Saladin
explained
the situation to the ami?
Arab-Historians-of-the-Crusades
We shall see what is to be done with you.
' To which al-Mashtu?
b, they say, replied harshly and at length, saying among other things: 'We shall not hand over the city until we are all dead, and not one of us will die before he has killed fifty of your leaders,' and he went away.
When al-Mashtu?
b brought the news to the city some of the garrison were afraid, and climb- ing an embankment escaped to the Muslim camp by night.
This was on 9 jumada II, and among the distinguished men in the party were 'Izz ad-Din Arsil, Ibn al-Jawali and Sunqu?
r al-Ushaqi.
When Arsil and Sunqu?
r reached the camp they vanished without leaving the faintest trace, for fear of Saladin's wrath.
Ibn al-Jawali was taken and thrown into prison.
On the following morning the Sultan mounted, intending to take the enemy by surprise, and took with him spades and other equipment for bridging the trenches. But the troops refused to support him in carrying out his plan, and said rebelliously: 'You want to place all Isla? m in jeopardy, but such a plan could not have a successful outcome. ' That day three messengers came from the English King asking Saladin for fruit and snow, and saying that the Grand Master of the Hospital would come out the next day to discuss peace. The Sultan treated the messengers with honour, and they went to the market and walked about there, and returned to their own camp at night-fall. That day the Sultan told Sarim ad-Din Qaima? z an-Najmi to take his men and penetrate the enemy lines. He took a group of Kurd- ish ami? rs such as al-Jana? h, (al-Mashtu? b's brother), and his friends, as far as the Frankish lines. Qaima? z himself raised the standard over the enemy trenches and fought a part of the day in defence of the oriflam. At the height of the battle that day 'Izz ad-Din Jurdi? k an-Nuri arrived, dismounted and fought vigorously alongside his men. On Friday 10 jumada II/5 July the Frankish army took the initiative. They were completely surrounded by Muslims, who passed the night fully armed and in the saddle, looking for a chance to help their brothers in Acre who, they hoped, would be able to attack some point of the enemy lines, break through and get out; the army outside helping them to hold their position, so that some would escape and some be taken, according to their fate. But the besieged men who had agreed to the plan, could not get out that night because an escaped slave had informed the enemy and precautions were taken and strict watch kept. On Friday 10th three enemy messengers spent an hour with al-Malik al-'Adil and returned without reaching any agree-
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ment. The day ended with the Muslim army holding the plain facing the enemy, and thus the night passed.
On Saturday the 11th the Franks, in full panoply, moved forward and it appeared that they wanted a pitched battle with the Muslims. When they were drawn up about forty men came out of the gate below the pavilion and invited certain mamlu? ks, among them al-'Adl az-Zabdani of Sidon one of the Sultan's freedmen, to present themselves. Al-'Adl came up to them and began to negotiate for the garrison in Acre to be allowed to go free, but the terms were too stiff and the Saturday came to an end without any conclusion being reached.
LETTERS ARRIVE FROM THE CITY
On Sunday the 12th letters reached us (from Acre) saying: 'We have sworn an oath to one another to die. We shall fight until death. We shall not yield the city as long as we have a breath of life in us. See what you can do to distract the enemy from us and draw his fire. These are our decisions. Take care that you do not yield to the enemy. Our part is now over. ' The messenger who swam out with this letter said that from the great noise heard in the city during the night the Franks thought that a great army had entered Acre. 'A Frank,' he said, 'came up to the wall and cried out to one of the guards: "In the name of your Faith, tell me how many soldiers came into your city last night. " This was the night before the Saturday, during which a great uproar was heard that alarmed both sides, but its cause was not discovered. 1 "A thousand cavalry," replied the other. "No," he returned, "fewer than that; I saw them myself, and they were dressed in green robes"! '2
Repeated attacks by Muslim. contingents were still able at this stage to turn the enemy attack away from the siege, even after the city was wide open to be taken. But the defenders grew weaker, the number of breaches in the walls increased although the defenders built up in place of the broken wall another internal wall from which they fought when the vulner- able section finally collapsed. On Tuesday 14th of the month there arrived Sabi? q ad-Din of Shaizar, on Wednesday Badr ad-Din Yildiri? m with a large band of Turcomans to whom the Sultan had sent a large sum of money to be distributed among them as pay, and on Thurs- day Asad ad-Din Shirku? h the younger. Through all this the Franks held firm, refusing to grant the besieged men their lives until every Frankish prisoner in Muslim hands had been returned, and all the cities of Palestine submitted to the Franks. They were offered the sur- render of the town with everything in it except the defenders, and they refused it. They were offered the return of the True Cross, and still they refused, becoming increasingly greedy and more obstinate. No one knew any longer what expedient to use with them: 'They play at being cunning, and God too plays at being cunning, and He is the better player. '3
There appears to have been a small earthquake.
The usual heavenly warriors who according to Muslim piety so often intervene in battle. Qur'a? n III, 47.
1 2 3
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 131 THE GARRISON AGREE TO
SURRENDER IN RETURN FOR THEIR LIVES
On Friday 17 jumada II a swimmer got out of the city with letters saying that the defenders were at their last gasp. The breaches had grown and the people, unable to resist any longer, saw that death was certain and were sure that when the city was taken by storm they would all be put to the sword. They had therefore made an agreement handing over the city with all its equipment, munitions, and ships, in addition to 200,000 dinar, 500 ordinary prison- ers and 100 important ones nominated by the Franks themselves, and also the True Cross. In return they were to be allowed to leave the city freely with their personal possessions, women and children. They also guaranteed 400 dinar to the Marquis (of Montferrat) who had acted as intermediary in the negotiations. On this basis agreement was reached.
THE ENEMY TAKES POSSESSION OF ACRE
When the Sultan learnt the contents of their letters he was extremely upset and disapproved strongly. He called his counsellors, informed them of the developments, and asked their advice on what should be done. He was given conflicting advice and remained uncertain and troubled. He decided to write that night and to send a message by the swimmer disap- proving of the terms of the treaty, and was still in this state of mind when suddenly the Muslims saw standards and crosses and signs and beacons raised by the enemy on the city walls. It was midday on Friday 17 Jumada 11/12 July 1191.
The Franks all together gave a mighty shout, and struck a heavy blow into Muslim hearts. Great was our affliction; our whole camp resounded with cries and lamentations, sighs and sobs. The Marquis took the King's standards into the city and planted one on the citadel, one on the minaret of the Great Mosque--on a Friday! --one on the Templars' tower and one on the Battle Tower, each one in place of a Muslim standard. The Muslims were all confined to one quarter of the city.
I was on duty, and came into the Sultan's presence, and he was like a parent bereft of a child. I offered him what comfort I could, and exhorted him to think of his duty to Palestine and Jerusalem, and to save the Muslims left as prisoners in the city. This was the night of Saturday the 18th. He finally decided to withdraw slightly from his present position, since the moment had passed for attacking the enemy at close quarters. He had the baggage removed to its first position at Shafar'am, remaining at his post with a small body of troops to observe the enemy and the defenders. The army carried out the move during the night, but Saladin stayed where he was in the hope that by God's will the Franks in their blindness would be inspired to attack him, so that by falling on them from behind he could inflict a blow on them; let God give the victory to whom He would. But the enemy did nothing of the sort, confining themselves to taking over the city. The Sultan stayed there until the morning of the 19th and then moved to the Tall.
MASSACRE OF THE MUSLIM PRISONERS
When the English King saw that Saladin delayed in carrying out the terms of the treaty he broke his word to the Muslim prisoners with whom he had made an agreement and from
132 Arab Historians of the Crusades
whom he had received the city's surrender in exchange for their lives. If the Sultan handed over the agreed sum, he was to allow them to go free with their possessions, wives and chil- dren, but if the money was refused him he was to take them into slavery as his prisoners. Now, however, he broke his word and revealed the secret thought that he was nurturing, and put it into effect even after he had received the money and the (Frankish) prisoners: it was indeed in these terms that his co-religionists spoke of him later on. On the afternoon of 27 rajab/ 20 August he and all the Frankish army, infantry, cavalry and turcopules, rode to the wells below Tall al-'Ayadiyya, (they had sent their tents ahead of them), and marched off to occupy the centre of the plain between Tall Kaisa? n and Tall al-'Ayadiyya, while the Sultan's outposts retired to Tall Kaisa? n. Then they brought up the Muslim prisoners whose martyrdom God had ordained, more than three thousand men in chains. They fell on them as one man and slaughtered them in cold blood, with sword and lance. Our spies had informed Saladin of the enemy's manoeuvres and he sent some reinforcements, but by then the slaughter had already occurred. As soon as the Muslims realized what had happened they attacked the enemy and battle raged, with dead and wounded on both sides, continuing with increasing vigour until night fell and separated them. The next morning the Muslims wanted to see who had fallen, and found their martyred companions lying where they fell, and some they recognized. Great grief seized them, and from then on they did not spare (enemy prisoners), except for well-known persons and strong men who could be put to work.
