No More Learning

]

[Footnote 318: Captain Burt's Letters from Scotland. ]

[Footnote 319: "Shall I tire you with a description of this unfruitful
country, where I must lead you over their hills all brown with heath, or
their valleys scarce able to feed a rabbit. . . , Every part of the country
presents the same dismal landscape. No grove or brook lend their music
to cheer the stranger,"--Goldsmith to Bryanton, Edinburgh, Sept. 26.
1753. In a letter written soon after from Leyden to the Reverend Thomas
Contarine, Goldsmith says, "I was wholly taken up in observing the face
of the country, Nothing can equal its beauty. Wherever I turned my
eye, fine houses, elegant gardens, statues, grottos, vistas presented
themselves, Scotland and this country bear the highest contrast: there,
hills and rocks intercept every prospect; here it is all a continued
plain. " See Appendix C, to the First Volume of Mr. Forster's Life of
Goldsmith,]

[Footnote 320: Northern Memoirs, by R. Franck Philanthropus, 1690. The
author had caught a few glimpses of Highland scenery, and speaks of it
much as Burt spoke in the following generation: "It is a part of the
creation left undressed; rubbish thrown aside when the magnificent
fabric of the world was created; as void of form as the natives are
indigent of morals and good manners. "]

[Footnote 321: Journey through Scotland, by the author of the Journey
through England, 1723. ]

[Footnote 322: Almost all these circumstances are taken from Burt's
Letters. For the tar, I am indebted to Cleland's poetry. In his verses
on the "Highland Host" he says

"The reason is, they're smeared with tar,
Which doth defend their head and neck,
Just as it doth their sheep protect. "]

[Footnote 323: A striking illustration of the opinion which was
entertained of the Highlander by his Lowland neighbours, and which
was by them communicated to the English, will be found in a volume of
Miscellanies published by Afra Behn in 1685. One of the most curious
pieces in the collection is a coarse and profane Scotch poem entitled,
"How the first Hielandman was made. " How and of what materials he was
made I shall not venture to relate. The dialogue which immediately
follows his creation may be quoted, I hope, without much offence.

"Says God to the Hielandman, 'Quhair wilt thou now? '
'I will down to the Lowlands, Lord, and there steal a cow. '
'Ffy,' quod St. Peter, 'thou wilt never do weel,
'An thou, but new made, so sane gaffs to steal. '
'Umff,' quod the Hielandman, and swore by yon kirk,
'So long as I may geir get to steal, will I nevir work. "'

Another Lowland Scot, the brave Colonel Cleland, about the same time,
describes the Highlander in the same manner

"For a misobliging word
She'll dirk her neighbour o'er the board.
If any ask her of her drift,
Forsooth, her nainself lives by theft. "

Much to the same effect are the very few words which Franck
Philanthropus (1694) spares to the Highlanders: "They live like lauds
and die like loons, hating to work and no credit to borrow: they make
depredations and rob their neighbours. " In the History of the Revolution
in Scotland, printed at Edinburgh in 1690, is the following passage:
"The Highlanders of Scotland are a sort of wretches that have no other
consideration of honour, friendship, obedience, or government, than as,
by any alteration of affairs or revolution in the government, they can
improve to themselves an opportunity of robbing or plundering their
bordering neighbours. "]

[Footnote 324: Since this passage was written I was much pleased by
finding that Lord Fountainhall used, in July 1676, exactly the same
illustration which had occurred to me. He says that "Argyle's ambitious
grasping at the mastery of the Highlands and Western Islands of Mull,
Ila, &c. stirred up other clans to enter into a combination for hearing
him dowse, like the confederat forces of Germanic, Spain, Holland, &c. ,
against the growth of the French. "]

[Footnote 325: In the introduction to the Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron
is a very sensible remark: "It may appear paradoxical: but the editor
cannot help hazarding the conjecture that the motives which prompted the
Highlanders to support King James were substantially the same as those
by which the promoters of the Revolution were actuated. " The whole
introduction, indeed, well deserves to be read. ]

[Footnote 326: Skene's Highlanders of Scotland; Douglas's Baronage of
Scotland. ]

[Footnote 327: See the Memoirs of the Life of Sir Ewan Cameron, and the
Historical and Genealogical Account of the Clan Maclean, by a Senachie.
Though this last work was published so late as 1838, the writer seems
to have been inflamed by animosity as fierce as that with which the
Macleans of the seventeenth century regarded the Campbells. In the
short compass of one page the Marquess of Argyle is designated as "the
diabolical Scotch Cromwell," "the vile vindictive persecutor," "the
base traitor," and "the Argyle impostor. " In another page he is "the
insidious Campbell, fertile in villany," "the avaricious slave," "the
coward of Argyle" and "the Scotch traitor. " In the next page he is "the
base and vindictive enemy of the House of Maclean" "the hypocritical
Covenanter," "the incorrigible traitor," "the cowardly and malignant
enemy. " It is a happy thing that passions so violent can now vent
themselves only in scolding. ]

