*
If, on the other hand, you pursue the measures now
proposed, there is not a single state of Greece that
will hesitate a moment to come in and to solicit
your alliance when they see our thousand horse,3 our
1 The Bceotians, Thessalians, &c.
If, on the other hand, you pursue the measures now
proposed, there is not a single state of Greece that
will hesitate a moment to come in and to solicit
your alliance when they see our thousand horse,3 our
1 The Bceotians, Thessalians, &c.
Demosthenes - Leland - Orations
c.
10.
2 Quare qui a Latinis exigit illam gratiam sermonis Attici, det mUii III
loquendo eandem jucunditatem, et parem coplam.
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? PREFACE.
229
a state of subjection to which the present translator
thought it by no means necessary to stoop: and if in
this he should be judged to have taken too great a
liberty, he flies for shelter to the authority of Quin-
tilian,1 who compares the copy formed from the out-
ward traces and aspect of the original to those airy
phantoms which were supposedly Epicurus to issue
from all bodies. If it may be thought a violation of
the Attic simplicity that he hath sometimes ventured
on an epithet, a metaphor, or some other figurative
form of speech to express what is natural and
unadorned in the original, let it be remembered, that
in this he confines himself within much stricter
bounds than the same great critic prescribes to
those who translated from Greek into Latin. In
such works he tells us, " Figuras--quibus maxima
Ornatur oratio multas ac varias excogitandi etiam
necessitas quaedam est: quia plerumque a Graecis
Romana dissentiunt," 1. x. c. 5. And in imitations
of every kind in a language inferior to that of the
original, in order to supply the defect, his rule is
this : " Oratio translationum nitore illuminanda,"
I. xii. c. 10.
To exhibit Demosthenes such as he would have
appeared in an English assembly similar to that of
Athens should certainly be the scope of his trans-
lator. Though he may be unfortunate in his aim,
a voluntary deviation would be unpardonable; and
an English Demosthenes would undoubtedly attend
1 Nec--sufllciat imaginem virtutis effingere, et solam, ut sic dicerem,
eutem, vel potius illas Epicuri figuras quas e summis corporibus dicit
efflucre. Hoc autem illis accidit, qui non introspectis pcnitus virtutibus,
ad primum se velut aspectum orationis aptarunt, et cum iis felicissime
eessit imitatio, verbis atque numeris sunt non multum differentes,
I. x c. 2.
Dem. Vol. I. --f
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? 230
PREFACE.
to the genitis of his language. To express Iiia
dignity and majesty he would not assume a con-
strained, uncouth, and perplexed air. He would
have confined himself within the modest bounds of
Atticism, but of English Atticism (if the expres-
sion may be allowed). He would hare adopted a
greater share of ornament, because a greater share
of ornament would not be inconsistent with neat-
ness, decent elegance, and manly dignity.
If it be still observed, that our language has been
corrupted and the cause of learning disgraced by
translation, it might be easy to show in what cases
this has been and must be the consequence ; and
that an attempt lo copy the excellences of ancien)
writers of renown does not necessarily fall undei
this censure. Or if the meanness and insignifi-
cance of the employment should be urged, a trans-
lator might observe, in the fulness of his vanity,
that the great Roman orator himself thought it not
beneath his dignity to publish his translations from
Plato, Xenophon, and Demosthenes. But as to the
utility of this employment, it need not be pointed
out or defended to the learned. As to its dignity,
the translator is not at all solicitous to maintain it.
He is ready to acknowledge that the pittance of
reputation to be acquired in this way is but trifling
and insignificant, if he is so fortunate as to meet
with that candour and indulgence which lave
hitherto favoured his attempts.
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? (231)
THE ORATION ON THE CLASSES:
F&OKOUHCED IN THE ARCHONSHI* OF DIOTIMUS, THE THIRD YEAR OF
THE HUNDRED AND SIXTH OLYMPIAD.
INTRODUCTION.
title of this oration is taken from one particular part of it, in
the speaker enlarges on the method of dividing the citizens into
Xti/i^ootca, or Classes, in order to raise the supplies, and to answer
the exigences or the state. Th* design of it was to'allay an extrava-
gant ferment which had been raised at Athens, and to recommend cau-
tion and circumspection, at a time when danger was apprehended. Ar-
taxerxes Ochus, king of Persia, had been for some time employed ia
making preparations for war. These were represented to the Athe-
nians as the effect of a design formed against Greece, and against their
state in particular. They were conscious of having given this prince
sufficient umbrage, by the assistance which their general Chares had
afforded to semeol' bis rebellious subjects : they were entirely possessed
by the notions of their own importance, and therefore readily listened
to their suggestions who endeavoured to persuade them that some im
portant blow was meditated against their dominions. An assembly of
the people was convened; and the general temper both of the speakers
and auditors is distinctly marked out in several passages of the follow-
ing oration. The bare mention of a war with Persia at once recalled to
their minds the glorious days-of their ancestors, andthe great actions of
Athens and her generals against the Barbarians. These were now
displayed with all the address and force of eloquence, and the people
Urged to imitate the bright examples of antiquity; to rise up in arms
against the Persian, and to send their ambassadors through Greece to
summon all the states to unite with Athens against the common enemy.
To natter the national vanity of their countrymen was an expedient
which many speakers had found effectual for establishing their power
and credit in the assembly. And possibly some might have spoken
with a corrupt design of* diverting the attention of their countrymen
from those contests and dangers in which they were now immediately
concerned. But, however this may be, the impropriety of those bold
and precipitate measures which they recommended is urged with the
utmost force in the following oration; in which we shall find the
speaker moderating the unseasonable zeal of his countrymen without
absolutely shocking their prejudices. Demosthenes is more generally
known as an orator by the fire and energy with which he rouses his
countrymen to arms. But the delicacy of address and artifice which
he displays in this and many of the following orations is a part of his
character no less worthy of attention. A youth of twenty-eight years
thoroughly acquainted with the constitution, interests, and connexions
of his country, rising for the first time in a debate on public affairs, op-
posing himself with boldness and resolution, and at the same time with
the utmost art and insinuation, to the general bent of the assembly,
calming the turbulence of his countrymen, and presenting their true
Interests to their view in the strongest and most striking colours, is an
abject truly pleasing and affecting
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? THE ORATION ON THE CLASSES. '
The men who thus dwell on the praises of youx
ancestors seem to me, ye men of Athens, to have
chosen a subject fitted rather to gratify the assembly
I That this oration was pronounced in the third year of the hundred
and sixth Olympiad we are assured by Diorrysius (in Epist. ad Amma>
um), and that Demosthenes was at this time in his- twenty-eighth year.
Plutarch indeed (if he be the author of the lives of the Ten Orators)
places his nativity in the fourth year of the ninety-eighth Olympiad
Dut, not to mention the inaccuracies in this tract, the orator himself de-
clares, in bis oration against Midias, that be was then in bis thirty-
second year. This oration was spoken in the archonship of CaUima*-
chus, that is, according to Diodorus, in the fourth year of the hundred
and seventh Olympiad; and therefore, by calculating from hence, the
reader will find the authority of Dionysiut, as to the time of oar orator's
birth, clearly and fully confirmed. --How then came H to pass that ht
was allowed to speak on public affairs before the age of thirty years ?