Many reasons were given to explain the slaughter. One was that they had killed them as a reprisal for their own prisoners killed before then by the Muslims. Another was that the King of England had decided to march on Ascalon and take it, and he did not want to leave behind him in the city a large number (of enemy soldiers). God knows best.
CHAPTER SIX
Negotiations for peace, or the truce, according to the Muslim concept of the Holy War, took a whole year. Involved in the long, tortuous diplomatic game were Richard of Eng- land's matrimonial plans, his exchange of gentlemanly courtesies with Saladin (and even more with his brother al-'Adil), and the ceaseless military operations (Ascalon, Jaffa, Arsu? f), in which the Frankish cruelty to the prisoners taken at Acre led to equally cruel reprisals by Saladin. Finally, de guerre lasse, came the agreement of September 1192 which in effect sanctioned the status quo. There was little in the agreement to remind the Muslims of the first great victories of 1187, and Saladin accepted it with reluctance and under pressure from a tired and undisciplined army. The plan to drive the Franks back to the sea, which had at one moment seemed a possibility, had to wait another century for its realization.
The chief sources for the treaty are Baha? ' ad-Din and 'Ima? d ad-Din.
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS AND THE TREATY (BAHA? ' AD-DIN, 274-5, 277-8, 283-4, 287-91, 294-5, 346-8)
On 26 ramada? n (587/17 October 1191) al-Malik al-'Adil was on duty with the outposts when the King of England asked him to send over a messenger. He sent his secretary and favourite Ibn an-Nahha? l, a fine young man. He met Richard at Yazu? r, whither the King had gone with a large detachment of infantry, which was now scattered over the plain. Richard had long private talks with him to discuss the peace, and Richard said: 'I shall not break my word to my brother and my friend', meaning al-'Adil, and the secretary reported his words to al-Malik al-'Adil. He also sent a letter to the Sultan, through an-Nahha? l, which said in effect: 'I am to salute you, and tell you that the Muslims and Franks are bleeding to death, the country is utterly ruined and goods and lives have been sacrificed on both sides. The time has come to stop this. The points at issue are Jerusalem, the Cross, and the land. Jerusalem is for us an object of worship that we could not give up even if there were only one of us left. The land from here to beyond the Jordan must be consigned to us. The Cross, which is for you simply a piece of wood with no value, is for us of enormous importance. If the Sultan will deign to return it to us, we shall be able to make peace and to rest from this endless labour. '
When the Sultan read this message he called his councillors of state and consulted them about his reply. Then he wrote: 'Jerusalem is ours as much as yours; indeed it is even more sacred to us than it is to you, for it is the place from which our Prophet accomplished his nocturnal journey and the place where our community will gather (on the day of Judg- ment). Do not imagine that we can renounce it or vacillate on this point. The land was also originally ours, whereas you have only just arrived and have taken it over only because of the weakness of the Muslims living there at the time. God will not allow you to rebuild a
134 Arab Historians of the Crusades
single stone as long as the war lasts. As for the Cross, its possession is a good card in our hand1 and it cannot be surrendered except in exchange for something of outstanding benefit to all Isla? m. ' This reply was sent to Richard by the hand of his own messenger.
** *
On 22 ramada? n/20 October al-Malik al-'Adil sent for me, together with 'Ala? m ad-Din
Sulaima? n ibn Jandar, Sabiq ad-Din of Shaizar, 'Izz ad-Din ibn al-Muqaddam and Husa? m ad- Din Bishara, and showed us the proposals that had been sent to the King of England by his messenger. He said that his plan was that he himself should marry the King's sister,1 whom Richard had brought with him from Sicily where she had been the wife of the late King. Her brother had taken her along with him when he had left Sicily. She would live in Jerusalem, and her brother was to give her the whole of Palestine that was in his hands: Acre, Jaffa, Ascalon and the rest, while the Sultan was to give al-'Adil all the parts of Palestine belong- ing to him and make him their King, in addition to the lands and fees he already held. Saladin was also to hand over the True Cross to the Franks. Villages and forts belonging to the Tem- plars were to remain in their hands, Muslim and Frankish prisoners were to be freed and the King of England was to return home by sea. In this way the problem was to be resolved.
Such were the proposals brought by al-'Adil's messenger to the King of England. Al- 'Adil thought them feasible, and so he 'sent for us, and sent us with a message to that effect to the Sultan, charging me to speak and the others to listen. We were to present the project to the Sultan, and if he approved and thought it to the advantage of Isla? m we were to bear witness that he had authorized and approved the treaty, and if he disapproved we were to bear witness that negotiations had reached this point, and that the Sultan had decided not to confirm them. When we came before the Sultan I expounded the matter to him and read him the message, in the presence of the men I have already named. Saladin immediately approved the terms, knowing quite well that the King of England would never agree to them and they were only a trick and a practical joke on his part. Three times I repeated to him the formula of consent and Saladin replied 'Yes', calling on those present to bear wit- ness. Now that we were sure of his views we returned to al-'Adil and told him what had happened, and the others told him that I had repeated to Saladin the declaration that took effect from the oath taken by him, and that Saladin had insisted on authorizing it. In this way he firmly accepted the proposed terms.
** *
On 13 shawwa? l/3 November, the arrival was announced of the Prince of Sidon as
ambassador from the Marquis of Tyre. Conversations had already been held between us on several occasions, the essence of which was that the Marquis and his men were tired of the Franks and of supporting them, and wanted to make common cause with us against them. This arose from a quarrel that had been blowing up between the Marquis and the Frankish Kings as a result of his marriage to the wife of King Guy's brother,1 a scandalous
Text and meaning uncertain; another reading could mean 'that Jesus is dead is a falsehood for us', or else 'that it were destroyed would be an act of great merit for us'.
Joanna of Sicily, widow of William II.
Actually the sister of Guy's wife (Guy, not Godfrey, as Baha? ' ad-Din always calls him). Isabella of Anjou was Queen Sibyllas' sister. She married first Humphrey of Toron, and was later taken from him and married to Conrad of Montferrat.
1
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Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 135
affair according to certain tenets of their Faith. This led to a division of opinions, and the Marquis, fearing for his life, took his wife and fled by night to Tyre. There he had begun to incline to the Sultan, and made certain gestures of reconciliation toward him. The split between the Marquis and the Franks was of advantage to the Muslims, for he was the stron- gest and most experienced of their generals, as well as a good governor. When the news of their ambassador's arrival reached the Sultan he gave orders that he was to be treated with honour and respect. He had a tent erected for him, surrounded with an enclosure of cloth and containing as many cushions and carpets as are suitable when princes and kings meet. Saladin ordered that he should be shown to his quarters near the stores to rest, and then held a secret conference with him.
** *
On 19 shawwa? l/9 November the Sultan gave an audience and summoned the Prince
of Sidon to hear his message and statement. He appeared with a whole group of com- panions--I was present at the audience--and Saladin treated him with great honour. He entered into conversation with him and had a sumptuous banquet served for them. After the meal he led them aside; their proposal was for the Sultan to make peace with the Marquis with whom various great Frankish lords had made common cause, among them the Prince of Sidon himself and other distinguished persons. We have already stated his position. A condition of accepting his offer was that he should break openly with the Franks of Out- remer, because of his great fear of them and because of the matter of his wife. The Sultan appeared to be disposed to accept his proposal on certain conditions, by which he hoped to create discord among the Franks and to set them at loggerheads. Now, after listening to him, the Sultan promised to give him a reply later, and the ambassador retired for the day to the tent erected for him.
That night an ambassador came from the King of England: the son of Humphrey, one of the great Frankish leaders and kings (in his train was an old man who was said to be a hundred years old). The Sultan sent for him and listened to what he had to say. His message was: 'The King says: your friendship and affection are dear to me. I told you that I would give these regions of Palestine to your brother, and I want you to be the judge between us in the division of the land. But we absolutely must have a foothold in Jerusalem. I want you to make a division that will not bring down on you the wrath of the Muslims, or on me the wrath of the Franks. '
The Sultan replied immediately with fine promises and allowed the messenger to return at once. He was impressed by the message. He sent someone after the ambassador to check on the matter of prisoners, which was treated separately from the terms of the peace. 'If there is peace,' he said,1 'it will be a general peace, and if there is no peace the matter of prisoners will be of no account. ' The Sultan's real object was to under-mine the founda- tions of peace on those terms. When the audience was at an end and the Franks had gone, he turned to me and said: 'When we have made peace with them, there will be nothing to prevent their attacking us treacherously. If I should die the Muslims would no longer be able to muster an army like this and the Franks would have the upper hand. It is better to carry on the Holy War until we have expelled them from Palestine, or death overtakes us. ' This was his opinion, and he only moved toward peace in response to external pressures.
