No More Learning

The
first were formed of Roman citizens, taken with their families from the
classes subjected to military service, and even, in their origin, solely
among the patricians. The _coloni_ preserved the privileges attached to
the title of citizen,[176] and were bound by the same obligations, and
the interior administration of the colony was an image of that of
Rome. [177]

The Latin colonies differed from the others in having been founded by
the confederacy of the Latins on different points of Latium. Emanating
from a league of independent cities, they were not, like the Roman
colonies, tied by close bonds to the metropolis. [178] But the
confederacy once dissolved, these colonies were placed in the rank of
allied towns (_socii Latini_). The act (_formula_) which instituted them
was a sort of _treaty_ guaranteeing their franchise. [179]

Peopled at first by Latins, it was not long before these colonies
received Roman citizens who were induced by their poverty to exchange
their title and rights for the advantages assured to the colonists.
These did not figure on the lists of the censors. The _formula_ fixed
simply the tribute to pay and the number of soldiers to furnish. What
the colony lost in privileges it gained in independence. [180]

The isolation of the Latin colonies, placed in the middle of the enemy’s
territory, obliged them to remain faithful to Rome, and to keep watch on
the neighbouring peoples. Their military importance was at least equal
to that of the Roman colonies; they merited as well as these latter the
name of _propugnacula imperii_ and of _specula_,[181] that is, bulwarks
and watch-towers of the conquest. In a political point of view they
rendered services of a similar kind. If the Roman colonies announced to
the conquered people the majesty of the Roman name, their Latin sisters
gave an ever-increasing extension to the _nomen Latinum_,[182] that is,
to the language, manners, and whole civilisation of that race of which
Rome was but the first representative. The Latin colonies were
ordinarily founded to economise the colonies of Roman citizens, which
were charged principally with the defence of the coasts and the
maintenance of commercial relations with foreign people.

In making the privileges of the Roman citizen an advantage which every
one was happy and proud to acquire, the Senate held out a bait to all
ambitions; and this general desire, not to destroy the privilege, but to
gain a place among the privileged, is a characteristic trait of the
manners of antiquity. In the city not less than in the State, the
insurgents or discontented did not seek, as in our modern societies, to
overthrow, but to attain to. So every one, according to his position,
aspired to a legitimate object: the plebeians to enter into the
aristocracy, not to destroy it; the Italic peoples, to have a part in
the sovereignty of Rome, not to contest it; the Roman provinces to be
declared allies and friends of Rome, and not to recover their
independence.

The peoples could judge, according to their conduct, what lot was
reserved for them. The paltry interests of city were replaced by an
effectual protection, and by new rights often more precious, in the eyes
of the vanquished, than independence itself. This explains the facility
with which the Roman domination was established. In fact, that only is
destroyed entirely which may be replaced advantageously.

A rapid glance at the wars which effected the conquest of Italy will
show how the Senate made application of the principles stated above; how
it was skilful in profiting by the divisions of its adversaries, in
collecting its whole strength to overwhelm one of them; after the
victory in making it an ally; in using the aims and resources of that
ally to subjugate another people; in crushing the confederacies which
united the vanquished against it; in attaching them to Rome by new
bonds; in establishing military posts on all the points of strategic
importance; and, lastly, in spreading everywhere the Latin race by
distributing to Roman citizens a part of the lands taken from the enemy.

But, before entering upon the recital of events, we must cast a glance
upon the years which immediately preceded the pacification of Latium.


[Sidenote: Submission of Latium after the first Samnite War. ]

IV. During a hundred and sixty-seven years, Rome had been satisfied with
struggling against her neighbours to re-conquer a supremacy lost since
the fall of her kings. She held herself almost always on the defensive;
but, with the fifth century, she took the offensive, and inaugurated the
system of conquests continued to the moment when she herself succumbed.

In 411, she had, in concert with the Latins, combated the Samnites for
the first time, and commenced against that redoubtable people a
struggle which lasted seventy-two years, and which brought twenty-four
triumphs to the Roman generals. [183] Proud of having contributed to the
two great victories of Mount Gaurus and Suessula, the Latins, with an
exaggerated belief in their own strength and a pretension to equality
with Rome, went so far as to require that one of the two consuls, and
half of the senators, should be chosen from their nation. War was
immediately declared. The Senate was willing enough to have allies and
subjects, but it could not suffer equals; it accepted without scruple
the services of those who had just been enemies, and the Romans, united
with the Samnites, the Hernici, and the Sabellian peoples, were seen in
the fields of the Veseris and Trifanum, fighting against the Latins and
Volsci. Latium once reduced, it remained to determine the lot of the
vanquished. Livy reports a speech of Camillus which explains clearly the
policy recommended by that great citizen. “Will you,” he exclaims,
addressing the members of the assembly, “use the utmost rigour of the
rights of victory? You are masters to destroy all Latium, and to make a
vast desert of it, after having often drawn from it powerful succours.
Will you, on the contrary, after the example of your fathers, augment
the resources of Rome? Admit the vanquished among the number of your
citizens; it is a fruitful means of increasing at the same time your
power and your glory. ”[184] This last counsel prevailed.

The first step was to break the bonds which made of the Latin people a
sort of confederacy. All political communalty, all war on their own
account, all rights of _commercium_ and _connubium_, between the
different cities, were taken from them. [185]

The towns nearest Rome received the rights of city and suffrage. [186]
Others received the title of allies and the privilege of preserving
their own institutions, but they lost a part of their territory. [187] As
to the Latin colonies founded before in the old country of the Volsci,
they formed the nucleus of the Latin allies (_socii nominis Latini_).
Velitræ, alone, having already revolted several times, was treated with
great rigour; Antium was compelled to surrender its ships, and become a
maritime colony.

These severe, but equitable measures, had pacified Latium; applied to
the rest of Italy, and even to foreign countries, they will facilitate
everywhere the progress of Roman domination.

The momentary alliance with the Samnites had permitted Rome to reduce
the Latins; nevertheless the Senate, without hesitation, turned against
the former again as soon as the moment appeared convenient. It
concluded, in 422, a treaty with the Gauls and Alexander Molossus, who,
having landed near Pæstum, attacked the Lucanians and the Samnites. This
King of Epirus, the uncle of Alexander the Great, had been called into
Italy by the Tarentines; but his premature death disappointed the hopes
to which his co-operation had given rise, and the Samnites recommenced
their incursions on the lands of their neighbours. The intervention of
Rome put a stop to the war. All the forces of the Republic were employed
in reducing the revolt of the Volscian towns of Fundi and
Privernum. [188] In 425, Anxur (_Terracina_) was declared a Roman colony,
and, in 426, Fregellæ (_Ceprano? _), a Latin colony.