Ibr in the Attic laws respecting public speakers it is expressly enacted,
Mij EiaeXOstv rtva tnreiv pitarw tfuaKavra err} ytyovora'. Let no man
enter the assembly to speak who hath not yet attained to the age of
thirty. The solution of this difficulty by Luccbesini seems solid and
satisfactory. I know, says he, there are some who assert that this,
as well as some other laws of Athens, fell into disuse; but such
a method of solving the difficulties of antiquity, without any manner of
proof or authority, is unsafe and fallacious. Besides, the assertion is
contradicted by iEschines, who, in his oration against Tinm/chus, de
clares, that not only this, but other severer laws relative to public
speakers were in full force. In my opinion, the difficulty should rather
be explamed in this manner. Among the other magistrates who were
chosen every year at Athens, there were ten orators appointed by lot,
whose business it was to deliver their opinions in the assemblies on all
affairs that concerned the state, and for which they received the gratuity
of adrachma (seven peace three farthings) from the treasury. To these
only must that law of Athens which determines the age of orators bo
ronstrued to extend. As it was their duty to deliver their opinions in
the senate, they ought of course to be of the senatorial age: but no per-
son could be admitted to the senate who had not completed his thirtieth
year. But as for the law of Solon, it excludes no citizen whatsoever
from the liberty of speaking who might attend the assembly ; nor had
the seniors any other privilege than that of speaking first. The tew
runs thus: " Let the senior first propose such measures as he thinks
most expedient for the republic, and after him such other citizens as
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES 233
than to do the due honour to those on whom they
lavish their applause. As they attempt to speak of
actions which no words can worthily describe, the
illustrious subject adonis their speech and gives
them the praise of eloquence; while their hearers
are made to think of the virtues of those heroes
with much less elevation than these virtues of them-
selves inspire. To me, time itself seems to be the
noblest witness to their glory. A series of so many
years hath now passed over, and still no men have yet
appeared whose actions could surpass those patterns
of perfection. It shall be my part, therefore, solely
to endeavour to point out the means which may enable
you most effectually to prepare for war: for, in fact,
were all our speakers to proceed in a pompous dis-
play of their abilities, such parade and ostentation
could not possibly prove of the least advantage to
the public; but if any man whatever will appear,
and can explain to your full satisfaction what "kind
of armament, how great, and how supported, may
choose it, according to the order of their age. " ^Eschines cites it in the
name words against Qtesiphon. No mention is here made of thirty
years. Such of the citizens as were in their twentieth year might
attend the assembly, and had their names enrolled. That they had a
share, in the administration, and might speak in public at this age, is
confirmed by Lucian in his Jupiter Tragcedus, where Momus thus ad-
dresses Apollo :--" You are now become a legal speaker, having long
since left the class of young men, and enrolled your name in the books
of the duodecemvm. " Now that the citizens were considered as having
arrived at the age of manhood in their eighteenth year we learn from
Demosthenes in his oration against Aphobus; for his father died when
he was but seven years old, and he remained for ten years under the
care of his guardian, at which time, being released from his hands, he
pleaded his own cause against him. Now his father had given direc-
tions that he should be under a guardian till he had arrived at the age of
manhood, and this he did as soon lis he had reached bis eighteenth year;
all which is collected from his own words. These circumstances con-
sidered, it is very easy to suppose that Demosthenes spoke in public, as
he really did, in his eight-and-twentieth year. Nor does any manner
of difficulty arise from what he says himself in his oration for the
Crown: U When the Phocian war was raised, &c. for I had then no
hand in the administration;" that war being begun in the second year
of the hundred and sixth Olympiad, under the archonship of Cailistratus,
at a time when our orator was only in the twenty-seventh year <if
bis *ge i
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? 234 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
serve the present exigences of the state, then all
these alarms must instantly be dispelled. This I
shall endeavour to the utmost of my abilities, having
first briefly declared my opinion of our situation with
respect to the king.
I do regard the king as the common enemy of all
the Greeks:1 but I cannot for that reason advise that
we should be the only people to undertake a war
against him; for I do not find the Greeks themselves
united to each other in sincere affection :* nay, some
1 The commentators who endeavour to account for this assertion by
considering the present state of Greece, or any late transactions with
Persia, seem to examine the orator too rigidly, and with too much cold-
ness and abstraction. It is by no means the result of any recent events.
It had been the language of Greece for ages; the language of poets,
historians, and orators. Even in those times of corruption the popular
leaders seldom ventured to Vise any other, particularly"in an assembly
where national vanity was so predominant as in that of Athens. What-
ever treaties had been made with the King of Persia, however peace
might have now subsisted between him and the Greeks, still he was their
natural enemy.
8 The sacred war now raged in Greece. The Phocians, Lacedae-
monians, and Athenians were engaged on one side; the Boeotians, Thes-
salians, Locrians, and some other inferior states on the other: each party
was harassed and exhausted by the war. The Phocians had reason to
complain of the Athenians, who proved a useless and inactive ally.
Whatever connexions had lately subsisted between Athens and Sparta,
this latter state still hated its ancient rival, and was impatient to recover
its former splendour and power. A prospect of assistance from Persia
must have at once determined the Lacedaemonians to detach themselves
from the confederacy, and to act against the Athenians; particularly if
any plausible pretence could be alleged for uniting with the Persian.
The Phocians, who were not always influenced by the most religious
engagements, might fairly be suspected of making ao scruple of accept-
ing effectual assistance from the great king, and at once renouncing
their alliance with the Athenians. The Italian commentator supposes
that the orator expresses his apprehensions only of the Lacedemonians,
and that they are particularly pointed out as the men who have more
confidence In the Persian than in their own brethren, and who would
sacrifice every consideration to the support of their wars with the
Greeks. The Phocians, he observes, could not possibly unite with the
Persians, on account of the former injuries they had received from them
as well as of their invariable union with Athens. But a view of the
politics of Greece, and indeed of the politics of all ages and nations, may
convince us that too much stress is not to be laid on such an argument
Nor was there less to fear from the confederates on the other side. They
fought with an inveterate and implacable rancour, and all their efforts
were scarcely sufficient to support the quarrel. Their strength was con
Usually wasting, and their treasures were quite exhausted; the most
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES. 235
among them seem to have more confidence in him
than in certain of their own body. In such circum-
stances, I account it of the utmost moment that we
should be strictly attentive to the origin of this war,
that it may be free from every imputation of injus-
tice. Let our armament be carried on with vigour;
but let us carefully adhere to the principles of equity:
for, in my opinion, Athenians, the states of Greece
(if it be once evident and incontestable that the king
makes attempts against them) will instantly unite
and express the most ardent gratitude to those who
arose before them, who, with them, still stand faith-
fully and bravely to repel these attempts. But while
this is yet uncertain, should you begin hostilities, I
fear we may be obliged to fight against an enemy
reinforced by those very men for whose interests
we were so forward to express our zeal. Yes! he
will suspend his designs (if he hath really designs
against the Greeks): his gold will be dispersed
liberally among them; his promises of friendship
will be lavished on them; while they, distressed in
their private wars, and attentive only to support them,
will disregard the general welfare of the nation.
Into such confusion, into such weak measures let
us not precipitate the state. With respect to the
king, you cannot pursue the same counsels with
some others of the Greeks. Of these many might,
without the charge of inconsistency, neglect the rest
of Greece, while engaged in the pursuit of private
interest; but of you it would be unworthy, even
though directly injured, to inflict so severe a punish-
ment on the guilty as to abandon them to the power
of the Barbarian.
favourable occasion for the great king to gain tbem to his purposes.
The speaker indeed declares, in another part of this oration, that the
Thebans would not concur with the Persian in any design confessedly
formed against the nation of Greece. Yet still they might, in their pres
ent circumstances, and in a cause which they affected to consider as the
cause of the nation, accept of his assistance. They actually did accept
of it in the course of this war.
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? 236 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Thos are we circumstanced; and let us then be
careful that we do not engage in this war upon un-
equal terms; that he whom we suppose to entertain
designs against the Greeks may not recommend him-
self to their confidence so as to be deemed their
friend. And how shall these things be effected ? By
giving public proof that the forces of this state are
well appointed and complete for action; but that in
this our procedure we are determined to adhere in-
violably to justice.
Let the bold and hazardous, who are vehement in
urging you to war, attend to this. It is not difficult
when an assembly is convened to acquire the reputa-
tion of courage: no; nor when dangers are actually
impending to speak with an impassioned boldness;
but it is truly difficult, and it is our duty in the time
of danger, to support the character of superior
bravery; in our councils, to display the same supe-
riority of wisdom.
I, on my part, ye men of Athens, think that a war
with the king may prove dangerous; in a battle, the
consequence of such a war, 1 see ,no danger. And
why? Because wars of every kind require many
advantages of naval force, of money, and of places.
Here he is superior to the state. In abattle, nothing
is so necessary to ensure success as valiant troops;
and of these we and our confederates can boast the
greater number. For this reason I earnestly recom-
mend to you by no means to be the first to enter on
a war; but for an engagement I think you should be
effectually prepared. Were there one method of
preparing to oppose Barbarians, and another for en-
gaging with Greeks, then we might expect with
reason that any hostile intentions against the Persian
must be at once discovered: but as in every arma-
ment the manner is the same, the general provisions
equally the same, whether our enemies are to be at-
tacked, or our allies to be protected and our rights
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES.