1
Presumably the king of England's ambassador, but could possibly refer to Saladin
136 Arab Historians of the Crusades
On 21 shawwa? l1 (11 November) the Sultan summoned his ami? rs and counsellors and explained to them the terms of the agreement sought by the Marquis, which for his part he was inclined to accept. The terms were that they should hand Sidon over to him in return for his military support against the Franks in open warfare. On the other hand, he was impressed by the terms proposed by King (Richard)--that either he should have certain points on the coast and we the mountain region, or we should divide the total number of settlements in half. In both cases the Franks stipulated that their priests should have the churches and oratories of Jerusalem, and the King of England left us to decide between the alternatives.
Saladin explained the situation to the ami? rs and asked them to reveal their hearts to him and tell him which plan, the King's or the Marquis', seemed preferable to them, and if the former, which of the two divisions mentioned above, proposed by the King of England. The counsellors held that peace must be made with the King, since it was improbable that Franks and Muslims would live amiably side by side, and they had no security against treacherous attacks.
So the treaty (with the Marquis) came to nothing and the peace negotiations continued, ambassadors coming and going to settle the terms. A basic condition was that the King should give his sister in marriage to al-'Adil who would, as her hus-band, acquire the whole of Palestine, Muslim and Frankish, the Frankish regions from the Princess' brother and the Muslim from al-'Adil's brother, the Sultan. But the King's final message on this matter said: 'The Christian people disapprove of my giving my sister in marriage without consulting the Pope, the head and leader of Christianity. I have therefore sent a messenger who will be back in three months. If he authorizes this wedding, so much the better. If not, I will give you the hand of one of my nieces, for whom I shall not need Papal consent. '1 While all this was going on the hostilities continued and took their inevitable course.
The Prince of Sidon sometimes went riding with al-'Adil, and they would go and inspect the Frankish positions. Every time the Franks saw him they would reiterate their offers of peace, for fear of an alliance between the Muslims and the Marquis, and their strength of mind weakened. This continued until 25 shawwa? l.
** *
Yusuf, one of the Prince of Sidon's pages, came from the Marquis to seek peace from
the Muslims. One of the conditions imposed by the Sultan was that the Marquis should undertake to fight his compatriots and to detach himself from them. The Frankish territories that he himself took after the peace were to be his, those taken by us alone were to be ours, and of those taken by both together, he should have the city and we the Muslim prison- ers and whatever else the place contained. He was to release all the Muslim prisoners in his domains, and if the King of England should make him governor of the city by some agreement between them, peace between him and us should be based on the conditions laid down between us and the King of England, except for Ascalon and the region beyond, which should not be subject to the treaty. The coastal region was to be his and the region
The text has 11th, which does not fit in with the preceding chronology.
Because, as Baha? ' ad-Din states elsewhere, whereas Richard's sister was a widow, Papal autho- rization was not necessary in the case of a virgin. In fact all these marriage projects were ship- wrecked on Christian objections to marriage with a Muslim.
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Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 137 held by us, ours, and the area between was to be divided between us. The messenger left to
carry these terms to the Marquis. 1
** *
(In sha'ba? n 588/late August 1192) al-'Adl2 came to Jaffa and was lodged in a tent out-
side the city while the King was informed of his arrival. He was then sent for with the rest of the delegation, and presented the text of the treaty. The King, who was ill, said: 'I have not the strength to read it now. But I agree to the peace, and here is my hand on it. ' The Muslim delegates conferred with Count Henry and Ibn Barza? n3 and submitted the docu- ment to them. They accepted the division of Lydda and Ramla, and everything else in the text. They agreed to take the oath on Wednesday morning, as they had already eaten that day and it is not their custom to take an oath after they have broken their fast. Al-'Adl sent the news to the Sultan.
On Wednesday 22 sha'ba? n/2 September the whole Muslim delegation was conducted into the King's presence. They took his hand and meant to take the oath with him, but he excused himself, saying that kings do not take oaths, and the Sultan was content with this declaration. So they took the oath at the hands of Count Henry and his nephew, whom he had made ruler of Palestine, and of Balia? n ibn Barza? n, Lord of Tiberias, with the agreement of the Templars, the Hospitallers and other Frankish leaders. In the course of that day they returned to the Sultan's tent and joined him for the evening prayer, accompanied from the Frankish side by Humphrey's son, Ibn Barza? n and a group of their generals. They were received with great honour and a tent worthy of them was erected. Al-'Adil presented his report to the Sultan. Next day, 23 sha'ba? n, the King's ambassador presented himself to the Sultan, took his noble hand and undertook to keep the peace on the terms laid down. They proposed that oaths to this effect should be sworn by al-Malik al-'Adil, al-Malik al-Afdal, al-Malik az-Zahir, 'Ali ibn Ahmad al-Mashtu? b, Badr ad-Din Yildiri? m, al-Malik al-Mansu? r, and all the rulers whose territories bordered on those of the Franks, such as Ibn al-Muqaddam of Shaizar. The Sultan for his part promised that he would send a messenger with them to all their neighbours to extract the oath from them. The King's ambassador also took the oath on behalf of the Prince of Antioch and Tripoli, on condition that the Muslims did the same on behalf of the other Muslims. If not, the treaty was annulled. Then the Sultan ordered a proclamation to be issued to all military camps and markets stating that a general peace extended over the whole territory and that unrestricted coming and going was permitted between their land and ours. He also proclaimed that the route of the Pilgrimage through Syria was open and expressed his intention of going on the Pilgrimage himself, an idea that occurred to him when I was with him. He also sent a hundred sappers under the command of a great ami? r to break down the walls of Ascalon1 and to enable the Franks to evacuate it. A Frankish delegation was to accompany them until the walls were down, for fear that we should leave them standing.
The assassin's dagger soon put an end to these intrigues with Conrad, who did not see the conclu- sion of the truce; see below.
The Muslim plenipotentiary.
Henry of Champagne, later King, and Balia? n II of Ibelin.
One of the clauses of the treaty.
1
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It was a memorable day, one on which the two sides expressed unimaginable joy and happiness. But it is well known that the peace did not entirely please the Sultan. In con- versation with me he said: 'I am afraid of making peace. I do not know what might happen to me,2 and the enemy would gain strength from my death because these lands are still in their hands: they would take the opportunity of attacking us and recovering the rest. You see how each of them is perched on his own hilltop', meaning their forts; and he concluded. 'As soon as I am gone, the Muslims will be destroyed. '
These were his words, and it happened just as he said. Yet he felt that the peace was a good thing in that the army was tired and openly hostile (to a continuation of the war). It was indeed a good thing, as God in his prescience knew, for Saladin died soon afterward, and if he had died during a campaign Isla? m would have been in danger. Peace was therefore an act of divine providence and a fortunate occurrence for Isla? m.
('IMA? D AD-DIN 434-6)
When the King of England perceived that the (Muslim) army was united, his own prob- lems more serious, Jerusalem irrecoverable and (divine) punishment hanging over him, he submitted and humbled himself, his boasts became less outrageous and he realized that he could not overcome one who was aided by fortune nor stand up against the hosts drawn up against him. He therefore declared that if he did not obtain a truce he would stay there and seek death, going to meet the worst; whereas he had decided to return to his own country to settle some matters there. 'Now,' he said, 'the time is close when the sea becomes unnavi- gable and the crests of the waves swell up on high. If you agree to a truce and enable me to, I shall fulfil my desire (to go); but if you fight and oppose me I shall pitch my tents and fix my dwelling here. Both sides are tired, both companies1 are exhausted. I have renounced Jerusalem and will now renounce Ascalon. But do not be misled by this mass of troops assembled from everywhere, for it is destined to disperse when winter comes. If we persist in our miserable conflict we shall destroy ourselves. So fulfil my desire and win my friend- ship; make a pact with me and let me go; agree with me and accept my respect. '
The Sultan called his ami? rs and counsellors and consulted them on this development, explained the approach that had been made to him and asked their advice, expounding the situation fully to them. 'We,' he said, 'thanks be to God, are in a strong position and within sight of the victory we have longed for. Our auxiliaries who have migrated to our side1 are men of faith, nobility and valour. We have become accustomed to fighting the Holy War and in it we have achieved our aim. Now it is difficult to break off what has become customary, and with God's help so far not one has broken with us. We have no other occupation and aim than that of making war, for we are not among those who are beguiled by games and led astray by dissipation. If we give up this work, what shall we do? If we destroy our hope of defeating them, what shall we hope for? I am afraid that with nothing to do death will
This fear of death appears often in Saladin's speeches; see the next passage.
I. e. the two antagonists.
A play on words alluding to the two categories of Companions of the Prophet: the Auxiliaries of Medina and the Emigrants of Mecca.