The establishment of these fortresses, and of those of Cales and Antium,
secured the communications with Campania; the Liris and the Vulturnus
became in that direction the principal lines of defence of the Romans.
The cities situated on the shores of that magnificent gulf called
_Crater_ by the ancients, and in our days the _Gulf of Naples_,
perceived then the dangers which threatened them. They turned their eyes
towards the population of the interior, who were no less alarmed for
their independence.


[Sidenote: Second Samnite War. ]

V. The fertile countries which bordered the western shore of the
peninsula were destined to excite the covetousness of the Romans and the
Samnites, and become the prey of the conqueror. “Campania, indeed,” says
Florus,[189] “is the finest country of Italy, and even of the whole
world. There is nothing milder than its climate. Spring flourishes there
twice every year. There can be nothing more fertile than its soil. It is
called the garden of Ceres and Bacchus. There is not a more hospitable
sea than that which bathes its shores. ” In 427, the two peoples
disputed the possession of it, as they had done in 411. The inhabitants
of Palæopolis having attacked the Roman colonists of the _ager
Campanus_, the consuls marched against that place, which soon received
succour from the Samnites and the inhabitants of Nola, while Rome formed
an alliance with the Apulians and the Lucanians. The siege dragged on,
and the necessity of continuing the campaign beyond the ordinary limit
led to the prolongation of the command of Publilius Philo with the title
of proconsul, which appeared for the first time in the military annals.
The Samnites were soon driven from Campania; the Palæopolitans
submitted; their town was demolished; but they formed close to it a new
establishment, at Naples (_Neapolis_), where a new treaty guaranteed
them an almost absolute independence, on the condition of furnishing a
certain number of vessels to Rome. After that, nearly all the Greek
towns, reduced one after another, obtained the same favourable
conditions, and formed the class of the _socii navales_. [190]

Yet the war was protracted in the mountains of the Apennine. Tarentum
united with the Samnites, the only people who were still to be
feared,[191] and the Lucanians abandoned the alliance of the Romans;
but, in 429, the two most celebrated captains of the time, Q. Fabius
Rullianus and Papirius Cursor, penetrated into the country of Samnium,
and compelled the enemy to pay an indemnity for the war and accept a
year’s truce.

At this epoch, an unforeseen event, which changed the destinies of the
world, came to demonstrate the difference between the rapid creation of
a man of genius and the patient work of an intelligent aristocracy.
Alexander the Great, after having shone like a meteor, and brought into
subjection the most powerful kingdoms of Asia, died at Babylon. His
fruitful and decisive influence, which carried the civilization of
Greece into the East, survived him, but at his death, the empire he
founded became in a few years dismembered (431); the Roman aristocracy,
on the contrary, perpetuating itself from age to age, pursued more
slowly, but without interruption, the system which, binding again the
peoples about a common centre, was destined by little and little to
secure her domination over Italy first, and then over the universe.

The defection of a part of the Apulians, in 431, encouraged the Samnites
to take arms again; defeated in the following years, they asked for the
restoration of friendly relations, but the haughty refusal of Rome led,
in 433, to the famous defeat of the Furcæ Caudinæ. The generosity of the
Samnite general, Pontus Herennius, who granted their lives to so many
thousands of prisoners on condition of restoring to force the old
treaties, had no effect upon the Senate. Four legions had passed under
the yoke--a circumstance in which the Senate only saw a new affront to
revenge. The treaty of Caudium was not ratified, and subterfuges little
excusable, although approved at a later period by Cicero,[192] gave to
the refusal an appearance of justice.

Meanwhile the Senate exerted itself vigorously to repair this check, and
soon Publilius Philo defeated the enemies in Samnium, and, in Apulia,
Papirius, in his turn, caused seven thousand Samnites to pass under the
yoke. The vanquished solicited peace, but in vain; they only obtained a
truce for two years (436), and it had hardly expired, when, penetrating
into the country of the Volsci, as far as the neighbourhood of
Terracina, and taking a position at Lautulæ, they defeated a Roman army
raised hastily and commanded by Q. Fabius (439). Capua deserted, and
Nola, Nuceria, the Aurunci, and the Volsci of the Liris took part openly
with the Samnites. The spirit of rebellion spread as far as Præneste.
Rome was in danger. The Senate required its utmost energy to restrain
populations whose fidelity was always doubtful. Fortune seconded its
efforts, and the allies, who had proved traitors, received a cruel
chastisement, explained by the terror they had inspired. In 440,[193]
not far from Caudium, a numerous army encountered the Samnites, who lost
30,000 men, and were driven back into the Apennine territory. The Roman
legions proceeded to encamp before their capital, Bovianum, and there
took up their winter quarters.

The year following (441), Rome, less occupied in fighting, profited by
this circumstance to seize upon advantageous positions, establishing in
Campania and Apulia colonies which surrounded the territory of Samnium.
At the same epoch, Appius Claudius transformed into a regular causeway
the road which has preserved his name. [194] The Romans turned their
attention to the defence of the coasts and communication by sea; a
colony was sent to the isle of Pontia,[195] opposite Tarracina, and the
armament of a fleet was commenced, which was placed under the command of
_duumviri navales_. [196] The war had lasted fifteen years, and, although
Rome had only succeeded in driving back the Samnites into their own
territory, she had conquered two provinces, Apulia and Campania.


[Sidenote: Third Samnite war. Coalition of Samnites, Etruscans,
Umbrians, and Hernici (443-449). ]

VI. A struggle so desperate had produced its effect even in Etruria, and
the old league was formed again. Inured to war by their daily combats
with the Gauls, and emboldened by the reports of the defeat of Lautulæ,
the Etruscans believed that the moment had arrived for recovering their
ancient territory to the south of the Ciminian forest; they were further
encouraged by the attitude of the peoples of Central Italy, who were
weary of the continual passing of legions. From 443 to 449, the armies
of the Republic were obliged to face different enemies at the same time.
In Etruria, Fabius Rullianus relieved Sutrium, a rampart of Rome on the
north;[197] he passed through the Ciminian forest, and by the victories
of Lake Vadimo (445)[198] and Perusia compelled all the Etruscan towns
to ask for peace. At the same time, an army laid waste the country of
the Samnites; and a Roman fleet, composed of vessels furnished by the
maritime allies, took the offensive for the first time. Its attempt near
Nuceria Alfaterna (_Nocera_, a town of Campania) was unfortunate.