237
defended; why, when we have avowed enemies,'
should we seek for others 1 Shall we not prepare
against the one, and be ready to oppose the other,
should he attempt to injure us ? --Call now on the
Greeks to unite with you. --But suppose you should
not readily concur with them in all their measures
(as some are by no means favourably inclined to
this state), can it be imagined that they will obey
your summons? --"Certainly; for we shall convince
them that the king forms designs against their inter-
ests which they do not foresee. "--Ye powers! is it
possible that you can be thus persuaded ? Yes ; I
know you are: but whatever apprehensions you may
raise, they must influence these Greeks less forcibly
than their disputes with you and with each other;
and therefore the remonstrances of your ambassa-
dors will but appear like the tales of idle wanderers.
*
If, on the other hand, you pursue the measures now
proposed, there is not a single state of Greece that
will hesitate a moment to come in and to solicit
your alliance when they see our thousand horse,3 our
1 The Bceotians, Thessalians, &c. were the avowed enemies of
Athens, in ? consequence of the attachment of this state to Fhocis; and
the King of Macedon, by his invasions of their settlements in Thrace,
and other acts of hostility.
2 In the original, ovStv ovv aXX' v PA^SIAHEOYSIN o! npccffeis
ittotiovrts. It was urged by the speakers on the other side that ambas-
sadors should be sent through Greece to represent thedangerous designs
of the Persian, and to exhort the several states to suspend their private
animosities, and to unite with the Athenians against the common enemy.
The orator, who is endeavouring to represent the useless and ineffectual
nature of such a measure, compares these ambassadors to the ancient
rhapsodists, or bards, whose lives were spent in travelling, and amusing
their entertainers with songs and poems. And this similitude seems to
arise not only from their repeating the same declarations, but from the
circumstance of going from city to city, and exciting curiosity by their
speeches, without any other effect.
3 At first sight it may appear extraordinary that the orator should
speak in high terms of such a body as one thousand horse. But we
must consider that Attica was a mountainous country, and therefore
unfit for breeding horses. In the infancy of the state, when Athens was
governed by kings, their cavalry amounted to no more than ninety-six,
each vavKpapiai or twelfth part of a tribe, furnishing two. But the
number of such divisions was then but forty-eight, as the tribes were
orginally but four This small body was at first an object of derlsiou
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? 238 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
infantry as numerous as could be wished, our three
hundred ships; an armament which they must
regard as their surest refuge and defence. Should
you apply for their assistance, you must appear as
supplicants; should they refuse it, you incur the
shame of a repulse: but if, while your forces are
completed, you suspend your operations, the protec-
tion you then grant to them must appear as the con-
sequence of their request; and be assured they will
all fly to you for this protection. '
With these and the like reflections deeply im-
pressed on my mind, I have not laboured to prepare
a bold, vain, tedious harangue. No, my fellow-citi-
zens! our preparations have been the sole object of
my thoughts, and the manner of conducting them
with effect and expedition. Grant me your attention,
and if my sentiments be approved, confirm them by
your voices.
It is, then, the first and most important part of prepa-
ration to possess your minds with due resolution,
so that every citizen when called to action may
exert himself with alacrity and zeal. You know
that in every instance where, having first resolved
on your designs in concert, every single member
deemed it incumbent on him to labour vigorously in
the execution, you have never once proved unsuc-
cessful : but whenever we have first decreed, fand
then each man hath turned his eyes on others, fondly
imagining that he himself need not act, that his
to the Persians at Marathon, bnt afterward proved formidable and dan
gerous. After the defeat of the Persians the city began to increase in
power, and was enabled to raise a body of three hundred horse, which
in the time of the Peloponnesian war was augmented to twelve hundred
(as we learn from Thucyd. lib ii. and #3schines Ilapajr. ). This was the
greatest body of cavalry the Athenians ever possessed, which seems by
the distresses of the staie to have been reduced to a thousand in the tima
of Demosthenes, as he mentions no greater number, though it was
his business rather to magnify their force in this passage than to ex-
tenuate it. The equestrian order was a rank of dignity at Athens as
among the Romans. But in latter times the citizens were allowed
to keep this rank and to 'substitute others to serve in their stead --
lAtcchetini.
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES.
230
neighbour would do all, our designs have never once
been executed.
With these sentiments, and these vigorous resolu-
tions, 1 recommend that you should proceed to the
appointment of your twelve hundred, and raise them
to two thousand, by a further addition of eight hun-
dred. Thus, when all necessary deductions are
made of those who by their condition' are excused
from contributing, or by any circumstances are un-
able to contribute, still the original number of twelve
hundred will remain complete. These I would have
formed into twenty classes, each consisting of sixty
citizens, agreeably to the present constitution. And
it is my opinion, that of these classes each should
be divided into five parts, consisting of twelve
persons, ever attending to a just and equal distri-
bution of the richer with the poorer. Thus should
our citizens be arranged: the reason will appear
when the whole scheme of the regulation hath been
explained.
But our ships; how are they to be appointed 1 Let
their whole number be fixed to three hundred, divided
by fifteenth parts into twenty portions. Of the first
hundred, let five such parts, of the second hundred,
five parts; and of the third hundred, five be ap-
1 Those who by their condition, Ac. ]--These are particularly specified
In the original, eirutXriaiav, maiden-heiresses; opQavwv, orphans of the
other sex ; kKtipovxikuiVj men appointed to form a colony; and Kotviavr
kwv, men incorporated into certain societies which were exempted from
contributing. From whence it seems evident that the duty and honour
of composing the twelve hundred, who were to supply the exigences of
the state, must have been annexed to certain families, and con inued to
them when time and various circumstances might have produced altera-
tions of fortune in many. The inconveniences which arose from hence
were partly removed by the avritioaus, or exchanges of fortunes (of
which see note 2, p. 53), and by allowing exemptions to persons in certain
circumstances: yet both these expedients must have occasioned delays,
and retarded the business of the public. Hence the orator recommends
the appointment of the additional eight hundred.
2 Of the first hundred,let five such parts, &cl--It should seem, from
this passage, that each century of the three hundred ships were to be of
a different rate and order, by this minute specification of " five of tha . -
first hundred, five of the second," 4c.
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? 240
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
pointed to each class. Thus shall a fifteenth of the
whole be allotted to every class; three ships to each
subdivision.
When these establishments are made, I propose,1
as the revenue arising from our lands amounts to
six thousand talents, that in order to have our funds
duly regulated, this sum may be divided into a hun-
dred parts of sixty talents each: that five of these
parts may be assigned to each of the twenty great
classes; which may thus give severally to each of
their divisions a single part of sixty talents. So
that, if we should have occasion for a hundred ships,*
l When and tn what manner this estimate of the lands was made, we
lean; from Polybius, lib. ii. , whose words shall" be quoted immediately.
That the barren lands of Attica should produce such a revenue (amount-
ing, according to Arbuthnot's computation, to 1,162,500/. ) seems wonder-
ful; especially as the lower ranks of citizens held their lands free from
all taxation. The soil of Athens itself was. celebrated by Homer for its
fertility. But this is of little moment when the barrenness of the Attic
territory in general is considered. But what says Polybius? Tij yap
hwcp AurivaiDv ovx loTopriiu diort Kad' ovs Kaipovs nera Qiifiaiuiv us TOV
Kpos rouf AaKcSaiiioviovi; avcfiaivov iroXtiiov, Kai iivpiovs utv-. c%cirtinrov
CTpartiiiTasi ikutov 6e cirXiipovV Tptiipcis, Irt ToTc kpivavres airo Ttis a? iaff
irotciodut ras us TOViroXtiiOV us 0opaf, CTiuricavro ttiv tc xwpais Kai Tt)V
XTrtKr}v, &naaav, Kai ras otKias, buoaas 6e Kai Tiiv Xoiirriv ovctav. AM'
biiuis to aviiirav rtixriiia rris a\ias tveXt-ire rwv t\aKia%iXitiiv SiaKoctots Kai
Ktvr^Kovra raXavrots; " What historian hath not informed us that the
Athenians, at the time when they engaged in war, on the part of Thebes
against the Lacedaemonians sent ten thousand men to the field, and
manned a hundred ships; that the Athenians, I say, in order to make a
just estimate of the subsidy they might properly grant for this war, then
proceeded to a general valuation of their lands, of ihe whole territory
of Attica, their houses, and all their effects? And yet the whole
valuation fell short of six thousand talents by two hundred and fifty. *
Which agrees pretty exactly with this passage of Demosthenes. --
Lucckesini.