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overcome me; and how will he who is accustomed to being adorned become used to being unadorned? My feeling is to reject the idea of a truce, and in preferring war, to prefer my honour and make it my leader. I do not seek to stand idle if it means wanting my present state to change. This duty has been placed upon me; it is my job, and with God's help I shall take the most determined and resolute course. ' To this the ami? rs replied: 'It is as you say; you must act as you think, and the right decision is the one that you make. 2 Only what you settle stays firm, and what you establish remains stable. Divine grace assist you in all you bind and loose, all that you give and take away. But you (alone) have looked to yourself, as one accustomed to happiness, to the desire to serve God, to the acquisition of eternal virtue, to the taking of measures necessary to success, to disdain for idleness and dislike of keeping oneself aloof. In yourself you find force and tenacity, and your indestructible faith marks you out as the one to achieve the aims we strive for. But look too at the state of the country, ruined and trampled underfoot, at your subjects, beaten down and confused, at your armies, exhausted and sick, at your horses, neglected and ruined. There is little forage, food is short, supply bases are far away, the necessities of life are dear. All supplies have to come from Egypt, confronting the murderous perils of the desert. Again, this concentra- tion of troops may well decide to disperse, and your lengthy explanation of the situation will in that case have little effect, with provisions cut off, roads blocked, the rich reduced to hunger, the poor to destitution, straw more precious than gold, barley unobtainable at any price. And if they fail to get their truce they will devote all their energies to strengthen- ing and consolidating their position; they will face death with high courage in the course of achieving their aims, and for love of their Faith will refuse to submit to humiliation. The best thing is for you to remember the verse revealed by God: "and if they incline to peace, you too should incline to it". 1 Then the farmers and inhabitants will return to their lands, and harvests and fruits will abound during the time of the truce. The armies can renew their equipment and rest throughout the time of peace. When war returns again we too shall return, reinforced and augmented, with supplies of food and forage, untroubled by exhaustion and strife. During peacetime we shall prepare for war, and shall renew the means of striking a blow with point and blade. This does not mean abandoning the service of God, but is simply a means of increasing our usefulness and our strength and success. The Franks will not keep faith long, or abide by sworn treaties; therefore make a truce with them all, which will enable them to break up and disperse, enduring the blows they have suffered and leaving no one in Palestine capable of resisting and standing up to us. '
The assembly continued to impress this view on the Sultan until he gave way and con- sented to their demands. The distance between the two armies was not more than a day's march, and the clouds of dust were already gathering over the outposts; if we had moved we should have dislodged them and thrown them into complete confusion. But God's will prevailed, and the King of England's request for peace was granted. I helped to draw up the treaty and wrote the text, fixing the boundaries and specifying the terms, and this was
Observe the Oriental method of beginning with an apparent agreement when about to express an opposing view.
Qur'a? n VIII, 63.
2
1
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Tuesday 21 sha'ba? n 588, which corresponds to 1 September (1192). The truce lasted three years and eight months. They believed that the breathing-space coincided with their arrival by sea and the possibility of continuous reinforcements of men arriving and settling there. So they stipulated a general truce by land and sea, plains and mountains, desert and cit- ies. The Franks were assigned the land from Jaffa to Caesarea and from Acre to Tyre. The Franks, even when abandoning land formerly held by them, appeared happy and content, and included Tripoli and Antioch in the terms, and the near and distant provinces.
CHAPTER SEVEN
The gallant Marquis of Montferrat did not see this peace, nor did he grasp the royal crown that he had coveted. There is a certain disagreement in the Muslim texts about who armed the assassins who killed him at Tyre in April 1192: Baha? ' ad-Din and 'Ima? d ad-Din expressly name Richard of England (into whose negotiations Conrad, as we have seen, insinuated himself with his own scheme, repeating the personal approach made to Saladin by the Count of Tripoli before Hitti? n), whereas Ibn al-Athi? r suggests Saladin himself, attempting to kill Conrad and Richard at the same time. This seems very unlikely (consider on this point 'Ima? d ad-Din's persuasive suggestion that Conrad died at an inopportune moment for the Muslims), but the episode is strangely reflected, in a manner that reinforces suspicion of Saladin, in a later account, corrupted by legend, of the murder of a Frankish King at Acre enjoined upon the faithful by the Watcher of the Mountain to please his friend the Sultan. This strange text, which here follows accounts by 'Ima? d ad-Din and Ibn al-Athi? r, is from an Isma'ilite source: an anecdotal and edifying biography of the contemporary Grand Master of the Assassins, Rashid ad-Din Sina? n. In fact the assassins tried more than once to kill Saladin, whose rigid orthodoxy was irreconcilable with their heterodox beliefs.
THE ASSASSINATION OF CONRAD OF MONTFERRAT ('IMA? D AD-DIN, 420-2)
On Tuesday 13 rabi? ' II (588/28 April 1192) he was entertained by the Bishop of Tyre and ate his last meal, for his last day was come. He who would cut off all his hope was even now at the door. He was condemned to Hell, where (the angel) Malik was awaiting his arrival, and Tartarus was on the watch for his coming; the deepest circle of Hell-fire was burning, the blaze blazed and the flame flamed as it waited for him. The moment was at hand when the abyss would receive him and the fires of Hell would burn for him, and the Angels of Justice were even now building the foul place where they would torment him. Hell had already opened its seven gates, gaping to engorge him. Meanwhile he lounged carelessly on his couch eating his food. He ate and made his collation, unaware of the precipice ahead of him; he ate and drank, sated and solaced himself, and went out and rode his horse. Suddenly two men fell upon him like two mangy wolves and with their daggers stopped his movement and struck him down near those shops. Then one of them fled and entered a church, having put out that vile soul. The Marquis, at death's door, but still with a flicker of life in him, said 'Take me into the church', and they took him in thinking that he was safe there. But when that one of the two murderers saw him, he fell on him to finish him off and struck him again, blow on blow. The Franks seized the two companions, and found that they were two apostates of the Brotherhood of Isma'ilites. 1 They asked them
1
I. e. the Assassins, considered to be outside the Faith by orthodox Muslims.
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who had commanded them to commit this murder, and the assassins said it was the king of England. They also said that they had been Christians for six months and had begun a life of asceticism and purification, frequenting churches and living lives of rigorous piety. One was in service with Ibn Barza? n and one with the Prince of Sidon so that they could both be close to the Marquis, ensuring his confidence in them by their constant presence. Then they seized hold of his saddle-bow and slaughtered him. They were both subjected to cruel punishments and were reduced to the depths of degradation. An extraordinary case of two Unbelievers shedding an Unbeliever's blood, two criminals killing a criminal!
When the Marquis was dead and hung head downward in Hell, the King of England assumed control of Tyre and conferred it upon Count Henry,2 arranging it all with him. Henry married the Marquis' wife on the same night,1 maintaining that he had first right to the dead man's wife. She was pregnant, but this-did not prevent his uniting himself with her, something even more disgusting than the coupling of the flesh. I asked one of their courtiers to whom paternity would be awarded and he said: 'It will be the Queen's child. ' You see the licentiousness of these foul Unbelievers!
The death of the Marquis in such circumstances was of little benefit to us, although he was one of the ringleaders of error, because he was one of the King of England's enemies, his rival for the kingdom and the throne and his competitor in all and for all. He was in con- tact with us in the hope of our help to get back what the King had taken from him. When- ever the King of England heard that the Marquis' ambassador was at the Sultan's court he at once sent messages full of humility and docility, and resumed negotiations for peace, and it was possible to hope that light would dawn on his night of error. When the Marquis was killed the fear in his heart was calmed, his troubled disquiet vanished, he became serene again, his affairs returned to normal and the evil he represented for Isla? m increased. In his opposition to the Marquis he had taken the part of the old King (Guy), showing him the affection of a loving relative and investing him with the island of Cyprus and all its territory, attempting by his appointment to cure all its ills. Once the Marquis was dead he realized that he had been wrong to support Guy, and was afraid that he would have to fly from his hostility and that he was not secure from attack by him. When his enemy vanished he found his calm again, tranquillity returned, his madness ebbed, his wrath dispersed, his good fortune excited him and he poured out all the brutality of the fountain of unbelief. In spite of all this he did not break off relations with Guy or discard him, but continued to send him pleasing messages and to try to charm and beguile him.
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 51)
In this year, on 13 rabi? ' II, the Frankish Marquis, the ruler of Tyre--God damn him! --was killed. He was the greatest devil of all the Franks. The cause of his death was Saladin's negotiation with Sina? n,1 leader of the Isma'ilites, to send a man to kill the King of England; if he then killed the Marquis he would get 2,000 dinar. It was not possible to kill the King of England, and it did not seem to Sina? n to be in their interests, in that it would free Saladin
Henry of Champagne.
He became governor of Tyre and married Isabella on the same night.