War next breaks out again in Apulia, Samnium, and Etruria, where the
aged Papirius Cursor, named dictator anew, gains a brilliant victory at
Langula (445). The year following Fabius penetrates again into Samnium,
and the other consul, Decius, maintains Etruria. Suddenly the Umbrians
conceive the project of seizing Rome by surprise. The consuls are
recalled for the defence of the town. Fabius meets the Etruscans at
Mevania (on the confines of Etruria and Umbria), and, the year
following, at Allifæ (447). Among the prisoners were some Æqui and
Hernici. Their towns, feeling themselves thus compromised, declared open
war against the Romans (448). The Samnites recovered courage; but the
prompt reduction of the Hernici allowed the Senate to concentrate its
forces. Two armies, penetrating into Samnium by way of Apulia and
Campania, re-established the old frontiers. Bovianum was taken for the
third time, and during six months the country was delivered up to
devastation. In vain Tarentum tried to raise new quarrels for the
Republic, and to force the Lucanians to embrace the cause of the
Samnites. The successes of the Roman arms led to the conclusion of
treaties of peace with all the peoples of Southern Italy, constrained
thenceforward to acknowledge the _majesty_ of the Roman people. The Æqui
remained alone exposed to the wrath of Rome; the Senate did not forget
that at Allifæ they had fought in the ranks of the enemy, and, once
freed from its more serious embarrassments, it inflicted on this people
a terrible chastisement: forty-one places were taken and burnt in fifty
days. This period of six years thus terminated with the submission of
the Hernici and Æqui.

Five years less agitated left Rome time to regulate the position of its
new subjects, and to establish colonies and ways of communication.

The Hernici were treated in the same manner as the Latins, in 416, and
deprived of _commercium_ and _connubium_. Prefects and the law of the
Cærites were imposed on Anagnia, Frusino, and other towns guilty of
desertion. The cities which had remained faithful preserved their
independence and the title of allies (448);[199] the Æqui lost a part of
their territory and received the right of city without suffrage (450).
The Samnites, sufficiently humiliated, obtained at last the renewal of
their ancient conventions (450). [200] _Fœdera non æqua_ were
concluded with the Marsi, the Peligni, the Marrucini, the Frentani
(450), the Vestini (452), and the Picentini (455). [201] Rome treated
with Tarentum on a footing of equality, and engaged not to let her fleet
pass the Lacinian Promontory to the south of the Gulf of Tarentum. [202]

Thus, on the one hand, the territories shared among the Roman citizens;
on the other, the number of the municipia were considerably augmented.
Further, the Republic had acquired new allies; she possessed at length
the passages of the Apennines and commanded both seas. [203] A girdle of
Latin fortresses protected Rome and broke the communications between the
north and south of Italy; among the Marsi and the Æqui, there were Alba
and Carseoli; Sora, towards the sources of the Liris; and Narnia, in
Umbria. Military roads connected the colonies with the metropolis.


[Sidenote: Fourth Samnite War. Second coalition of the Samnites,
Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls (456-464). ]

VII. Peace could not last long: between Rome and the Samnites it was a
duel to death. In 456, these latter had already sufficiently recovered
from their disasters to attempt once more the fortune of arms. [204] Rome
sends to the succour of the Lucanians, suddenly attacked, two consular
armies. Vanquished at Tifernum by Fabius, at Maleventum by Decius, the
Samnites witness the devastation of their whole country. Still they do
not lose courage; their chief, Gellius Egnatius, conceives a plan which
places Rome in great danger. He divides the Samnite army into three
bodies: the first remains to defend the country; the second takes the
offensive in Campania; the third, which he commands in person, throws
itself into Etruria, and, increased by the junction of the Etruscans,
the Gauls, and the Umbrians, soon forms a numerous army. [205] The storm
roared on all sides, and, while the Roman generals were occupied some
in Samnium and others in Campania, despatches arrived from Appius,
placed at the head of the army of Etruria, announcing a terrible
coalition formed in silence by the peoples of the north, who were
concentrating all their forces in Umbria for the purpose of marching
upon Rome.

The terror was extreme, but the energy of the Romans was equal to the
danger. All able men, even to the freedmen, were enrolled, and ninety
thousand soldiers were raised. Under these grave circumstances (458),
Fabius and Decius were, once again, raised to the supreme magistracy,
and gained, under the walls of Sentinum, a brilliant victory, long
disputed. During the battle, Decius devoted himself, as his father had
done before. The coalition once dissolved, Fabius defeated another army
which had issued from Perusia, and then came to receive the honour of a
triumph in Rome. Etruria was subdued (460), and obtained a truce of
forty years. [206]

The Samnites still maintained an obstinate struggle of mingled successes
and reverses. In 461, after having taken an oath to conquer or die,
thirty thousand of them were left on the field of battle of Aquilonia. A
few months later, the celebrated Pontius, the hero of Furcæ Caudinæ,
re-appeared, at the end of twenty-nine years, at the head of his
fellow-citizens, and inflicted upon the son of Fabius a check, which the
latter soon retrieved with the assistance of his father. [207] Finally,
in 464, two Roman armies re-commenced, in Samnium, a war of
extermination, which led for the fourth time to the renewal of the
ancient treaties and the cession of a certain extent of territory. At
the same epoch, an insurrection which broke out in the Sabine territory
was put down by Curius Dentatus. Central Italy was conquered.

The peace with the Samnites lasted five years (464-469). Rome extended
her frontiers, and fortified those of the peoples placed under her
protectorate; and at the same time established new military forts.

The right of city without suffrage was accorded to the Sabines, and
prefects were given to some of the towns of the valley of the Vulturnus
(_Venafrum_ and _Allifæ_). [208] A Latin colony, of twenty thousand men,
was sent to Venusia to watch over Southern Italy. [209] It commanded at
the same time Samnium, Apulia, and Lucania. If, owing to the treaty
concluded with the Greek towns, the Roman supremacy extended over the
south of the peninsula, to the north the Etruscans could not be reckoned
as allies, since nothing more than truces had been concluded with them.
In Umbria, the small tribe of the Sarsinates remained independent, and
all the coast district from the Rubicon to the Æsis was in the power of
the Senones; on their southern frontier the Roman colony of Sena Gallica
(_Sinigaglia_) was founded; the coast of Picenum was watched by that of
Castrum Novum and by the Latin fortress of Hatria (465). [210]


[Sidenote: Third coalition of the Etruscans, Gauls, Lucanians, and
Tarentines (469-474). ]

VIII. The power of Rome had increased considerably. The Samnites, who
hitherto had played the first part, were no longer in a condition to
plan further coalitions, and one people alone could hardly be rash
enough to provoke the Republic. Yet the Lucanians, always hesitating,
gave this time the signal for a general revolt.