2 One hundred ships seem to have been the ordinary marine establish-
ment at Athens; and to this the ordinary revenues seem to have been
proportioned. When it was necessary' to fit out an extraordinary number
the additicnal charge was answered by ah extraordinary taxation on the
richer members of the state. The passage before us is indeed concisely
expressed, as became a speaker who addressed himself to persons to
whom the least hint was sufficient. But the full meaning of it I take
to be this: "If we have occasion but for a hundred ships, the charge of
furnishing each may be divided among twelve trierarchs, who are to be
supplied for the expense of this and other preparations with sixty
talents. If for two hundred, these twelve trierarchs must provide two
ships; if for three hundred, three. In every case the revenues of the
otate are to be equally divided among them. But the greater the force
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES.
241
? ixty talents may be granted to each, and twelve
trierarchs ; if for two hundred, there may be thirty
talents assigned, and six trierarchs to each; if for
three hundred, twenty talents may be supplied for
each, and four trierarchs.
In like manner, my fellow-citizens, on a due esti-
mate of the stores necessary for our ships, I propose
that, agreeably to the present scheme, they should
be divided into twenty parts: that one good and
effectual part should be assigned to each of the great
classes, to be distributed among the small divisions
in the just proportion. Let the twelve, in every such
division, demand their respective shares; and let
them have those ships which it is their lot to provide
thoroughly and expeditiously equipped. Thus may
our supplies, our ships, our trierarehs, our stores, be
best provided and supplied. --And now I am to lay
before you a plain and easy method of completing
this scheme.
I say, then, that your generals should proceed to
mark out ten dock-yards, as contiguous as may be
to each other, and capable of containing thirty ves-
sels each. When this is done, they should assign
two Masses, and thirty ships to each of these docks.
Among these also they should divide the tribes and
the respective trierarehs; so that two classes, thirty
ships, and one tribe may be assigned to each. Let
then each tribe divide its allotted station into three
parts, and the ships in like manner. Let these third
required, the greater mast be the burden on the trierarehs, who are to be
taxed for the additional expense, if any such may be required for fitting
out the fleet, and completing the other parts of the intended armament. "
This iatter part, indeed, is not expressed, or insinuated; but I take it to
be understood. But, if my explanation should not be entirely consonant
to the sentiments of the learned reader, who may have the curiosity to
examine this part of the oration with accuracy, I must endeavour to
screen myself from the severity of his censure by subscribing to the
following ingenious declaration of Wolfius: " Whatever is here said of
fleets, stores, armaments, and supplies must, to us, who never saw a
fleet, or war, and never were conversant in affairs of state, be attended
with considerable obscurity. " *
De-m. Vol. I. --X
-
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? 242 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
parts be distributed by lot. Thus shall one tribe
preside over one entire division of your shipping,
and each third of a tribe take care of one-third of
such division; and thus shall you know at all times,
first, where each tribe is stationed; then, wheie each;
Nurd; then, who are the trierarchs; and, lastly, the
number of your ships. Let affairs be once set in
motion after this manner; and if any thing hath
been omitted (as it is by no means easy to provide
accurately for every circumstance), the execution
will itself discover it: and thus may your whole
marine and all its several parts be uniformly and
exactly regulated.
And now, as to money, as to any immediate sup-
plies ; sensible as I am that the opinion I am now to
declare must appear extraordinary, yet I will declare
it; for I trust, that when duly weighed it will be
found the only one which reason can recommend,
and which must be approved by the event. I say,
then, that at this time we should not speak at all of
money: we have a fund, if occasions call for it,--a
great, and honourable, and an equitable fund. Should
you attempt to raise it now, far from succeeding in
such an attempt, you could not depend on gaining it
when really wanted; but suspend your inquiries, and
you will secure it. What fund is this which now
hath no being, yet will be found hereafter 1 This ap-
pears a kind of mystery; but I shall explain it. Cast
your eyes round through all this city. Within these
walls, Athenians, there are treasures--I had almost
said, equal to those of all other states. But such is
the disposition of their possessors, that if all our
speakers were to rise with the most alarming decla-
rations, " that the king was marching against us; that
he was at our gates; that the danger did not admit of
any possibility of doubt--if with these speakers as *
many ministers of heaven were to rise, and pronounce
the same declarations as the warning of the gods; so
far would these men be from contributing, that they
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES.
24J
would not even discover their riches; they would not
acknowledge the possession of them. But should it
once appear that all those dangers denounced with
so much terror were really and in fact impending,
where is the wretch that would not give freely, that
would not urge to be admitted to contribute ? For
who would choose to abandon his life and fortune to
the fury of an enemy rather than give up a small por-
tion of his abundance for the safety of himself and all
the rest of his possessions ? Thus shall we find trea-
sures when occasions really demand them, but not
till then. Let us not, therefore, inquire for them
now. Suppose that we were now strictly to exact
the subsidies from all our citizens, the utmost we
should raise would be more contemptible than none.
Imagine the experiment made: it is proposed to exact
a hundredth part of the revenue arising from our
lands. Well, then, this makes just sixty talents.
" Nay, but we will raise a fiftieth part. " This doubles
the sum: we have then one hundred and twenty
talents. But what is this to those hundreds or those
thousands of camels which, they assure us, are em-
ployed to carry the king's money ? But suppose it
were agreed to raise a twelfth part, amounting to five
hundred talents. This, in the first place, would be too
great a burden, and, if imposed, still the fund pro-
duced would be insufficient for the war. Let, then,
all our other preparations be completed; but as to
money, let the possessors keep it, and never can they
keep it for a nobler public service. When their coun-
try calls for it, then shall they freely and zealously
contribute. ,
This, my fellow-citizens, is a practicable scheme--
a scheme highly honourable and advantageous, wor-
thy of this state to be reported to the king, and which
must strike him with no small terror. He knows,
that by three hundred vessels, of which one hundred
only were supplied by us, his ancestors lost a thou-
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? 244 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
sand ships. 1 He will hear, that now we have our-
selves equipped three hundred. He cannot, then. --if
he hath not lost all reason,--he cannot deem it a
trivial matter to make this state his enemy. If from
a dependence on his treasures he is tempted to enter-
tain proud thoughts, he will find this but a vain
dependence when compared with your resources. "
They tell us he is coming with heaps of gold; but
when these are once dispersed he must look for new
supplies. Not the richest streams, not the deepest
sources but must at length be totally exhausted when
we copiously and constantly drain away their waters.
But we, he will be told, have a perpetual resource in
our lands--a fund of six thousand talents. And with
what spirit we defend these lands against invaders
his ancestors who fought at Marathon could best
inform him. Let us continue to conquer, and our
treasures cannot ever fail.
Nor yet do I think their terrors justly founded who
apprehend that he may employ his gold in raising a
large army of mercenaries. I do indeed believe, that
in an expedition against Egypt, against Orontes,3 or
1 Whoever consults Herodotus will find that Demosthenes is by no
means exact in his account either of the Athenian or Persian fleets ; but
we are not to expect historical precision from the orator. His repre-
sentations are suited to delight and animate his hearers ; and probably
his success was too great to give them leisure to attend to any inaccuracy
in his account.
? It is just now the orator has represented the wealth of Athens as
contemptible, that of Persia as magnificent and great. Now, en the
contrary, the resources of Persia are neither solid nor permanent; the
riches of Athens great and inexhaustible. Various aie the instances of
this artifice in Demosthenes, which the judicious reader cannot fail to
observe without the direction of the annotator.
3 Two of this name are mentioned in history. The first was put te
death by the younger Cyrus on account of a conspiracy. The other,
whom Demosthenes points out, was a satrap of Mysia, and served in the
army which Artaxerxes sent against Cyprus, under the command of
Terinazus. On this occasion he attempted to ruin the reputation of his
general, was detected and disgraced, and, in revenge, joined with the
rebels of Egypt, Caria, and Phrygia, and headed the army they had raised
against the king. But, in hopes of recovering his credit at the Persian
court, and of gaining the command of some maritime towns, he betrayed
the forces, &c. of the rebels into the hands of the king's lieutenants
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES.