The Old Man of the Mountain, or Grand Master of the Assassins; see the next section.
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of all worry about the Franks and he would then turn on the Isma'ilites themselves. On the other hand, he was anxious to have the money, and so he resolved to organize the death of the Marquis. He sent two men in monk's robes, who entered the service of Ibn Barza? n of ar-Ramla and the Prince of Sidon. They stayed with them for six months, showing great devotion, and the Marquis felt secure and confident with them.
On the following morning the Sultan mounted, intending to take the enemy by surprise, and took with him spades and other equipment for bridging the trenches. But the troops refused to support him in carrying out his plan, and said rebelliously: 'You want to place all Isla? m in jeopardy, but such a plan could not have a successful outcome. ' That day three messengers came from the English King asking Saladin for fruit and snow, and saying that the Grand Master of the Hospital would come out the next day to discuss peace. The Sultan treated the messengers with honour, and they went to the market and walked about there, and returned to their own camp at night-fall. That day the Sultan told Sarim ad-Din Qaima? z an-Najmi to take his men and penetrate the enemy lines. He took a group of Kurd- ish ami? rs such as al-Jana? h, (al-Mashtu? b's brother), and his friends, as far as the Frankish lines. Qaima? z himself raised the standard over the enemy trenches and fought a part of the day in defence of the oriflam. At the height of the battle that day 'Izz ad-Din Jurdi? k an-Nuri arrived, dismounted and fought vigorously alongside his men. On Friday 10 jumada II/5 July the Frankish army took the initiative. They were completely surrounded by Muslims, who passed the night fully armed and in the saddle, looking for a chance to help their brothers in Acre who, they hoped, would be able to attack some point of the enemy lines, break through and get out; the army outside helping them to hold their position, so that some would escape and some be taken, according to their fate. But the besieged men who had agreed to the plan, could not get out that night because an escaped slave had informed the enemy and precautions were taken and strict watch kept. On Friday 10th three enemy messengers spent an hour with al-Malik al-'Adil and returned without reaching any agree-
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ment. The day ended with the Muslim army holding the plain facing the enemy, and thus the night passed.
On Saturday the 11th the Franks, in full panoply, moved forward and it appeared that they wanted a pitched battle with the Muslims. When they were drawn up about forty men came out of the gate below the pavilion and invited certain mamlu? ks, among them al-'Adl az-Zabdani of Sidon one of the Sultan's freedmen, to present themselves. Al-'Adl came up to them and began to negotiate for the garrison in Acre to be allowed to go free, but the terms were too stiff and the Saturday came to an end without any conclusion being reached.
LETTERS ARRIVE FROM THE CITY
On Sunday the 12th letters reached us (from Acre) saying: 'We have sworn an oath to one another to die. We shall fight until death. We shall not yield the city as long as we have a breath of life in us. See what you can do to distract the enemy from us and draw his fire. These are our decisions. Take care that you do not yield to the enemy. Our part is now over. ' The messenger who swam out with this letter said that from the great noise heard in the city during the night the Franks thought that a great army had entered Acre. 'A Frank,' he said, 'came up to the wall and cried out to one of the guards: "In the name of your Faith, tell me how many soldiers came into your city last night. " This was the night before the Saturday, during which a great uproar was heard that alarmed both sides, but its cause was not discovered. 1 "A thousand cavalry," replied the other. "No," he returned, "fewer than that; I saw them myself, and they were dressed in green robes"! '2
Repeated attacks by Muslim. contingents were still able at this stage to turn the enemy attack away from the siege, even after the city was wide open to be taken. But the defenders grew weaker, the number of breaches in the walls increased although the defenders built up in place of the broken wall another internal wall from which they fought when the vulner- able section finally collapsed. On Tuesday 14th of the month there arrived Sabi? q ad-Din of Shaizar, on Wednesday Badr ad-Din Yildiri? m with a large band of Turcomans to whom the Sultan had sent a large sum of money to be distributed among them as pay, and on Thurs- day Asad ad-Din Shirku? h the younger. Through all this the Franks held firm, refusing to grant the besieged men their lives until every Frankish prisoner in Muslim hands had been returned, and all the cities of Palestine submitted to the Franks. They were offered the sur- render of the town with everything in it except the defenders, and they refused it. They were offered the return of the True Cross, and still they refused, becoming increasingly greedy and more obstinate. No one knew any longer what expedient to use with them: 'They play at being cunning, and God too plays at being cunning, and He is the better player. '3
There appears to have been a small earthquake.
The usual heavenly warriors who according to Muslim piety so often intervene in battle. Qur'a? n III, 47.
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Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 131 THE GARRISON AGREE TO
SURRENDER IN RETURN FOR THEIR LIVES
On Friday 17 jumada II a swimmer got out of the city with letters saying that the defenders were at their last gasp. The breaches had grown and the people, unable to resist any longer, saw that death was certain and were sure that when the city was taken by storm they would all be put to the sword. They had therefore made an agreement handing over the city with all its equipment, munitions, and ships, in addition to 200,000 dinar, 500 ordinary prison- ers and 100 important ones nominated by the Franks themselves, and also the True Cross. In return they were to be allowed to leave the city freely with their personal possessions, women and children. They also guaranteed 400 dinar to the Marquis (of Montferrat) who had acted as intermediary in the negotiations. On this basis agreement was reached.
THE ENEMY TAKES POSSESSION OF ACRE
When the Sultan learnt the contents of their letters he was extremely upset and disapproved strongly. He called his counsellors, informed them of the developments, and asked their advice on what should be done. He was given conflicting advice and remained uncertain and troubled. He decided to write that night and to send a message by the swimmer disap- proving of the terms of the treaty, and was still in this state of mind when suddenly the Muslims saw standards and crosses and signs and beacons raised by the enemy on the city walls. It was midday on Friday 17 Jumada 11/12 July 1191.
The Franks all together gave a mighty shout, and struck a heavy blow into Muslim hearts. Great was our affliction; our whole camp resounded with cries and lamentations, sighs and sobs. The Marquis took the King's standards into the city and planted one on the citadel, one on the minaret of the Great Mosque--on a Friday! --one on the Templars' tower and one on the Battle Tower, each one in place of a Muslim standard. The Muslims were all confined to one quarter of the city.
I was on duty, and came into the Sultan's presence, and he was like a parent bereft of a child. I offered him what comfort I could, and exhorted him to think of his duty to Palestine and Jerusalem, and to save the Muslims left as prisoners in the city. This was the night of Saturday the 18th. He finally decided to withdraw slightly from his present position, since the moment had passed for attacking the enemy at close quarters. He had the baggage removed to its first position at Shafar'am, remaining at his post with a small body of troops to observe the enemy and the defenders. The army carried out the move during the night, but Saladin stayed where he was in the hope that by God's will the Franks in their blindness would be inspired to attack him, so that by falling on them from behind he could inflict a blow on them; let God give the victory to whom He would. But the enemy did nothing of the sort, confining themselves to taking over the city. The Sultan stayed there until the morning of the 19th and then moved to the Tall.
MASSACRE OF THE MUSLIM PRISONERS
When the English King saw that Saladin delayed in carrying out the terms of the treaty he broke his word to the Muslim prisoners with whom he had made an agreement and from
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whom he had received the city's surrender in exchange for their lives. If the Sultan handed over the agreed sum, he was to allow them to go free with their possessions, wives and chil- dren, but if the money was refused him he was to take them into slavery as his prisoners. Now, however, he broke his word and revealed the secret thought that he was nurturing, and put it into effect even after he had received the money and the (Frankish) prisoners: it was indeed in these terms that his co-religionists spoke of him later on. On the afternoon of 27 rajab/ 20 August he and all the Frankish army, infantry, cavalry and turcopules, rode to the wells below Tall al-'Ayadiyya, (they had sent their tents ahead of them), and marched off to occupy the centre of the plain between Tall Kaisa? n and Tall al-'Ayadiyya, while the Sultan's outposts retired to Tall Kaisa? n. Then they brought up the Muslim prisoners whose martyrdom God had ordained, more than three thousand men in chains. They fell on them as one man and slaughtered them in cold blood, with sword and lance. Our spies had informed Saladin of the enemy's manoeuvres and he sent some reinforcements, but by then the slaughter had already occurred. As soon as the Muslims realized what had happened they attacked the enemy and battle raged, with dead and wounded on both sides, continuing with increasing vigour until night fell and separated them. The next morning the Muslims wanted to see who had fallen, and found their martyred companions lying where they fell, and some they recognized. Great grief seized them, and from then on they did not spare (enemy prisoners), except for well-known persons and strong men who could be put to work.
Many reasons were given to explain the slaughter. One was that they had killed them as a reprisal for their own prisoners killed before then by the Muslims. Another was that the King of England had decided to march on Ascalon and take it, and he did not want to leave behind him in the city a large number (of enemy soldiers). God knows best.