[Footnote 328: Letter of Avaux to Louvois, April 6/16 1689, enclosing a
paper entitled Memoire du Chevalier Macklean. ]

[Footnote 329: See the singularly interesting Memoirs of Sir Ewan
Cameron of Lochiel, printed at Edinburgh for the Abbotsford Club in
1842. The MS. must have been at least a century older. See also in the
same volume the account of Sir Ewan's death, copied from the Balhadie
papers. I ought to say that the author of the Memoirs of Sir Ewan,
though evidently well informed about the affairs of the Highlands and
the characters of the most distinguished chiefs, was grossly ignorant of
English politics and history. I will quote what Van Litters wrote to the
States General about Lochiel, Nov 26/Dec 6 1689: "Sir Evan Cameron,
Lord Locheale, een man,--soo ik hoor van die hem lange gekent en dagelyk
hebben mede omgegaan,--van so groot verstant, courage, en beleyt, als
weyniges syns gelycke syn. "]

[Footnote 330: Act. Parl. , July 5. 1661. ]

[Footnote 331: See Burt's Third and Fourth Letters. In the early
editions is an engraving of the market cross of Inverness, and of that
part of the street where the merchants congregated. I ought here
to acknowledge my obligations to Mr. Robert Carruthers, who kindly
furnished me with much curious information about Inverness and with some
extracts from the municipal records. ]

[Footnote 332: I am indebted to Mr. Carruthers for a copy of the demands
of the Macdonalds and of the answer of the Town Council. ]

[Footnote 333: Colt's Deposition, Appendix to the Act. Parl of July 14.
1690. ]

[Footnote 334: See the Life of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 335: Balcarras's Memoirs; History of the late Revolution in
Scotland. ]

[Footnote 336: There is among the Nairne Papers in the Bodleian Library
a curious MS. entitled "Journal de ce qui s'est passe en Irlande
depuis l'arrivee de sa Majeste. " In this journal there are notes and
corrections in English and French; the English in the handwriting of
James, the French in the handwriting of Melfort. The letters intercepted
by Hamilton are mentioned, and mentioned in a way which plainly
shows that they were genuine; nor is there the least sign that James
disapproved of them. ]

[Footnote 337: "Nor did ever," says Balcarras, addressing James, "the
Viscount of Dundee think of going to the Highlands without further
orders from you, till a party was sent to apprehend him. "]

[Footnote 338: See the narrative sent to James in Ireland and received
by him July 7, 1689. It is among the Nairne Papers. See also the Memoirs
of Dundee, 1714; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron; Balcarras's Memoirs;
Mackay's Memoirs. These narratives do not perfectly agree with each
other or with the information which I obtained from Inverness. ]

[Footnote 339: Memoirs of Dundee; Tarbet to Melville, 1st June 7688, in
the Levers and Melville Papers. ]

[Footnote 340: Narrative in the Nairne Papers; Depositions of Colt,
Osburne, Malcolm, and Stewart of Ballachan in the Appendix to the Act.
Parl. of July 14. 1690; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. A few touches I
have taken from an English translation of some passages in a lost epic
poem written in Latin, and called the Grameis. The writer was a zealous
Jacobite named Phillipps. I have seldom made use of the Memoirs of
Dundee, printed in 1714, and never without some misgiving. The writer
was certainly not, as he pretends, one of Dundee's officers, but a
stupid and ignorant Grub Street garreteer. He is utterly wrong both as
to the place and as to the time of the battle of Killiecrankie. He says
that it was fought on the banks of the Tummell, and on the 13th of June.
It was fought on the banks of the Garry, and on the 27th of July. After
giving such a specimen of inaccuracy as this, it would be idle to point
out minor blunders. ]

[Footnote 341: From a letter of Archibald Karl of Argyle to Lauderdale,
which bears date the 25th of June, 1664, it appears that a hundred
thousand marks Scots, little more than five thousand pounds sterling,
would, at that time, have very nearly satisfied all the claims of Mac
Callum More on his neighbours. ]

[Footnote 342: Mackay's Memoirs; Tarbet to Melville, June 1, 1689, in
the Leven and Melville Papers; Dundee to Melfort, June 27, in the Nairne
Papers,]