The attack on Thurium, by the Lucanians and Bruttians, became the
occasion of a new league, into which entered successively the
Tarentines, the Samnites, the Etruscans, and even the Gauls. The north
was soon in flames, and Etruria again became the battle-field. A Roman
army, which had hastened to relieve Arretium, was put to rout by the
Etruscans united with Gaulish mercenaries. The Senones, to whom these
belonged, having massacred the Roman ambassadors sent to expostulate on
their violation of the treaty with the Republic, the Senate sent against
them two legions who drove them back beyond the Rubicon. The Gaulish
tribe of the Boians, alarmed by the fate of the Senones, descended
immediately into Umbria, and, rallying the Etruscans, prepared to march
to renew the sack of Rome; but their march was arrested, and two
successive victories, at Lake Vadimo, (471) and Populonia (472), enabled
the Senate to conclude a convention which drove back the Boians into
their old territory. Hostilities continued with the Etruscans during two
years, after which their submission completed the conquest of Northern
Italy.


[Sidenote: Pyrrhus in Italy. Submission of Tarentum (474-488). ]

IX. Free to the north, the Romans turned their efforts against the
south of Italy; war was declared against Tarentum, the people of which
had attacked a Roman flotilla. While the consul Æmilius invested the
town, the first troops of Pyrrhus, called in by the Tarentines,
disembarked in the port (474).

This epoch marks a new phase in the destinies of Rome, who is going, for
the first time, to measure herself with Greece. Hitherto the legions
have never had to combat really regular armies, but they have become
disciplined in war by incessant struggles in the mountains of Samnium
and Etruria; henceforth they will have to face old soldiers disciplined
in skilful tactics and commanded by an experienced warrior. The King of
Epirus, after having already twice lost and recovered his kingdom, and
invaded and abandoned Macedonia, dreamt of conquering the West. On the
news of his arrival at the head of twenty-five thousand soldiers and
twenty elephants,[211] the Romans enrolled all citizens capable of
bearing arms, even the proletaries; but, admirable example of courage!
they rejected the support of the Carthaginian fleet with this proud
declaration: “The Republic only entertains wars which it can sustain
with its own forces. ”[212] While fifty thousand men, under the orders of
the consul Lævinus, march against the King of Epirus, to prevent his
junction with the Samnites, another army enters Lucania. The consul
Tiberius Coruncanius holds Etruria, again in agitation. Lastly, an army
of reserve guards the capital.

Lævinus encountered the King of Epirus near Heraclea, a colony of
Tarentum (474). Seven times in succession the legions charged the
phalanx, which was on the point of giving way, when the elephants,
animals unknown to the Romans, decided the victory in favour of the
enemy. A single battle had delivered to Pyrrhus all the south of the
Peninsula, where the Greek towns received him with enthusiasm.

But, though victor, he had sustained considerable losses, and learned at
the same time the effeminacy of the Greeks of Italy, and the energy of a
people of soldiers. He offered peace, and asked of the Senate liberty
for the Samnites, the Lucanians, and especially for the Greek towns. Old
Appius Claudius declared it impossible so long as Pyrrhus occupied
Italian soil, and peace was refused. The king then resolved to march
upon Rome through Campania, where his troops made great booty.

Lævinus, made prudent by his defeat, satisfied himself with watching the
enemy’s army, and succeeded in covering Capua; whence he followed
Pyrrhus from place to place, looking out for a favourable opportunity.
This prince, advancing by the Latin Way, had reached Præneste without
obstacle,[213] when, surrounded by three Roman armies, he found himself
under the necessity of falling back and retiring into Lucania. Next
year, reckoning on finding new auxiliaries among the peoples of the
east, he attacked Apulia; but the fidelity of the allies in Central
Italy was not shaken. Victorious at Asculum (_Ascoli di Satriano_)
(475), but without a decisive success, and encountering always the same
resistance, he seized the first opportunity of quitting Italy to conquer
Sicily (476-78). During this time, the Senate re-established the Roman
domination in Southern Italy, and even seized upon some of the Greek
towns, among the rest Locri and Heraclea. [214] Samnium, Lucania, and
Bruttium were again given up to the power of the legions, and forced to
surrender lands and renew treaties of alliance; on the coast, Tarentum
and Rhegium alone remained independent. The Samnites still resisted, and
the Roman army encamped in their country in 478 and 479. Meanwhile
Pyrrhus returns to Italy, reckoning on arriving in time to deliver
Samnium; but he is defeated at Beneventum by Curius Dentatus, and
returns to his country. The invasion of Pyrrhus, cousin of Alexander the
Great; and one of his successors, appears as one of the last efforts of
Grecian civilisation expiring at the feet of the rising grandeur of
Roman civilisation.

The war against the King of Epirus produced two remarkable results: it
improved the Romans in military tactics, and introduced between the
combatants those mutual regards of civilised nations which teach men to
honour their adversaries, to spare the vanquished, and to lay aside
wrath when the struggle is ended. The King of Epirus treated his Roman
prisoners with great generosity. Cineas, sent to the Senate at Rome, and
Fabricius, envoy to Pyrrhus, carried back from their mission a profound
respect for those whom they had combated.
In the following years Rome took Tarentum (482),[215] finally pacified
Samnium, and took possession of Rhegium (483-485). Since the battle of
Mount Gaurus, seventy-two years had passed, and several generations had
succeeded each other, without seeing the end of this long and sanguinary
quarrel. The Samnites had been nearly exterminated, and yet the spirit
of independence and liberty remained deeply rooted in their mountains.
When, at the end of two centuries and a half, the war of the allies
shall come, it is there still that the cause of equality of rights will
find its strongest support.

The other peoples underwent quickly the laws of the conqueror. The
inhabitants of Picenum, as a punishment for their revolt, were despoiled
of a part of their territory, and a certain number among them received
new lands in the south of Campania, near the Gulf of Salernum
(_Picentini_)(486). In 487, the submission of the Salentines allowed the
Romans to seize Brundusium, the most important port of the
Adriatic. [216] The Sarsinates were reduced the years following. [217]
Finally, Volsinium, a town of Etruria, was again numbered among the
allies of the Republic. The Sabines received the right of suffrage.
Italy, become henceforth Roman, extended from the Rubicon to the Straits
of Messina.