CHAPTER SIX
Negotiations for peace, or the truce, according to the Muslim concept of the Holy War, took a whole year. Involved in the long, tortuous diplomatic game were Richard of Eng- land's matrimonial plans, his exchange of gentlemanly courtesies with Saladin (and even more with his brother al-'Adil), and the ceaseless military operations (Ascalon, Jaffa, Arsu? f), in which the Frankish cruelty to the prisoners taken at Acre led to equally cruel reprisals by Saladin. Finally, de guerre lasse, came the agreement of September 1192 which in effect sanctioned the status quo. There was little in the agreement to remind the Muslims of the first great victories of 1187, and Saladin accepted it with reluctance and under pressure from a tired and undisciplined army. The plan to drive the Franks back to the sea, which had at one moment seemed a possibility, had to wait another century for its realization.
The chief sources for the treaty are Baha? ' ad-Din and 'Ima? d ad-Din.
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS AND THE TREATY (BAHA? ' AD-DIN, 274-5, 277-8, 283-4, 287-91, 294-5, 346-8)
On 26 ramada? n (587/17 October 1191) al-Malik al-'Adil was on duty with the outposts when the King of England asked him to send over a messenger. He sent his secretary and favourite Ibn an-Nahha? l, a fine young man. He met Richard at Yazu? r, whither the King had gone with a large detachment of infantry, which was now scattered over the plain. Richard had long private talks with him to discuss the peace, and Richard said: 'I shall not break my word to my brother and my friend', meaning al-'Adil, and the secretary reported his words to al-Malik al-'Adil. He also sent a letter to the Sultan, through an-Nahha? l, which said in effect: 'I am to salute you, and tell you that the Muslims and Franks are bleeding to death, the country is utterly ruined and goods and lives have been sacrificed on both sides. The time has come to stop this. The points at issue are Jerusalem, the Cross, and the land. Jerusalem is for us an object of worship that we could not give up even if there were only one of us left. The land from here to beyond the Jordan must be consigned to us. The Cross, which is for you simply a piece of wood with no value, is for us of enormous importance. If the Sultan will deign to return it to us, we shall be able to make peace and to rest from this endless labour. '
When the Sultan read this message he called his councillors of state and consulted them about his reply. Then he wrote: 'Jerusalem is ours as much as yours; indeed it is even more sacred to us than it is to you, for it is the place from which our Prophet accomplished his nocturnal journey and the place where our community will gather (on the day of Judg- ment). Do not imagine that we can renounce it or vacillate on this point. The land was also originally ours, whereas you have only just arrived and have taken it over only because of the weakness of the Muslims living there at the time. God will not allow you to rebuild a
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single stone as long as the war lasts. As for the Cross, its possession is a good card in our hand1 and it cannot be surrendered except in exchange for something of outstanding benefit to all Isla? m. ' This reply was sent to Richard by the hand of his own messenger.
** *
On 22 ramada? n/20 October al-Malik al-'Adil sent for me, together with 'Ala? m ad-Din
Sulaima? n ibn Jandar, Sabiq ad-Din of Shaizar, 'Izz ad-Din ibn al-Muqaddam and Husa? m ad- Din Bishara, and showed us the proposals that had been sent to the King of England by his messenger. He said that his plan was that he himself should marry the King's sister,1 whom Richard had brought with him from Sicily where she had been the wife of the late King. Her brother had taken her along with him when he had left Sicily. She would live in Jerusalem, and her brother was to give her the whole of Palestine that was in his hands: Acre, Jaffa, Ascalon and the rest, while the Sultan was to give al-'Adil all the parts of Palestine belong- ing to him and make him their King, in addition to the lands and fees he already held. Saladin was also to hand over the True Cross to the Franks. Villages and forts belonging to the Tem- plars were to remain in their hands, Muslim and Frankish prisoners were to be freed and the King of England was to return home by sea. In this way the problem was to be resolved.
Such were the proposals brought by al-'Adil's messenger to the King of England. Al- 'Adil thought them feasible, and so he 'sent for us, and sent us with a message to that effect to the Sultan, charging me to speak and the others to listen. We were to present the project to the Sultan, and if he approved and thought it to the advantage of Isla? m we were to bear witness that he had authorized and approved the treaty, and if he disapproved we were to bear witness that negotiations had reached this point, and that the Sultan had decided not to confirm them. When we came before the Sultan I expounded the matter to him and read him the message, in the presence of the men I have already named. Saladin immediately approved the terms, knowing quite well that the King of England would never agree to them and they were only a trick and a practical joke on his part. Three times I repeated to him the formula of consent and Saladin replied 'Yes', calling on those present to bear wit- ness. Now that we were sure of his views we returned to al-'Adil and told him what had happened, and the others told him that I had repeated to Saladin the declaration that took effect from the oath taken by him, and that Saladin had insisted on authorizing it. In this way he firmly accepted the proposed terms.
** *
On 13 shawwa? l/3 November, the arrival was announced of the Prince of Sidon as
ambassador from the Marquis of Tyre. Conversations had already been held between us on several occasions, the essence of which was that the Marquis and his men were tired of the Franks and of supporting them, and wanted to make common cause with us against them. This arose from a quarrel that had been blowing up between the Marquis and the Frankish Kings as a result of his marriage to the wife of King Guy's brother,1 a scandalous
Text and meaning uncertain; another reading could mean 'that Jesus is dead is a falsehood for us', or else 'that it were destroyed would be an act of great merit for us'.
Joanna of Sicily, widow of William II.
Actually the sister of Guy's wife (Guy, not Godfrey, as Baha? ' ad-Din always calls him). Isabella of Anjou was Queen Sibyllas' sister. She married first Humphrey of Toron, and was later taken from him and married to Conrad of Montferrat.
1
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Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 135
affair according to certain tenets of their Faith. This led to a division of opinions, and the Marquis, fearing for his life, took his wife and fled by night to Tyre. There he had begun to incline to the Sultan, and made certain gestures of reconciliation toward him. The split between the Marquis and the Franks was of advantage to the Muslims, for he was the stron- gest and most experienced of their generals, as well as a good governor. When the news of their ambassador's arrival reached the Sultan he gave orders that he was to be treated with honour and respect. He had a tent erected for him, surrounded with an enclosure of cloth and containing as many cushions and carpets as are suitable when princes and kings meet. Saladin ordered that he should be shown to his quarters near the stores to rest, and then held a secret conference with him.
** *
On 19 shawwa? l/9 November the Sultan gave an audience and summoned the Prince
of Sidon to hear his message and statement. He appeared with a whole group of com- panions--I was present at the audience--and Saladin treated him with great honour. He entered into conversation with him and had a sumptuous banquet served for them. After the meal he led them aside; their proposal was for the Sultan to make peace with the Marquis with whom various great Frankish lords had made common cause, among them the Prince of Sidon himself and other distinguished persons. We have already stated his position. A condition of accepting his offer was that he should break openly with the Franks of Out- remer, because of his great fear of them and because of the matter of his wife. The Sultan appeared to be disposed to accept his proposal on certain conditions, by which he hoped to create discord among the Franks and to set them at loggerheads. Now, after listening to him, the Sultan promised to give him a reply later, and the ambassador retired for the day to the tent erected for him.
That night an ambassador came from the King of England: the son of Humphrey, one of the great Frankish leaders and kings (in his train was an old man who was said to be a hundred years old). The Sultan sent for him and listened to what he had to say. His message was: 'The King says: your friendship and affection are dear to me. I told you that I would give these regions of Palestine to your brother, and I want you to be the judge between us in the division of the land. But we absolutely must have a foothold in Jerusalem. I want you to make a division that will not bring down on you the wrath of the Muslims, or on me the wrath of the Franks. '
The Sultan replied immediately with fine promises and allowed the messenger to return at once. He was impressed by the message. He sent someone after the ambassador to check on the matter of prisoners, which was treated separately from the terms of the peace. 'If there is peace,' he said,1 'it will be a general peace, and if there is no peace the matter of prisoners will be of no account. ' The Sultan's real object was to under-mine the founda- tions of peace on those terms. When the audience was at an end and the Franks had gone, he turned to me and said: 'When we have made peace with them, there will be nothing to prevent their attacking us treacherously. If I should die the Muslims would no longer be able to muster an army like this and the Franks would have the upper hand. It is better to carry on the Holy War until we have expelled them from Palestine, or death overtakes us. ' This was his opinion, and he only moved toward peace in response to external pressures.
1
Presumably the king of England's ambassador, but could possibly refer to Saladin
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On 21 shawwa? l1 (11 November) the Sultan summoned his ami? rs and counsellors and explained to them the terms of the agreement sought by the Marquis, which for his part he was inclined to accept. The terms were that they should hand Sidon over to him in return for his military support against the Franks in open warfare. On the other hand, he was impressed by the terms proposed by King (Richard)--that either he should have certain points on the coast and we the mountain region, or we should divide the total number of settlements in half. In both cases the Franks stipulated that their priests should have the churches and oratories of Jerusalem, and the King of England left us to decide between the alternatives.