2 Quare qui a Latinis exigit illam gratiam sermonis Attici, det mUii III
loquendo eandem jucunditatem, et parem coplam.
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? PREFACE.
229
a state of subjection to which the present translator
thought it by no means necessary to stoop: and if in
this he should be judged to have taken too great a
liberty, he flies for shelter to the authority of Quin-
tilian,1 who compares the copy formed from the out-
ward traces and aspect of the original to those airy
phantoms which were supposedly Epicurus to issue
from all bodies. If it may be thought a violation of
the Attic simplicity that he hath sometimes ventured
on an epithet, a metaphor, or some other figurative
form of speech to express what is natural and
unadorned in the original, let it be remembered, that
in this he confines himself within much stricter
bounds than the same great critic prescribes to
those who translated from Greek into Latin. In
such works he tells us, " Figuras--quibus maxima
Ornatur oratio multas ac varias excogitandi etiam
necessitas quaedam est: quia plerumque a Graecis
Romana dissentiunt," 1. x. c. 5. And in imitations
of every kind in a language inferior to that of the
original, in order to supply the defect, his rule is
this : " Oratio translationum nitore illuminanda,"
I. xii. c. 10.
To exhibit Demosthenes such as he would have
appeared in an English assembly similar to that of
Athens should certainly be the scope of his trans-
lator. Though he may be unfortunate in his aim,
a voluntary deviation would be unpardonable; and
an English Demosthenes would undoubtedly attend
1 Nec--sufllciat imaginem virtutis effingere, et solam, ut sic dicerem,
eutem, vel potius illas Epicuri figuras quas e summis corporibus dicit
efflucre. Hoc autem illis accidit, qui non introspectis pcnitus virtutibus,
ad primum se velut aspectum orationis aptarunt, et cum iis felicissime
eessit imitatio, verbis atque numeris sunt non multum differentes,
I. x c. 2.
Dem. Vol. I. --f
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? 230
PREFACE.
to the genitis of his language. To express Iiia
dignity and majesty he would not assume a con-
strained, uncouth, and perplexed air. He would
have confined himself within the modest bounds of
Atticism, but of English Atticism (if the expres-
sion may be allowed). He would hare adopted a
greater share of ornament, because a greater share
of ornament would not be inconsistent with neat-
ness, decent elegance, and manly dignity.
If it be still observed, that our language has been
corrupted and the cause of learning disgraced by
translation, it might be easy to show in what cases
this has been and must be the consequence ; and
that an attempt lo copy the excellences of ancien)
writers of renown does not necessarily fall undei
this censure. Or if the meanness and insignifi-
cance of the employment should be urged, a trans-
lator might observe, in the fulness of his vanity,
that the great Roman orator himself thought it not
beneath his dignity to publish his translations from
Plato, Xenophon, and Demosthenes. But as to the
utility of this employment, it need not be pointed
out or defended to the learned. As to its dignity,
the translator is not at all solicitous to maintain it.
He is ready to acknowledge that the pittance of
reputation to be acquired in this way is but trifling
and insignificant, if he is so fortunate as to meet
with that candour and indulgence which lave
hitherto favoured his attempts.
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? (231)
THE ORATION ON THE CLASSES:
F&OKOUHCED IN THE ARCHONSHI* OF DIOTIMUS, THE THIRD YEAR OF
THE HUNDRED AND SIXTH OLYMPIAD.
INTRODUCTION.
title of this oration is taken from one particular part of it, in
the speaker enlarges on the method of dividing the citizens into
Xti/i^ootca, or Classes, in order to raise the supplies, and to answer
the exigences or the state. Th* design of it was to'allay an extrava-
gant ferment which had been raised at Athens, and to recommend cau-
tion and circumspection, at a time when danger was apprehended. Ar-
taxerxes Ochus, king of Persia, had been for some time employed ia
making preparations for war. These were represented to the Athe-
nians as the effect of a design formed against Greece, and against their
state in particular. They were conscious of having given this prince
sufficient umbrage, by the assistance which their general Chares had
afforded to semeol' bis rebellious subjects : they were entirely possessed
by the notions of their own importance, and therefore readily listened
to their suggestions who endeavoured to persuade them that some im
portant blow was meditated against their dominions. An assembly of
the people was convened; and the general temper both of the speakers
and auditors is distinctly marked out in several passages of the follow-
ing oration. The bare mention of a war with Persia at once recalled to
their minds the glorious days-of their ancestors, andthe great actions of
Athens and her generals against the Barbarians. These were now
displayed with all the address and force of eloquence, and the people
Urged to imitate the bright examples of antiquity; to rise up in arms
against the Persian, and to send their ambassadors through Greece to
summon all the states to unite with Athens against the common enemy.
To natter the national vanity of their countrymen was an expedient
which many speakers had found effectual for establishing their power
and credit in the assembly. And possibly some might have spoken
with a corrupt design of* diverting the attention of their countrymen
from those contests and dangers in which they were now immediately
concerned. But, however this may be, the impropriety of those bold
and precipitate measures which they recommended is urged with the
utmost force in the following oration; in which we shall find the
speaker moderating the unseasonable zeal of his countrymen without
absolutely shocking their prejudices. Demosthenes is more generally
known as an orator by the fire and energy with which he rouses his
countrymen to arms. But the delicacy of address and artifice which
he displays in this and many of the following orations is a part of his
character no less worthy of attention. A youth of twenty-eight years
thoroughly acquainted with the constitution, interests, and connexions
of his country, rising for the first time in a debate on public affairs, op-
posing himself with boldness and resolution, and at the same time with
the utmost art and insinuation, to the general bent of the assembly,
calming the turbulence of his countrymen, and presenting their true
Interests to their view in the strongest and most striking colours, is an
abject truly pleasing and affecting
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? THE ORATION ON THE CLASSES. '
The men who thus dwell on the praises of youx
ancestors seem to me, ye men of Athens, to have
chosen a subject fitted rather to gratify the assembly
I That this oration was pronounced in the third year of the hundred
and sixth Olympiad we are assured by Diorrysius (in Epist. ad Amma>
um), and that Demosthenes was at this time in his- twenty-eighth year.
Plutarch indeed (if he be the author of the lives of the Ten Orators)
places his nativity in the fourth year of the ninety-eighth Olympiad
Dut, not to mention the inaccuracies in this tract, the orator himself de-
clares, in bis oration against Midias, that be was then in bis thirty-
second year. This oration was spoken in the archonship of CaUima*-
chus, that is, according to Diodorus, in the fourth year of the hundred
and seventh Olympiad; and therefore, by calculating from hence, the
reader will find the authority of Dionysiut, as to the time of oar orator's
birth, clearly and fully confirmed. --How then came H to pass that ht
was allowed to speak on public affairs before the age of thirty years ?