[Sidenote: Preponderance of Rome. ]

X. During this period, the conquest of the subjugated countries was
ensured by the foundation of colonies. Rome became thus encircled by a
girdle of fortresses commanding all the passages which led to Latium,
and closing the roads to Campania, Samnium, Etruria, and Gaul. [218]

At the opening of the struggle which ended in the conquest of Italy,
there were only twenty-seven tribes of Roman citizens; the creation of
eight new tribes (the two last in 513) raised finally the number to
thirty-five, of which twenty-one were reserved to the old Roman people
and fourteen to the new citizens. Of these the Etruscans had four; the
Latins, the Volsci, the Ausones, the Æqui, and the Sabines, each two;
but, these tribes being at a considerable distance from the capital, the
new citizens could hardly take part in the comitia, and the majority,
with its influence, remained with those who dwelt at Rome. [219] After
513, no more tribes were created; those who received the rights of
citizens were only placed in the previously existing tribes; so that the
members of one individual tribe were scattered in the provinces, and the
number of those inscribed went on increasing continually by individual
additions, and by the tendency more and more apparent to raise the
municipia of the second order to the rank of the first order. Thus,
towards the middle of the sixth century, the towns of the Æqui, the
Hernici, the Volsci, and a part of those of Campania, including the
ancient Samnite cities of Venafrum and Allifæ, obtained the right of
city with suffrage.

Rome, towards the end of the fifth century, thus ruled, though in
different degrees, the peoples of Italy proper. The Italian State, if we
may give it that name, was composed of a reigning class, the citizens;
of a class protected, or held in guardianship, the allies; and of a
third class, the subjects. Allies or subjects were all obliged to
furnish military contingents. The maritime Greek towns furnished sailors
to the fleet. Even the cities, which preserved their independence for
their interior affairs, obeyed, so far as the military administration
was concerned, special functionaries appointed by the metropolis. [220]
The consuls had the right of raising in the countries bordering on the
theatre of war all men capable of bearing arms. The equipment and pay of
the troops remained at the charge of the cities; Rome provided for their
maintenance during war. The auxiliary infantry was ordinarily equal in
number to that of the Romans, the cavalry double or triple.

In exchange for this military assistance, the allies had a right to a
part of the conquered territory, and, in return for an annual rent, to
the usufruct of the domains of the State. These domains, considerable in
the peninsula,[221] formed the sole source of income which the treasury
derived from the allies, free in other respects from tribute. Four
questors (_quæstores classici_) were established to watch over the
execution of the orders of the Senate, the equipment of the fleet, and
the collection of the farm-rents.

Rome reserved to herself exclusively the direction of the affairs of the
exterior, and presided alone over the destinies of the Republic. The
allies never interfered in the decisions of the Forum, and each town
kept within the narrow limits of its communal administration. The
Italian nationality was thus gradually constituted by means of this
political centralisation, without which the different peoples would have
mutually weakened each other by intestine wars, more ruinous than
foreign wars, and Italy would not have been in a condition to resist the
double pressure of the Gauls and the Carthaginians.

The form adopted by Rome to rule Italy was the best possible, but only
as a transition form. The object to be aimed at was, in fact, the
complete assimilation of all the inhabitants of the peninsula, and this
was evidently the aim of the wise policy of the Camilli and the Fabii.
When we consider that the colonies of citizens presented the faithful
image of Rome; that the Latin colonies had analogous institutions and
laws; and that a great number of Roman citizens and Latin allies were
dispersed, in the different countries of the peninsula, over the vast
territories ceded as the consequence of war, we may judge how rapid must
have been the diffusion of Roman manners and the Latin language.

If Rome, in later times, had not the wisdom to seize the favourable
moment in which assimilation, already effected in people’s minds, might
have passed into the domain of facts, the reason of it was the
abandonment of the principles of equity which had guided the Senate in
the first ages of the Republic, and, above all, the corruption of the
magnates, interested in maintaining the inferior condition of the
allies. The right of city extended to all the peoples of Italy, time
enough to be useful, would have given to the Republic a new force; but
an obstinate refusal became the cause of the revolution commenced by the
Gracchi, continued by Marius, extinguished for a moment by Sylla, and
completed by Cæsar.


[Sidenote: Strength of the Institutions. ]

XI. At the epoch with which we are occupied, the Republic is in all its
splendour.

The institutions form remarkable men; the annual elections carry into
power those who are most worthy, and recall them to it after a short
interval. The sphere of action for the military chiefs does not extend
beyond the natural frontiers of the peninsula, and their ambition,
restrained in their duty by public opinion, does not exceed a legitimate
object, the union of all Italy under one dominion. The members of the
aristocracy seem to inherit the exploits as well as the virtues of their
ancestors, and neither poverty nor obscurity of birth prevent merit from
reaching it. Curius Dentatus, Fabricius, and Coruncanius, can show
neither riches nor the images of their ancestors, and yet they attain to
the highest dignities; in fact, the plebeian nobility walks on a footing
of equality with the patrician. Both, in separating from the multitude,
tend more and more to amalgamate together;[222] but they remain rivals
in patriotism and disinterestedness.

In spite of the taste for riches introduced by the war of the
Sabines,[223] the magistrates maintained their simplicity of manners,
and protected the public domain against the encroachments of the rich by
the rigorous execution of the law, which limited to five hundred acres
the property which an individual was allowed to possess. [224]

The first citizens presented the most remarkable examples of integrity
and self-denial. Marcus Valerius Corvus, after occupying twenty-one
curule offices, returns to his fields without fortune, though not
without glory (419). Fabius Rullianus, in the midst of his victories and
triumphs, forgets his resentment towards Papirius Cursor, and names him
dictator, sacrificing thus his private feelings to the interests of his
country (429). Marcus Curius Dentatus keeps for himself no part of the
rich spoils taken from the Sabines, and, after having vanquished
Pyrrhus, resumes the simplicity of country life (479). [225] Fabricius
rejects the money which the Samnites offer him for his generous
behaviour towards them, and disdains the presents of Pyrrhus (476).
Coruncanius furnishes an example of all the virtues. [226] Fabius Gurges,
Fabius Pictor, and Ogulnius, pour into the treasury the magnificent
gifts they had brought back from their embassy to Alexandria. [227] M.
Rutilius Censorinus, struck with the danger of entrusting twice in
succession the censorship in the same hands, refuses to be re-elected to
that office (488).

The names of many others might be cited, who, then and in later ages,
did honour to the Roman Republic; but let us add, that if the ruling
class knew how to call to it all the men of eminence, it forgot not to
recompense brilliantly those especially who favoured its interests:
Fabius Rullianus, for instance, the victor in so many battles, received
the name of “most great” (_Maximus_) only for having, at the time of his
censorship, annulled in the comitia the influence of the poor class,
composed of freedmen, whom he distributed among the urban tribes (454),
where their votes were lost in the multitude of others. [228]

The popular party, on its own side, ceased not to demand new
concessions, or to claim the revival of those which had fallen out of
use. Thus, it obtained, in 428, the re-establishment of the law of
Servius Tullius, which decided that the goods only of the debtor, and
not his body, should be responsible for his debt. [229] In 450, Flavius,
the son of a freedman, made public the calendar and the formulæ of
proceedings, which deprived the patricians of the exclusive knowledge of
civil and religious law. [230] But the lawyers found means of weakening
the effects of the measure of Flavius by inventing new formulæ, which
were almost unintelligible to the public. [231] The plebeians, in 454,
were admitted into the college of the pontiffs, and into that of the
augurs; the same year, it was found necessary to renew for the third
time the law Valeria, _de provocatione_.