Saladin explained the situation to the ami? rs and asked them to reveal their hearts to him and tell him which plan, the King's or the Marquis', seemed preferable to them, and if the former, which of the two divisions mentioned above, proposed by the King of England. The counsellors held that peace must be made with the King, since it was improbable that Franks and Muslims would live amiably side by side, and they had no security against treacherous attacks.
So the treaty (with the Marquis) came to nothing and the peace negotiations continued, ambassadors coming and going to settle the terms. A basic condition was that the King should give his sister in marriage to al-'Adil who would, as her hus-band, acquire the whole of Palestine, Muslim and Frankish, the Frankish regions from the Princess' brother and the Muslim from al-'Adil's brother, the Sultan. But the King's final message on this matter said: 'The Christian people disapprove of my giving my sister in marriage without consulting the Pope, the head and leader of Christianity. I have therefore sent a messenger who will be back in three months. If he authorizes this wedding, so much the better. If not, I will give you the hand of one of my nieces, for whom I shall not need Papal consent. '1 While all this was going on the hostilities continued and took their inevitable course.
The Prince of Sidon sometimes went riding with al-'Adil, and they would go and inspect the Frankish positions. Every time the Franks saw him they would reiterate their offers of peace, for fear of an alliance between the Muslims and the Marquis, and their strength of mind weakened. This continued until 25 shawwa? l.
** *
Yusuf, one of the Prince of Sidon's pages, came from the Marquis to seek peace from
the Muslims. One of the conditions imposed by the Sultan was that the Marquis should undertake to fight his compatriots and to detach himself from them. The Frankish territories that he himself took after the peace were to be his, those taken by us alone were to be ours, and of those taken by both together, he should have the city and we the Muslim prison- ers and whatever else the place contained. He was to release all the Muslim prisoners in his domains, and if the King of England should make him governor of the city by some agreement between them, peace between him and us should be based on the conditions laid down between us and the King of England, except for Ascalon and the region beyond, which should not be subject to the treaty. The coastal region was to be his and the region
The text has 11th, which does not fit in with the preceding chronology.
Because, as Baha? ' ad-Din states elsewhere, whereas Richard's sister was a widow, Papal autho- rization was not necessary in the case of a virgin. In fact all these marriage projects were ship- wrecked on Christian objections to marriage with a Muslim.
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Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 137 held by us, ours, and the area between was to be divided between us. The messenger left to
carry these terms to the Marquis. 1
** *
(In sha'ba? n 588/late August 1192) al-'Adl2 came to Jaffa and was lodged in a tent out-
side the city while the King was informed of his arrival. He was then sent for with the rest of the delegation, and presented the text of the treaty. The King, who was ill, said: 'I have not the strength to read it now. But I agree to the peace, and here is my hand on it. ' The Muslim delegates conferred with Count Henry and Ibn Barza? n3 and submitted the docu- ment to them. They accepted the division of Lydda and Ramla, and everything else in the text. They agreed to take the oath on Wednesday morning, as they had already eaten that day and it is not their custom to take an oath after they have broken their fast. Al-'Adl sent the news to the Sultan.
On Wednesday 22 sha'ba? n/2 September the whole Muslim delegation was conducted into the King's presence. They took his hand and meant to take the oath with him, but he excused himself, saying that kings do not take oaths, and the Sultan was content with this declaration. So they took the oath at the hands of Count Henry and his nephew, whom he had made ruler of Palestine, and of Balia? n ibn Barza? n, Lord of Tiberias, with the agreement of the Templars, the Hospitallers and other Frankish leaders. In the course of that day they returned to the Sultan's tent and joined him for the evening prayer, accompanied from the Frankish side by Humphrey's son, Ibn Barza? n and a group of their generals. They were received with great honour and a tent worthy of them was erected. Al-'Adil presented his report to the Sultan. Next day, 23 sha'ba? n, the King's ambassador presented himself to the Sultan, took his noble hand and undertook to keep the peace on the terms laid down. They proposed that oaths to this effect should be sworn by al-Malik al-'Adil, al-Malik al-Afdal, al-Malik az-Zahir, 'Ali ibn Ahmad al-Mashtu? b, Badr ad-Din Yildiri? m, al-Malik al-Mansu? r, and all the rulers whose territories bordered on those of the Franks, such as Ibn al-Muqaddam of Shaizar. The Sultan for his part promised that he would send a messenger with them to all their neighbours to extract the oath from them. The King's ambassador also took the oath on behalf of the Prince of Antioch and Tripoli, on condition that the Muslims did the same on behalf of the other Muslims. If not, the treaty was annulled. Then the Sultan ordered a proclamation to be issued to all military camps and markets stating that a general peace extended over the whole territory and that unrestricted coming and going was permitted between their land and ours. He also proclaimed that the route of the Pilgrimage through Syria was open and expressed his intention of going on the Pilgrimage himself, an idea that occurred to him when I was with him. He also sent a hundred sappers under the command of a great ami? r to break down the walls of Ascalon1 and to enable the Franks to evacuate it. A Frankish delegation was to accompany them until the walls were down, for fear that we should leave them standing.
The assassin's dagger soon put an end to these intrigues with Conrad, who did not see the conclu- sion of the truce; see below.
The Muslim plenipotentiary.
Henry of Champagne, later King, and Balia? n II of Ibelin.
One of the clauses of the treaty.
1
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It was a memorable day, one on which the two sides expressed unimaginable joy and happiness. But it is well known that the peace did not entirely please the Sultan. In con- versation with me he said: 'I am afraid of making peace. I do not know what might happen to me,2 and the enemy would gain strength from my death because these lands are still in their hands: they would take the opportunity of attacking us and recovering the rest. You see how each of them is perched on his own hilltop', meaning their forts; and he concluded. 'As soon as I am gone, the Muslims will be destroyed. '
These were his words, and it happened just as he said. Yet he felt that the peace was a good thing in that the army was tired and openly hostile (to a continuation of the war). It was indeed a good thing, as God in his prescience knew, for Saladin died soon afterward, and if he had died during a campaign Isla? m would have been in danger. Peace was therefore an act of divine providence and a fortunate occurrence for Isla? m.
('IMA? D AD-DIN 434-6)
When the King of England perceived that the (Muslim) army was united, his own prob- lems more serious, Jerusalem irrecoverable and (divine) punishment hanging over him, he submitted and humbled himself, his boasts became less outrageous and he realized that he could not overcome one who was aided by fortune nor stand up against the hosts drawn up against him. He therefore declared that if he did not obtain a truce he would stay there and seek death, going to meet the worst; whereas he had decided to return to his own country to settle some matters there. 'Now,' he said, 'the time is close when the sea becomes unnavi- gable and the crests of the waves swell up on high. If you agree to a truce and enable me to, I shall fulfil my desire (to go); but if you fight and oppose me I shall pitch my tents and fix my dwelling here. Both sides are tired, both companies1 are exhausted. I have renounced Jerusalem and will now renounce Ascalon. But do not be misled by this mass of troops assembled from everywhere, for it is destined to disperse when winter comes. If we persist in our miserable conflict we shall destroy ourselves. So fulfil my desire and win my friend- ship; make a pact with me and let me go; agree with me and accept my respect. '
The Sultan called his ami? rs and counsellors and consulted them on this development, explained the approach that had been made to him and asked their advice, expounding the situation fully to them. 'We,' he said, 'thanks be to God, are in a strong position and within sight of the victory we have longed for. Our auxiliaries who have migrated to our side1 are men of faith, nobility and valour. We have become accustomed to fighting the Holy War and in it we have achieved our aim. Now it is difficult to break off what has become customary, and with God's help so far not one has broken with us. We have no other occupation and aim than that of making war, for we are not among those who are beguiled by games and led astray by dissipation. If we give up this work, what shall we do? If we destroy our hope of defeating them, what shall we hope for? I am afraid that with nothing to do death will
This fear of death appears often in Saladin's speeches; see the next passage.
I. e. the two antagonists.
A play on words alluding to the two categories of Companions of the Prophet: the Auxiliaries of Medina and the Emigrants of Mecca.