Ibr in the Attic laws respecting public speakers it is expressly enacted,
Mij EiaeXOstv rtva tnreiv pitarw tfuaKavra err} ytyovora'. Let no man
enter the assembly to speak who hath not yet attained to the age of
thirty. The solution of this difficulty by Luccbesini seems solid and
satisfactory. I know, says he, there are some who assert that this,
as well as some other laws of Athens, fell into disuse; but such
a method of solving the difficulties of antiquity, without any manner of
proof or authority, is unsafe and fallacious. Besides, the assertion is
contradicted by iEschines, who, in his oration against Tinm/chus, de
clares, that not only this, but other severer laws relative to public
speakers were in full force. In my opinion, the difficulty should rather
be explamed in this manner. Among the other magistrates who were
chosen every year at Athens, there were ten orators appointed by lot,
whose business it was to deliver their opinions in the assemblies on all
affairs that concerned the state, and for which they received the gratuity
of adrachma (seven peace three farthings) from the treasury. To these
only must that law of Athens which determines the age of orators bo
ronstrued to extend. As it was their duty to deliver their opinions in
the senate, they ought of course to be of the senatorial age: but no per-
son could be admitted to the senate who had not completed his thirtieth
year. But as for the law of Solon, it excludes no citizen whatsoever
from the liberty of speaking who might attend the assembly ; nor had
the seniors any other privilege than that of speaking first. The tew
runs thus: " Let the senior first propose such measures as he thinks
most expedient for the republic, and after him such other citizens as
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES 233
than to do the due honour to those on whom they
lavish their applause. As they attempt to speak of
actions which no words can worthily describe, the
illustrious subject adonis their speech and gives
them the praise of eloquence; while their hearers
are made to think of the virtues of those heroes
with much less elevation than these virtues of them-
selves inspire. To me, time itself seems to be the
noblest witness to their glory. A series of so many
years hath now passed over, and still no men have yet
appeared whose actions could surpass those patterns
of perfection. It shall be my part, therefore, solely
to endeavour to point out the means which may enable
you most effectually to prepare for war: for, in fact,
were all our speakers to proceed in a pompous dis-
play of their abilities, such parade and ostentation
could not possibly prove of the least advantage to
the public; but if any man whatever will appear,
and can explain to your full satisfaction what "kind
of armament, how great, and how supported, may
choose it, according to the order of their age. " ^Eschines cites it in the
name words against Qtesiphon. No mention is here made of thirty
years. Such of the citizens as were in their twentieth year might
attend the assembly, and had their names enrolled. That they had a
share, in the administration, and might speak in public at this age, is
confirmed by Lucian in his Jupiter Tragcedus, where Momus thus ad-
dresses Apollo :--" You are now become a legal speaker, having long
since left the class of young men, and enrolled your name in the books
of the duodecemvm. " Now that the citizens were considered as having
arrived at the age of manhood in their eighteenth year we learn from
Demosthenes in his oration against Aphobus; for his father died when
he was but seven years old, and he remained for ten years under the
care of his guardian, at which time, being released from his hands, he
pleaded his own cause against him. Now his father had given direc-
tions that he should be under a guardian till he had arrived at the age of
manhood, and this he did as soon lis he had reached bis eighteenth year;
all which is collected from his own words. These circumstances con-
sidered, it is very easy to suppose that Demosthenes spoke in public, as
he really did, in his eight-and-twentieth year. Nor does any manner
of difficulty arise from what he says himself in his oration for the
Crown: U When the Phocian war was raised, &c. for I had then no
hand in the administration;" that war being begun in the second year
of the hundred and sixth Olympiad, under the archonship of Cailistratus,
at a time when our orator was only in the twenty-seventh year <if
bis *ge i
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? 234 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
serve the present exigences of the state, then all
these alarms must instantly be dispelled. This I
shall endeavour to the utmost of my abilities, having
first briefly declared my opinion of our situation with
respect to the king.
I do regard the king as the common enemy of all
the Greeks:1 but I cannot for that reason advise that
we should be the only people to undertake a war
against him; for I do not find the Greeks themselves
united to each other in sincere affection :* nay, some
1 The commentators who endeavour to account for this assertion by
considering the present state of Greece, or any late transactions with
Persia, seem to examine the orator too rigidly, and with too much cold-
ness and abstraction. It is by no means the result of any recent events.
It had been the language of Greece for ages; the language of poets,
historians, and orators. Even in those times of corruption the popular
leaders seldom ventured to Vise any other, particularly"in an assembly
where national vanity was so predominant as in that of Athens. What-
ever treaties had been made with the King of Persia, however peace
might have now subsisted between him and the Greeks, still he was their
natural enemy.
8 The sacred war now raged in Greece. The Phocians, Lacedae-
monians, and Athenians were engaged on one side; the Boeotians, Thes-
salians, Locrians, and some other inferior states on the other: each party
was harassed and exhausted by the war. The Phocians had reason to
complain of the Athenians, who proved a useless and inactive ally.
Whatever connexions had lately subsisted between Athens and Sparta,
this latter state still hated its ancient rival, and was impatient to recover
its former splendour and power. A prospect of assistance from Persia
must have at once determined the Lacedaemonians to detach themselves
from the confederacy, and to act against the Athenians; particularly if
any plausible pretence could be alleged for uniting with the Persian.
The Phocians, who were not always influenced by the most religious
engagements, might fairly be suspected of making ao scruple of accept-
ing effectual assistance from the great king, and at once renouncing
their alliance with the Athenians. The Italian commentator supposes
that the orator expresses his apprehensions only of the Lacedemonians,
and that they are particularly pointed out as the men who have more
confidence In the Persian than in their own brethren, and who would
sacrifice every consideration to the support of their wars with the
Greeks. The Phocians, he observes, could not possibly unite with the
Persians, on account of the former injuries they had received from them
as well as of their invariable union with Athens. But a view of the
politics of Greece, and indeed of the politics of all ages and nations, may
convince us that too much stress is not to be laid on such an argument
Nor was there less to fear from the confederates on the other side. They
fought with an inveterate and implacable rancour, and all their efforts
were scarcely sufficient to support the quarrel. Their strength was con
Usually wasting, and their treasures were quite exhausted; the most
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES. 235
among them seem to have more confidence in him
than in certain of their own body. In such circum-
stances, I account it of the utmost moment that we
should be strictly attentive to the origin of this war,
that it may be free from every imputation of injus-
tice. Let our armament be carried on with vigour;
but let us carefully adhere to the principles of equity:
for, in my opinion, Athenians, the states of Greece
(if it be once evident and incontestable that the king
makes attempts against them) will instantly unite
and express the most ardent gratitude to those who
arose before them, who, with them, still stand faith-
fully and bravely to repel these attempts. But while
this is yet uncertain, should you begin hostilities, I
fear we may be obliged to fight against an enemy
reinforced by those very men for whose interests
we were so forward to express our zeal. Yes! he
will suspend his designs (if he hath really designs
against the Greeks): his gold will be dispersed
liberally among them; his promises of friendship
will be lavished on them; while they, distressed in
their private wars, and attentive only to support them,
will disregard the general welfare of the nation.
Into such confusion, into such weak measures let
us not precipitate the state. With respect to the
king, you cannot pursue the same counsels with
some others of the Greeks. Of these many might,
without the charge of inconsistency, neglect the rest
of Greece, while engaged in the pursuit of private
interest; but of you it would be unworthy, even
though directly injured, to inflict so severe a punish-
ment on the guilty as to abandon them to the power
of the Barbarian.
favourable occasion for the great king to gain tbem to his purposes.
The speaker indeed declares, in another part of this oration, that the
Thebans would not concur with the Persian in any design confessedly
formed against the nation of Greece. Yet still they might, in their pres
ent circumstances, and in a cause which they affected to consider as the
cause of the nation, accept of his assistance. They actually did accept
of it in the course of this war.
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? 236 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Thos are we circumstanced; and let us then be
careful that we do not engage in this war upon un-
equal terms; that he whom we suppose to entertain
designs against the Greeks may not recommend him-
self to their confidence so as to be deemed their
friend. And how shall these things be effected ? By
giving public proof that the forces of this state are
well appointed and complete for action; but that in
this our procedure we are determined to adhere in-
violably to justice.
Let the bold and hazardous, who are vehement in
urging you to war, attend to this. It is not difficult
when an assembly is convened to acquire the reputa-
tion of courage: no; nor when dangers are actually
impending to speak with an impassioned boldness;
but it is truly difficult, and it is our duty in the time
of danger, to support the character of superior
bravery; in our councils, to display the same supe-
riority of wisdom.
I, on my part, ye men of Athens, think that a war
with the king may prove dangerous; in a battle, the
consequence of such a war, 1 see ,no danger. And
why? Because wars of every kind require many
advantages of naval force, of money, and of places.
Here he is superior to the state. In abattle, nothing
is so necessary to ensure success as valiant troops;
and of these we and our confederates can boast the
greater number. For this reason I earnestly recom-
mend to you by no means to be the first to enter on
a war; but for an engagement I think you should be
effectually prepared. Were there one method of
preparing to oppose Barbarians, and another for en-
gaging with Greeks, then we might expect with
reason that any hostile intentions against the Persian
must be at once discovered: but as in every arma-
ment the manner is the same, the general provisions
equally the same, whether our enemies are to be at-
tacked, or our allies to be protected and our rights
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES.