In 468, the people again withdrew to the Janiculum, demanding the
remission of debts, and crying out against usury. [232] Concord was
restored only when they had obtained, first, by the law Hortensia, that
the plebiscita should be obligatory on all; and next, by the law Marcia,
that the orders obtained through Publilius Philo in 415 should be
restored to vigour. These orders, as we have seen above, obliged the
Senate to declare in advance whether or not the laws presented to the
comitia were contrary to public and religious law. [233]

The ambition of Rome seemed to be without bounds; yet all her wars had
for reason or pretext the defence of the weak and the protection of her
allies. Indeed, the cause of the wars against the Samnites was sometimes
the defence of the inhabitants of Capua, sometimes that of the
inhabitants of Palæopolis, sometimes that of the Lucanians. The war
against Pyrrhus had its origin in the assistance claimed by the
inhabitants of Thurium; and the support claimed by the Mamertines will
soon lead to the first Punic war.

The Senate, we have seen, put in practice the principles which found
empires and the virtues to which war gives birth. Thus, for all the
citizens, equality of rights; in face of danger to their country,
equality of duties and even suspension of liberty. To the most worthy,
honours and the command. No magisterial charge for him who has not
served in the ranks of the army. The example is furnished by the most
illustrious and richest families: at the battle of Lake Regillus (258),
the principal senators were mingled in the ranks of the legions;[234] at
the combat near the Cremera, the three hundred and six Fabii, who all,
according to Titus Livius, were capable of filling the highest offices,
perished fighting. Later, at Cannæ, eighty senators, who had enrolled
themselves as mere soldiers, fell on the field of battle. [235] The
triumph is accorded for victories which enlarged the territory, but not
for those which only recovered lost ground. No triumph in civil
wars:[236] in such case, success, be what it may, is always a subject
for public mourning. The consuls or proconsuls seek to be useful to
their country without false susceptibility; to-day in the first rank,
to-morrow in the second, they serve with the same devotion under the
orders of him whom they commanded the previous day. Servilius, consul in
281, becomes, the year following, the lieutenant of Valerius. Fabius,
after so many triumphs, consents to be only lieutenant to his son. At a
later period, Flamininus, who had vanquished the King of Macedonia,
descends again through patriotism, after the victory of Cynoscephalæ,
to the grade of tribune of the soldiers;[237] the great Scipio himself,
after the defeat of Hannibal, serves as lieutenant under his brother in
the war against Antiochus.

To sacrifice everything to patriotism is the first duty. By devoting
themselves to the gods of Hades, like Curtius and the two Decii, people
believed they bought, at the price of their lives, the safety of the
others or victory. [238] Discipline is enforced even to cruelty: Manlius
Torquatus, after the example of Postumius Tubertus, punishes with death
the disobedience of his son, though he had gained a victory. The
soldiers who have fled are decimated; those who abandon their ranks or
the field of battle are devoted, some to execution, others to dishonour;
and those who have allowed themselves to be made prisoners by the enemy
are disdained as unworthy of the price of freedom. [239]

Surrounded by warlike neighbours, Rome must either triumph or cease to
exist; hence her superiority in the art of war, for, as Montesquieu
says, in transient wars most of the examples are lost; peace brings
other ideas, and its faults and even its virtues are forgotten; hence
that contempt of treason and that disdain for the advantages it
promises: Camillus sends home to their parents the children of the first
families of Falerii, delivered up to him by their schoolmaster; the
Senate rejects with indignation the offer of the physician of Pyrrhus,
who proposes to poison that prince;--hence that religious observance of
oaths and that respect for engagements which have been contracted: the
Roman prisoners to whom Pyrrhus had given permission to repair to Rome
for the festival of Saturn, all return to him faithful to their word;
and Regulus leaves the most memorable example of faithfulness to his
oath! --hence that skilful and inflexible policy which refuses peace
after a defeat, or a treaty with the enemy so long as he is on the soil
of their country; which makes use of war to divert people from domestic
troubles;[240] gains the vanquished by benefits if they submit, and
admits them by degrees into the great Roman family; and, if they resist,
strikes them without pity and reduces them to slavery;[241]--hence that
anxious provision for multiplying upon the conquered territories the
race of agriculturists and soldiers;--hence, lastly, the improving
spectacle of a town which becomes a people, and of a people which
embraces the world.




CHAPTER IV.

PROSPERITY OF THE BASIN OF THE MEDITERRANEAN BEFORE THE PUNIC WARS.


[Sidenote: Commerce of the Mediterranean. ]

I. Rome had required two hundred and forty-four years to form her
constitution under the kings, a hundred and seventy-two to establish and
consolidate the consular Republic, seventy-two to complete the conquest
of Italy, and now it will cost her nearly a century and a half to obtain
the domination of the world--that is, of Northern Africa, Spain, the
south of Gaul, Illyria, Epirus, Greece, Macedonia, Asia Minor, Syria,
and Egypt. Before undertaking the recital of these conquests, let us
halt an instant to consider the condition of the basin of the
Mediterranean at this period, of that sea round which were successively
unfolded all the great dramas of ancient history. In this examination we
shall see, not without a feeling of regret, vast countries where
formerly produce, monuments, riches, numerous armies and fleets--all,
indeed, revealed an advanced state of civilisation--now deserts or in a
state of barbarism.

The Mediterranean had seen grow and prosper in turn on its coasts Sidon,
and Tyre, and then Greece.

[Illustration: MAP OF THE BASIN OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. ]

Sidon, already a flourishing city before the time of Homer, is soon
eclipsed by the supremacy of Tyre; then Greece comes to carry on, in
competition with her, the commerce of the interior sea; an age of
pacific greatness and fruitful rivalries. To the Phœnicians
chiefly, the South, the East, Africa, Asia beyond Mount Taurus, the
Erythrean Sea (_the Red Sea_ and _the Persian Gulf_), the ocean, and the
distant voyages. To the Greeks, all the northern coasts, which they
covered with their thousand settlements. Phœnicia devotes herself to
adventurous enterprises and lucrative speculations. Greece, artistic
before becoming a trader, propagates by her colonies her mind and her
ideas.