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Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 139
overcome me; and how will he who is accustomed to being adorned become used to being unadorned? My feeling is to reject the idea of a truce, and in preferring war, to prefer my honour and make it my leader. I do not seek to stand idle if it means wanting my present state to change. This duty has been placed upon me; it is my job, and with God's help I shall take the most determined and resolute course. ' To this the ami? rs replied: 'It is as you say; you must act as you think, and the right decision is the one that you make. 2 Only what you settle stays firm, and what you establish remains stable. Divine grace assist you in all you bind and loose, all that you give and take away. But you (alone) have looked to yourself, as one accustomed to happiness, to the desire to serve God, to the acquisition of eternal virtue, to the taking of measures necessary to success, to disdain for idleness and dislike of keeping oneself aloof. In yourself you find force and tenacity, and your indestructible faith marks you out as the one to achieve the aims we strive for. But look too at the state of the country, ruined and trampled underfoot, at your subjects, beaten down and confused, at your armies, exhausted and sick, at your horses, neglected and ruined. There is little forage, food is short, supply bases are far away, the necessities of life are dear. All supplies have to come from Egypt, confronting the murderous perils of the desert. Again, this concentra- tion of troops may well decide to disperse, and your lengthy explanation of the situation will in that case have little effect, with provisions cut off, roads blocked, the rich reduced to hunger, the poor to destitution, straw more precious than gold, barley unobtainable at any price. And if they fail to get their truce they will devote all their energies to strengthen- ing and consolidating their position; they will face death with high courage in the course of achieving their aims, and for love of their Faith will refuse to submit to humiliation. The best thing is for you to remember the verse revealed by God: "and if they incline to peace, you too should incline to it". 1 Then the farmers and inhabitants will return to their lands, and harvests and fruits will abound during the time of the truce. The armies can renew their equipment and rest throughout the time of peace. When war returns again we too shall return, reinforced and augmented, with supplies of food and forage, untroubled by exhaustion and strife. During peacetime we shall prepare for war, and shall renew the means of striking a blow with point and blade. This does not mean abandoning the service of God, but is simply a means of increasing our usefulness and our strength and success. The Franks will not keep faith long, or abide by sworn treaties; therefore make a truce with them all, which will enable them to break up and disperse, enduring the blows they have suffered and leaving no one in Palestine capable of resisting and standing up to us. '
The assembly continued to impress this view on the Sultan until he gave way and con- sented to their demands. The distance between the two armies was not more than a day's march, and the clouds of dust were already gathering over the outposts; if we had moved we should have dislodged them and thrown them into complete confusion. But God's will prevailed, and the King of England's request for peace was granted. I helped to draw up the treaty and wrote the text, fixing the boundaries and specifying the terms, and this was
Observe the Oriental method of beginning with an apparent agreement when about to express an opposing view.
Qur'a? n VIII, 63.
2
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140 Arab Historians of the Crusades
Tuesday 21 sha'ba? n 588, which corresponds to 1 September (1192). The truce lasted three years and eight months. They believed that the breathing-space coincided with their arrival by sea and the possibility of continuous reinforcements of men arriving and settling there. So they stipulated a general truce by land and sea, plains and mountains, desert and cit- ies. The Franks were assigned the land from Jaffa to Caesarea and from Acre to Tyre. The Franks, even when abandoning land formerly held by them, appeared happy and content, and included Tripoli and Antioch in the terms, and the near and distant provinces.
CHAPTER SEVEN
The gallant Marquis of Montferrat did not see this peace, nor did he grasp the royal crown that he had coveted. There is a certain disagreement in the Muslim texts about who armed the assassins who killed him at Tyre in April 1192: Baha? ' ad-Din and 'Ima? d ad-Din expressly name Richard of England (into whose negotiations Conrad, as we have seen, insinuated himself with his own scheme, repeating the personal approach made to Saladin by the Count of Tripoli before Hitti? n), whereas Ibn al-Athi? r suggests Saladin himself, attempting to kill Conrad and Richard at the same time. This seems very unlikely (consider on this point 'Ima? d ad-Din's persuasive suggestion that Conrad died at an inopportune moment for the Muslims), but the episode is strangely reflected, in a manner that reinforces suspicion of Saladin, in a later account, corrupted by legend, of the murder of a Frankish King at Acre enjoined upon the faithful by the Watcher of the Mountain to please his friend the Sultan. This strange text, which here follows accounts by 'Ima? d ad-Din and Ibn al-Athi? r, is from an Isma'ilite source: an anecdotal and edifying biography of the contemporary Grand Master of the Assassins, Rashid ad-Din Sina? n. In fact the assassins tried more than once to kill Saladin, whose rigid orthodoxy was irreconcilable with their heterodox beliefs.
THE ASSASSINATION OF CONRAD OF MONTFERRAT ('IMA? D AD-DIN, 420-2)
On Tuesday 13 rabi? ' II (588/28 April 1192) he was entertained by the Bishop of Tyre and ate his last meal, for his last day was come. He who would cut off all his hope was even now at the door. He was condemned to Hell, where (the angel) Malik was awaiting his arrival, and Tartarus was on the watch for his coming; the deepest circle of Hell-fire was burning, the blaze blazed and the flame flamed as it waited for him. The moment was at hand when the abyss would receive him and the fires of Hell would burn for him, and the Angels of Justice were even now building the foul place where they would torment him. Hell had already opened its seven gates, gaping to engorge him. Meanwhile he lounged carelessly on his couch eating his food. He ate and made his collation, unaware of the precipice ahead of him; he ate and drank, sated and solaced himself, and went out and rode his horse. Suddenly two men fell upon him like two mangy wolves and with their daggers stopped his movement and struck him down near those shops. Then one of them fled and entered a church, having put out that vile soul. The Marquis, at death's door, but still with a flicker of life in him, said 'Take me into the church', and they took him in thinking that he was safe there. But when that one of the two murderers saw him, he fell on him to finish him off and struck him again, blow on blow. The Franks seized the two companions, and found that they were two apostates of the Brotherhood of Isma'ilites. 1 They asked them
1
I. e. the Assassins, considered to be outside the Faith by orthodox Muslims.
142 Arab Historians of the Crusades
who had commanded them to commit this murder, and the assassins said it was the king of England. They also said that they had been Christians for six months and had begun a life of asceticism and purification, frequenting churches and living lives of rigorous piety. One was in service with Ibn Barza? n and one with the Prince of Sidon so that they could both be close to the Marquis, ensuring his confidence in them by their constant presence. Then they seized hold of his saddle-bow and slaughtered him. They were both subjected to cruel punishments and were reduced to the depths of degradation. An extraordinary case of two Unbelievers shedding an Unbeliever's blood, two criminals killing a criminal!
When the Marquis was dead and hung head downward in Hell, the King of England assumed control of Tyre and conferred it upon Count Henry,2 arranging it all with him. Henry married the Marquis' wife on the same night,1 maintaining that he had first right to the dead man's wife. She was pregnant, but this-did not prevent his uniting himself with her, something even more disgusting than the coupling of the flesh. I asked one of their courtiers to whom paternity would be awarded and he said: 'It will be the Queen's child. ' You see the licentiousness of these foul Unbelievers!
The death of the Marquis in such circumstances was of little benefit to us, although he was one of the ringleaders of error, because he was one of the King of England's enemies, his rival for the kingdom and the throne and his competitor in all and for all. He was in con- tact with us in the hope of our help to get back what the King had taken from him. When- ever the King of England heard that the Marquis' ambassador was at the Sultan's court he at once sent messages full of humility and docility, and resumed negotiations for peace, and it was possible to hope that light would dawn on his night of error. When the Marquis was killed the fear in his heart was calmed, his troubled disquiet vanished, he became serene again, his affairs returned to normal and the evil he represented for Isla? m increased. In his opposition to the Marquis he had taken the part of the old King (Guy), showing him the affection of a loving relative and investing him with the island of Cyprus and all its territory, attempting by his appointment to cure all its ills. Once the Marquis was dead he realized that he had been wrong to support Guy, and was afraid that he would have to fly from his hostility and that he was not secure from attack by him. When his enemy vanished he found his calm again, tranquillity returned, his madness ebbed, his wrath dispersed, his good fortune excited him and he poured out all the brutality of the fountain of unbelief. In spite of all this he did not break off relations with Guy or discard him, but continued to send him pleasing messages and to try to charm and beguile him.
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 51)
In this year, on 13 rabi? ' II, the Frankish Marquis, the ruler of Tyre--God damn him! --was killed. He was the greatest devil of all the Franks. The cause of his death was Saladin's negotiation with Sina? n,1 leader of the Isma'ilites, to send a man to kill the King of England; if he then killed the Marquis he would get 2,000 dinar. It was not possible to kill the King of England, and it did not seem to Sina? n to be in their interests, in that it would free Saladin
Henry of Champagne.
He became governor of Tyre and married Isabella on the same night.
The Old Man of the Mountain, or Grand Master of the Assassins; see the next section.
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Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 143
of all worry about the Franks and he would then turn on the Isma'ilites themselves. On the other hand, he was anxious to have the money, and so he resolved to organize the death of the Marquis. He sent two men in monk's robes, who entered the service of Ibn Barza? n of ar-Ramla and the Prince of Sidon. They stayed with them for six months, showing great devotion, and the Marquis felt secure and confident with them.
