prayed that all would unite to combat the Franks and would make common cause with him to extirpate them from these realms.
THE SIEGE OF TYRE (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 178-81)
In this year (505/1111-12) Baldwin assembled the largest army he could muster and marched on Tyre. Its governor 'Izzal-Mulk and the people of Tyre hurriedly wrote to the Ata-beg of Damascus, Zahi?