This fortunate emulation soon disappears before the creation of two new
colonies sprung from their bosom. The splendour of Carthage replaces
that of Tyre. Alexandria is substituted for Greece. Thus a Western or
Spanish Phœnicia shares the commerce of the world with an Eastern and
Egyptian Greece, the fruit of the intellectual conquests of Alexander.


[Sidenote: Northern Africa. ]

II. Rich in the spoils of twenty different peoples, Carthage was the
proud capital of a vast empire. Its ports, hollowed out by the hand of
man, were capable of containing a great number of ships. [242] Her
citadel, Byrsa, was two miles in circuit. On the land side the town was
defended by a triple enclosure twenty-five stadia in length, thirty
cubits high, and supported by towers of four storeys, capable of giving
shelter to 4,000 horse, 300 elephants, and 20,000 foot soldiers;[243] it
enclosed an immense population, since, in the last years of its
resistance, after a struggle of a century, it still counted 700,000
inhabitants. [244] Its monuments were worthy of its greatness: among its
remarkable buildings was the temple of the god Aschmoun, assimilated by
the Greeks to Æsculapius;[245] that of the sun, covered with plates of
gold valued at a thousand talents;[246] and the mantle or _peplum_,
destined for the image of their great goddess, which cost a hundred and
twenty. [247] The empire of Carthage extended from the frontiers of
Cyrenaica (the country of _Barca_, in the regency of Tripoli) into
Spain; she was the metropolis of all the north of Africa, and, in Libya
alone, possessed three hundred towns. [248] Nearly all the isles of the
Mediterranean, to the west and south of Italy, had received her
factories. Carthage had imposed her sovereignty upon all the ancient
Phœnician establishments in this part of the world, and had levied
upon them an annual contingent of soldiers and tribute. In the interior
of Africa, she sent caravans to seek elephants, ivory, gold, and black
slaves, which she afterwards exported[249] to the trading places on the
Mediterranean. In Sicily, she gathered oil and wine; in the isle of
Elba, she mined for iron; from Malta, she drew valuable tissues; from
Corsica, wax and honey; from Sardinia, corn, metals, and slaves; from
the Baleares, mules and fruits; from Spain, gold, silver, and lead; from
Mauritania, the hides of animals; she sent as far as the extremity of
Britain, to the Cassiterides (_the Scilly Islands_), ships to purchase
tin. [250] Within her walls industry flourished greatly, and tissues of
great celebrity were fabricated. [251]

No market of the ancient world could be compared with that of Carthage,
to which men of all nations crowded. Greeks, Gauls, Ligurians,
Spaniards, Libyans, came in multitudes to serve under her standard;[252]
the Numidians lent her a redoubtable cavalry. [253] Her fleet was
formidable; it amounted at this epoch to five hundred vessels. Carthage
possessed a considerable arsenal;[254] we may appreciate its importance
from the fact, that, after her conquest by Scipio, she delivered to him
two hundred thousand suits of armour, and three thousand machines of
war. [255] So many troops and stores imply immense revenues. Even after
the battle of Zama, Polybius could still call her the richest town in
the world. Yet she had already paid heavy contributions to the
Romans. [256] An excellent system of agriculture contributed no less than
her commerce to her prosperity. A great number of agricultural
colonies[257] had been established, which, in the time of Agathocles,
amounted to more than two hundred. They were ruined by the war (440 of
Rome). [258] Byzacena (_the southern part of the regency of Tunis_) was
the granary of Carthage. [259]

This province, surnamed _Emporia_, as being the trading country _par
excellence_, vaunted by the geographer Scylax[260] as the most
magnificent and fertile part of Libya. It had, in the time of Strabo,
numerous towns, so many magazines of the merchandise of the interior of
Africa. Polybius[261] speaks of its horses, oxen, sheep, and goats, as
forming innumerable herds, such as he had never seen elsewhere. The
small town of Leptis alone paid to the Carthaginians the enormous
contribution of a talent a day (5,821 francs [£232 16s. ]). [262]

This fertility of Africa explains the importance of the towns on the
coast of the Syrtes, an importance, it is true, revealed by later
testimonies, because they date from the decline of Carthage, but which
must apply still more forcibly to the flourishing condition which
preceded it. In 537, the vast port of the isle Cercina (Kirkeni, in the
regency of Tunis, opposite Sfax) had paid ten talents to Servilius. [263]
More to the west, Hippo Regius (_Bona_) was still a considerable
maritime town in the time of Jugurtha. [264] Tingis (_Tangiers_), in
Mauritania, which boasted of a very ancient origin, carried on a great
trade with Bætica. Three African peoples in these countries lay under
the influence and often the sovereignty of Carthage: the Massylian
Numidians, who afterwards had Cirta (_Constantine_) for their capital;
the Massæsylian Numidians, who occupied the provinces of Algiers and
Oran; and the Mauri, or Moors, spread over Morocco. These nomadic
peoples maintained rich droves of cattle, and grew great quantities of
corn.

Hanno, a Carthaginian sea-captain, sent, towards 245, to explore the
extreme parts of the African coast beyond the Straits of Gades, had
founded a great number of settlements, no traces of which remained in
the time of Pliny. [265] These colonies introduced commerce among the
Mauritanian and Numidian tribes, the peoples of Morocco, and perhaps
even those of Senegal. But it was not only in Africa that the
possessions of the Carthaginians extended; they embraced Spain, Sicily,
and Sardinia.


[Sidenote: Spain. ]

III. Iberia or Spain, with its six great rivers, navigable to the
ancients, its long chains of mountains, its dense woods, and the fertile
valleys of Bætica (_Andalusia_), appears to have nourished a population
numerous, warlike, rich by its mines, its harvests, and its commerce.
The centre of the peninsula was occupied by the Iberian and Celtiberian
races; on the coasts, the Carthaginians and the Greeks had settlements;
through contact with the Phœnician merchants, the populations of the
coast districts attained a certain degree of civilisation, and from the
mixture of the natives with the foreign colonists sprang a mongrel
population, which, while it preserved the Iberic character, had adopted
the mercantile habits of the Phœnicians and Carthaginians.