237
defended; why, when we have avowed enemies,'
should we seek for others 1 Shall we not prepare
against the one, and be ready to oppose the other,
should he attempt to injure us ? --Call now on the
Greeks to unite with you. --But suppose you should
not readily concur with them in all their measures
(as some are by no means favourably inclined to
this state), can it be imagined that they will obey
your summons? --"Certainly; for we shall convince
them that the king forms designs against their inter-
ests which they do not foresee. "--Ye powers! is it
possible that you can be thus persuaded ? Yes ; I
know you are: but whatever apprehensions you may
raise, they must influence these Greeks less forcibly
than their disputes with you and with each other;
and therefore the remonstrances of your ambassa-
dors will but appear like the tales of idle wanderers.
*
If, on the other hand, you pursue the measures now
proposed, there is not a single state of Greece that
will hesitate a moment to come in and to solicit
your alliance when they see our thousand horse,3 our
1 The Bceotians, Thessalians, &c. were the avowed enemies of
Athens, in ? consequence of the attachment of this state to Fhocis; and
the King of Macedon, by his invasions of their settlements in Thrace,
and other acts of hostility.
2 In the original, ovStv ovv aXX' v PA^SIAHEOYSIN o! npccffeis
ittotiovrts. It was urged by the speakers on the other side that ambas-
sadors should be sent through Greece to represent thedangerous designs
of the Persian, and to exhort the several states to suspend their private
animosities, and to unite with the Athenians against the common enemy.
The orator, who is endeavouring to represent the useless and ineffectual
nature of such a measure, compares these ambassadors to the ancient
rhapsodists, or bards, whose lives were spent in travelling, and amusing
their entertainers with songs and poems. And this similitude seems to
arise not only from their repeating the same declarations, but from the
circumstance of going from city to city, and exciting curiosity by their
speeches, without any other effect.
3 At first sight it may appear extraordinary that the orator should
speak in high terms of such a body as one thousand horse. But we
must consider that Attica was a mountainous country, and therefore
unfit for breeding horses. In the infancy of the state, when Athens was
governed by kings, their cavalry amounted to no more than ninety-six,
each vavKpapiai or twelfth part of a tribe, furnishing two. But the
number of such divisions was then but forty-eight, as the tribes were
orginally but four This small body was at first an object of derlsiou
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? 238 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
infantry as numerous as could be wished, our three
hundred ships; an armament which they must
regard as their surest refuge and defence. Should
you apply for their assistance, you must appear as
supplicants; should they refuse it, you incur the
shame of a repulse: but if, while your forces are
completed, you suspend your operations, the protec-
tion you then grant to them must appear as the con-
sequence of their request; and be assured they will
all fly to you for this protection. '
With these and the like reflections deeply im-
pressed on my mind, I have not laboured to prepare
a bold, vain, tedious harangue. No, my fellow-citi-
zens! our preparations have been the sole object of
my thoughts, and the manner of conducting them
with effect and expedition. Grant me your attention,
and if my sentiments be approved, confirm them by
your voices.
It is, then, the first and most important part of prepa-
ration to possess your minds with due resolution,
so that every citizen when called to action may
exert himself with alacrity and zeal. You know
that in every instance where, having first resolved
on your designs in concert, every single member
deemed it incumbent on him to labour vigorously in
the execution, you have never once proved unsuc-
cessful : but whenever we have first decreed, fand
then each man hath turned his eyes on others, fondly
imagining that he himself need not act, that his
to the Persians at Marathon, bnt afterward proved formidable and dan
gerous. After the defeat of the Persians the city began to increase in
power, and was enabled to raise a body of three hundred horse, which
in the time of the Peloponnesian war was augmented to twelve hundred
(as we learn from Thucyd. lib ii. and #3schines Ilapajr. ). This was the
greatest body of cavalry the Athenians ever possessed, which seems by
the distresses of the staie to have been reduced to a thousand in the tima
of Demosthenes, as he mentions no greater number, though it was
his business rather to magnify their force in this passage than to ex-
tenuate it. The equestrian order was a rank of dignity at Athens as
among the Romans. But in latter times the citizens were allowed
to keep this rank and to 'substitute others to serve in their stead --
lAtcchetini.
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES.
230
neighbour would do all, our designs have never once
been executed.
With these sentiments, and these vigorous resolu-
tions, 1 recommend that you should proceed to the
appointment of your twelve hundred, and raise them
to two thousand, by a further addition of eight hun-
dred. Thus, when all necessary deductions are
made of those who by their condition' are excused
from contributing, or by any circumstances are un-
able to contribute, still the original number of twelve
hundred will remain complete. These I would have
formed into twenty classes, each consisting of sixty
citizens, agreeably to the present constitution. And
it is my opinion, that of these classes each should
be divided into five parts, consisting of twelve
persons, ever attending to a just and equal distri-
bution of the richer with the poorer. Thus should
our citizens be arranged: the reason will appear
when the whole scheme of the regulation hath been
explained.
But our ships; how are they to be appointed 1 Let
their whole number be fixed to three hundred, divided
by fifteenth parts into twenty portions. Of the first
hundred, let five such parts, of the second hundred,
five parts; and of the third hundred, five be ap-
1 Those who by their condition, Ac. ]--These are particularly specified
In the original, eirutXriaiav, maiden-heiresses; opQavwv, orphans of the
other sex ; kKtipovxikuiVj men appointed to form a colony; and Kotviavr
kwv, men incorporated into certain societies which were exempted from
contributing. From whence it seems evident that the duty and honour
of composing the twelve hundred, who were to supply the exigences of
the state, must have been annexed to certain families, and con inued to
them when time and various circumstances might have produced altera-
tions of fortune in many. The inconveniences which arose from hence
were partly removed by the avritioaus, or exchanges of fortunes (of
which see note 2, p. 53), and by allowing exemptions to persons in certain
circumstances: yet both these expedients must have occasioned delays,
and retarded the business of the public. Hence the orator recommends
the appointment of the additional eight hundred.
2 Of the first hundred,let five such parts, &cl--It should seem, from
this passage, that each century of the three hundred ships were to be of
a different rate and order, by this minute specification of " five of tha . -
first hundred, five of the second," 4c.
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? 240
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
pointed to each class. Thus shall a fifteenth of the
whole be allotted to every class; three ships to each
subdivision.
When these establishments are made, I propose,1
as the revenue arising from our lands amounts to
six thousand talents, that in order to have our funds
duly regulated, this sum may be divided into a hun-
dred parts of sixty talents each: that five of these
parts may be assigned to each of the twenty great
classes; which may thus give severally to each of
their divisions a single part of sixty talents. So
that, if we should have occasion for a hundred ships,*
l When and tn what manner this estimate of the lands was made, we
lean; from Polybius, lib. ii. , whose words shall" be quoted immediately.
That the barren lands of Attica should produce such a revenue (amount-
ing, according to Arbuthnot's computation, to 1,162,500/. ) seems wonder-
ful; especially as the lower ranks of citizens held their lands free from
all taxation. The soil of Athens itself was. celebrated by Homer for its
fertility. But this is of little moment when the barrenness of the Attic
territory in general is considered. But what says Polybius? Tij yap
hwcp AurivaiDv ovx loTopriiu diort Kad' ovs Kaipovs nera Qiifiaiuiv us TOV
Kpos rouf AaKcSaiiioviovi; avcfiaivov iroXtiiov, Kai iivpiovs utv-. c%cirtinrov
CTpartiiiTasi ikutov 6e cirXiipovV Tptiipcis, Irt ToTc kpivavres airo Ttis a? iaff
irotciodut ras us TOViroXtiiOV us 0opaf, CTiuricavro ttiv tc xwpais Kai Tt)V
XTrtKr}v, &naaav, Kai ras otKias, buoaas 6e Kai Tiiv Xoiirriv ovctav. AM'
biiuis to aviiirav rtixriiia rris a\ias tveXt-ire rwv t\aKia%iXitiiv SiaKoctots Kai
Ktvr^Kovra raXavrots; " What historian hath not informed us that the
Athenians, at the time when they engaged in war, on the part of Thebes
against the Lacedaemonians sent ten thousand men to the field, and
manned a hundred ships; that the Athenians, I say, in order to make a
just estimate of the subsidy they might properly grant for this war, then
proceeded to a general valuation of their lands, of ihe whole territory
of Attica, their houses, and all their effects? And yet the whole
valuation fell short of six thousand talents by two hundred and fifty. *
Which agrees pretty exactly with this passage of Demosthenes. --
Lucckesini.