Once established in Spain, the Carthaginians and Greeks turned to useful
purpose the timber which covered the mountains. Gades (_Cadiz_), a sort
of factory founded at the extremity of Bætica by the Carthaginians,
became one of their principal maritime arsenals. It was there that the
ships were fitted out which ventured on the ocean in search of the
products of Armorica, or Britain, and even of the Canaries. Although
Gades had lost some of its importance by the foundation of Carthagena
(_New Carthage_), in 526, it had still, in the time of Strabo, so
numerous a population that it was in this respect inferior only to Rome.
The tables of the census showed five hundred citizens of the equestrian
order, a number equalled by none of the Italian cities, except Patavium
(_Padua_). [266] To Gades, celebrated for its temple of Hercules, flowed
the riches of all Spain. The sheep and horses of Bætica rivalled in
renown those of the Asturias. Corduba (_Cordova_), Hispalis (_Seville_),
where, at a later period, the Romans founded colonies, were already
great places of commerce, and had ports for the vessels which ascended
the Bætis (_Guadalquivir_). [267]

Spain was rich in precious metals; gold, silver, iron, were there the
object of industrial activity. [268] At Osca (_Huesca_), they worked
mines of silver; at Sisapo (_Almaden_), silver and mercury. [269] At
Cotinæ, copper was found along with gold. Among the Oretani, at Castulo
(_Cazlona_, on the Guadalimar), the silver mines, in the time of
Polybius, gave employment to 40,000 persons, and produced daily 25,000
drachmas. [270] In thirty-two years, the Roman generals carried home from
the peninsula considerable sums. [271] The abundance of metals in Spain
explains how so great a number of vessels of gold and silver was found
among many of the chiefs or petty kings of the Iberian nations. Polybius
compares one of them, for his luxury, with the king of the fabulous
Phæaces. [272]

To the north, and in the centre of the peninsula, agriculture and the
breeding of cattle were the principal sources of wealth. It was there
that were made the says (vests of flannel or goats’ hair), which were
exported in great numbers to Italy. [273] In the Tarraconese, the
cultivation of flax was very productive; the inhabitants had been the
first to weave those fine cloths called _carbasa_, which were objects
greatly prized as far as Greece. [274] Leather, honey, and salt were
brought by cargoes to the principal ports along the coast; at Emporiæ
(_Ampurias_), a settlement of the Phocæans in Catalonia; at
Saguntum,[275] founded by Greeks from the island of Zacynthus; at
Tarraco (_Tarragona_), one of the most ancient of the Phœnician
settlements in Spain; and at Malaca (_Malaga_), whence were exported all
sorts of salt fish. [276] Lusitania, neglected by the Phœnician or
Carthaginian ships, was less favoured. Yet we see, by the passage of
Polybius[277] which enumerates the mercantile exports of this province
with their prices, that its agricultural products were very
abundant. [278]

The prosperity of Spain appears also from the vast amount of its
population. According to some authors, Tiberius Gracchus took from the
Celtiberians three hundred _oppida_. In Turdetania (_part of
Andalusia_), according to Strabo, there were counted no less than two
hundred towns. [279] Appian, the historian of the Spanish wars, points
out the multitude of petty tribes which the Romans had to reduce,[280]
and during the campaign of Cn. Scipio, more than a hundred and twenty
submitted. [281]

Thus the Iberian peninsula was at that time reckoned among the most
populous and richest regions of Europe.


[Sidenote: Southern Gaul. ]

IV. The part of Gaul which is bathed by the Mediterranean offers a
spectacle no less satisfactory. Numerous migrations, arriving from the
East, had pushed back the population of the Seine and the Loire towards
the mouths of the Rhône, and already, in the middle of the fourth
century before our era, the Gauls found themselves straitened in their
frontiers. More civilised than the Iberians, but not less energetic,
they combined gentle and hospitable manners with great activity, which
was further developed by their contact with the Greek colonies spread
from the maritime Alps to the Pyrenees. The cultivation of the fields
and the breeding of cattle furnished their principal wealth, and their
industry found support in the products of the soil and in its herds.
Their manufacture consisted of says, not less in repute than those of
the Celtiberians, and exported in great quantities to Italy. Good
sailors, the Gauls transported by water, on the Seine, the Rhine, the
Saône, the Rhône, and Loire, the merchandise and timber which, even from
the coasts of the Channel, were accumulated in the Phocæan trading
places on the Mediterranean. [282] Agde (_Agatha_), Antibes
(_Antipolis_), Nice (_Nicæa_), the isles of Hyères (_Stœchades_),
Monaco (_Portus Herculis Monœcei_), were so many naval stations which
maintained relations with Spain and Italy. [283]

Marseilles possessed but a very circumscribed territory, but its
influence reached far into the interior of Gaul. It is to this town we
owe the acclimatisation of the vine and the olive. Thousands of oxen
came every year to feed on the thyme in the neighbourhood of
Marseilles. [284] The Massilian merchants traversed Gaul in all
directions to sell their wines and the produce of their
manufactures. [285] Without rising to the rank of a great maritime power,
still the small Phocæan republic possessed sufficient resources to make
itself respected by Carthage; it formed an early alliance with the
Romans. Massilian houses had, as early as the fifth century of Rome,
established at Syracuse, as they did subsequently at Alexandria,
factories which show a great commercial activity. [286]


[Sidenote: Liguria, Cisalpine Gaul, Venetia, and Illyria. ]

V. Alone in the Tyrrhene Sea, the Ligures had not yet risen out of that
almost savage life which the Iberians, sprung from the same stock, had
originally led. If some towns on the Ligurian coast, and especially
Genoa (_Genua_), carried on a maritime commerce, they supported
themselves by piracy[287] rather than by regular traffic. [288]

On the contrary, Cisalpine Gaul, properly so called, supported, as early
as the time of Polybius, a numerous population. We may form some idea of
it from the losses this province sustained during a period of
twenty-seven years, from 554 to 582; Livy gives a total of 257,400 men
killed, taken, or transported. [289] The Gaulish tribes settled in the
Cisalpine, though preserving their original manners, had, through their
contact with the Etruscans, arrived at a certain degree of civilisation.
The number of towns in this country was not very considerable, but it
contained a great abundance of villages. [290] Addicted to agriculture
like the other Gauls, the Cisalpines bred in their forests droves of
swine in such numbers, that they would have been sufficient, in the time
of Strabo, to provision all Rome. [291] The coins of pure gold, which in
recent times have been found in Cisalpine Gaul, especially between the
Po and the Adda, and which were struck by the Boii and some of the
Ligurian populations, furnish evidence of the abundance of that metal,
which was collected in the form of gold sand in the waters of the
rivers. [292] Moreover, certain towns of Etruscan origin, such as Mantua
(_Mantua_) and Padua (_Patavium_), preserved vestiges of the prosperity
they had reached at the time when the peoples of Tuscany extended their
dominion beyond the Po. At once a maritime town and a place of commerce,
Padua, at a remote epoch, possessed a vast territory, and could raise an
army of 120,000 men. [293] The transport of goods was facilitated by
means of canals crossing Venetia, partly dug by the Etruscans.