2 One hundred ships seem to have been the ordinary marine establish-
ment at Athens; and to this the ordinary revenues seem to have been
proportioned. When it was necessary' to fit out an extraordinary number
the additicnal charge was answered by ah extraordinary taxation on the
richer members of the state. The passage before us is indeed concisely
expressed, as became a speaker who addressed himself to persons to
whom the least hint was sufficient. But the full meaning of it I take
to be this: "If we have occasion but for a hundred ships, the charge of
furnishing each may be divided among twelve trierarchs, who are to be
supplied for the expense of this and other preparations with sixty
talents. If for two hundred, these twelve trierarchs must provide two
ships; if for three hundred, three. In every case the revenues of the
otate are to be equally divided among them. But the greater the force
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES.
241
? ixty talents may be granted to each, and twelve
trierarchs ; if for two hundred, there may be thirty
talents assigned, and six trierarchs to each; if for
three hundred, twenty talents may be supplied for
each, and four trierarchs.
In like manner, my fellow-citizens, on a due esti-
mate of the stores necessary for our ships, I propose
that, agreeably to the present scheme, they should
be divided into twenty parts: that one good and
effectual part should be assigned to each of the great
classes, to be distributed among the small divisions
in the just proportion. Let the twelve, in every such
division, demand their respective shares; and let
them have those ships which it is their lot to provide
thoroughly and expeditiously equipped. Thus may
our supplies, our ships, our trierarehs, our stores, be
best provided and supplied. --And now I am to lay
before you a plain and easy method of completing
this scheme.
I say, then, that your generals should proceed to
mark out ten dock-yards, as contiguous as may be
to each other, and capable of containing thirty ves-
sels each. When this is done, they should assign
two Masses, and thirty ships to each of these docks.
Among these also they should divide the tribes and
the respective trierarehs; so that two classes, thirty
ships, and one tribe may be assigned to each. Let
then each tribe divide its allotted station into three
parts, and the ships in like manner. Let these third
required, the greater mast be the burden on the trierarehs, who are to be
taxed for the additional expense, if any such may be required for fitting
out the fleet, and completing the other parts of the intended armament. "
This iatter part, indeed, is not expressed, or insinuated; but I take it to
be understood. But, if my explanation should not be entirely consonant
to the sentiments of the learned reader, who may have the curiosity to
examine this part of the oration with accuracy, I must endeavour to
screen myself from the severity of his censure by subscribing to the
following ingenious declaration of Wolfius: " Whatever is here said of
fleets, stores, armaments, and supplies must, to us, who never saw a
fleet, or war, and never were conversant in affairs of state, be attended
with considerable obscurity. " *
De-m. Vol. I. --X
-
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? 242 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
parts be distributed by lot. Thus shall one tribe
preside over one entire division of your shipping,
and each third of a tribe take care of one-third of
such division; and thus shall you know at all times,
first, where each tribe is stationed; then, wheie each;
Nurd; then, who are the trierarchs; and, lastly, the
number of your ships. Let affairs be once set in
motion after this manner; and if any thing hath
been omitted (as it is by no means easy to provide
accurately for every circumstance), the execution
will itself discover it: and thus may your whole
marine and all its several parts be uniformly and
exactly regulated.
And now, as to money, as to any immediate sup-
plies ; sensible as I am that the opinion I am now to
declare must appear extraordinary, yet I will declare
it; for I trust, that when duly weighed it will be
found the only one which reason can recommend,
and which must be approved by the event. I say,
then, that at this time we should not speak at all of
money: we have a fund, if occasions call for it,--a
great, and honourable, and an equitable fund. Should
you attempt to raise it now, far from succeeding in
such an attempt, you could not depend on gaining it
when really wanted; but suspend your inquiries, and
you will secure it. What fund is this which now
hath no being, yet will be found hereafter 1 This ap-
pears a kind of mystery; but I shall explain it. Cast
your eyes round through all this city. Within these
walls, Athenians, there are treasures--I had almost
said, equal to those of all other states. But such is
the disposition of their possessors, that if all our
speakers were to rise with the most alarming decla-
rations, " that the king was marching against us; that
he was at our gates; that the danger did not admit of
any possibility of doubt--if with these speakers as *
many ministers of heaven were to rise, and pronounce
the same declarations as the warning of the gods; so
far would these men be from contributing, that they
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES.
24J
would not even discover their riches; they would not
acknowledge the possession of them. But should it
once appear that all those dangers denounced with
so much terror were really and in fact impending,
where is the wretch that would not give freely, that
would not urge to be admitted to contribute ? For
who would choose to abandon his life and fortune to
the fury of an enemy rather than give up a small por-
tion of his abundance for the safety of himself and all
the rest of his possessions ? Thus shall we find trea-
sures when occasions really demand them, but not
till then. Let us not, therefore, inquire for them
now. Suppose that we were now strictly to exact
the subsidies from all our citizens, the utmost we
should raise would be more contemptible than none.
Imagine the experiment made: it is proposed to exact
a hundredth part of the revenue arising from our
lands. Well, then, this makes just sixty talents.
" Nay, but we will raise a fiftieth part. " This doubles
the sum: we have then one hundred and twenty
talents. But what is this to those hundreds or those
thousands of camels which, they assure us, are em-
ployed to carry the king's money ? But suppose it
were agreed to raise a twelfth part, amounting to five
hundred talents. This, in the first place, would be too
great a burden, and, if imposed, still the fund pro-
duced would be insufficient for the war. Let, then,
all our other preparations be completed; but as to
money, let the possessors keep it, and never can they
keep it for a nobler public service. When their coun-
try calls for it, then shall they freely and zealously
contribute. ,
This, my fellow-citizens, is a practicable scheme--
a scheme highly honourable and advantageous, wor-
thy of this state to be reported to the king, and which
must strike him with no small terror. He knows,
that by three hundred vessels, of which one hundred
only were supplied by us, his ancestors lost a thou-
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? 244 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
sand ships. 1 He will hear, that now we have our-
selves equipped three hundred. He cannot, then. --if
he hath not lost all reason,--he cannot deem it a
trivial matter to make this state his enemy. If from
a dependence on his treasures he is tempted to enter-
tain proud thoughts, he will find this but a vain
dependence when compared with your resources. "
They tell us he is coming with heaps of gold; but
when these are once dispersed he must look for new
supplies. Not the richest streams, not the deepest
sources but must at length be totally exhausted when
we copiously and constantly drain away their waters.
But we, he will be told, have a perpetual resource in
our lands--a fund of six thousand talents. And with
what spirit we defend these lands against invaders
his ancestors who fought at Marathon could best
inform him. Let us continue to conquer, and our
treasures cannot ever fail.
Nor yet do I think their terrors justly founded who
apprehend that he may employ his gold in raising a
large army of mercenaries. I do indeed believe, that
in an expedition against Egypt, against Orontes,3 or
1 Whoever consults Herodotus will find that Demosthenes is by no
means exact in his account either of the Athenian or Persian fleets ; but
we are not to expect historical precision from the orator. His repre-
sentations are suited to delight and animate his hearers ; and probably
his success was too great to give them leisure to attend to any inaccuracy
in his account.
? It is just now the orator has represented the wealth of Athens as
contemptible, that of Persia as magnificent and great. Now, en the
contrary, the resources of Persia are neither solid nor permanent; the
riches of Athens great and inexhaustible. Various aie the instances of
this artifice in Demosthenes, which the judicious reader cannot fail to
observe without the direction of the annotator.
3 Two of this name are mentioned in history. The first was put te
death by the younger Cyrus on account of a conspiracy. The other,
whom Demosthenes points out, was a satrap of Mysia, and served in the
army which Artaxerxes sent against Cyprus, under the command of
Terinazus. On this occasion he attempted to ruin the reputation of his
general, was detected and disgraced, and, in revenge, joined with the
rebels of Egypt, Caria, and Phrygia, and headed the army they had raised
against the king. But, in hopes of recovering his credit at the Persian
court, and of gaining the command of some maritime towns, he betrayed
the forces, &c. of the rebels into the hands of the king's lieutenants
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? ORATION ON THE CLASSES.