[Footnote 343: See Mackay's Memoirs, and his letter to Hamilton of the
14th of June, 1689. ]

[Footnote 344: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 345: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 346: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 347: Dundee to Melfort, June 27. 1689. ]

[Footnote 348: See Faithful Contendings Displayed, particularly the
proceedings of April 29. and 30. and of May 13. and 14. , 1689; the
petition to Parliament drawn up by the regiment, on July 18. 1689;
the protestation of Sir Robert Hamilton of November 6. 1689; and the
admonitory Epistle to the Regiment, dated March 27. 1690. The Society
people, as they called themselves, seem to have been especially shocked
by the way in which the King's birthday had been kept. "We hope," they
wrote, "ye are against observing anniversary days as well as we, and
that ye will mourn for what ye have done. " As to the opinions and temper
of Alexander Shields, see his Hind Let Loose. ]

[Footnote 349: Siege of the Castle of Edinburgh, printed for the
Bannatyne Club; Lond. Gaz, June 10/20. 1689. ]

[Footnote 350: Act. Parl. Scot. , June 5. June 17. 1689. ]

[Footnote 351: The instructions will be found among the Somers Tracts. ]

[Footnote 352: As to Sir Patrick's views, see his letter of the 7th
of June, and Lockhart's letter of the 11th of July, in the Leven and
Melville Papers. ]

[Footnote 353: My chief materials for the history of this session have
been the Acts, the Minutes, and the Leven and Melville Papers. ]

[Footnote 354: "Athol," says Dundee contemptuously, "is gone to England,
who did not know what to do. "--Dundee to Melfort, June 27. 1689. See
Athol's letters to Melville of the 21st of May and the 8th of June, in
the Leven and Melville Papers. ]

[Footnote 355: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 356: Mackay's Memoirs. ]

[Footnote 357: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 358: Van Odyck to the Greffier of the States General, Aug.
2/12 1689. ]

[Footnote 359: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 360: Balcarras's Memoirs. ]

[Footnote 361: Mackay's Short Relation, dated Aug. 17. 1689. ]

[Footnote 362: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 363: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron; Mackay's Memoirs. ]

[Footnote 364: Douglas's Baronage of Scotland. ]

[Footnote 365: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 366: Memoirs of Sir Swan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 367: As to the battle, see Mackay's Memoirs Letters, and Short
Relation the Memoirs of Dundee; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron; Nisbet's
and Osburne's depositions in the Appendix to the Act. Parl. Of July
14. 1690. See also the account of the battle in one of Burt's Letters.
Macpherson printed a letter from Dundee to James, dated the day after
the battle. I need not say that it is as impudent a forgery as Fingal.
The author of the Memoirs of Dundee says that Lord Leven was scared by
the sight of the highland weapons, and set the example of flight. This
is a spiteful falsehood. That Leven behaved remarkably well is proved by
Mackay's Letters, Memoirs, and Short Relation. ]

[Footnote 368: Mackay's Memoirs. Life of General Hugh Mackay by J.
Mackay of Rockfield. ]

[Footnote 369: Letter of the Extraordinary Ambassadors to the Greffier
of the States General, August 2/12. 1689; and a letter of the same date
from Van Odyck, who was at Hampton Court. ]

[Footnote 370: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron; Memoirs of Dundee. ]

[Footnote 371: The tradition is certainly much more than a hundred and
twenty years old. The stone was pointed out to Burt. ]

[Footnote 372: See the History prefixed to the poems of Alexander
Robertson. In this history he is represented as having joined before the
battle of Killiecrankie. But it appears from the evidence which is in
the Appendix to the Act. Parl. Scot. of July 14. 1690, that he came in
on the following day. ]

[Footnote 373: Mackay's Memoirs. ]

[Footnote 374: Mackay's Memoirs; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 375: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 376: Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 377: See Portland's Letters to Melville of April 22 and May
15. 1690, in the Leven and Melville Papers. ]

[Footnote 378: Mackay's Memoirs; Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron. ]

[Footnote 379: Exact Narrative of the Conflict at Dunkeld between the
Earl of Angus's Regiment and the Rebels, collected from several Officers
of that Regiment who were Actors in or Eyewitnesses of all that's here
narrated in Reference to those Actions; Letter of Lieutenant Blackader
to his brother, dated Dunkeld, Aug. 21. 1689; Faithful Contendings
Displayed; Minute of the Scotch Privy Council of Aug. 28. , quoted by Mr.
Burton. ]

[Footnote 380: The history of Scotland during this autumn will be best
studied in the Leven and Melville Papers. ]

[Footnote 381: See the Lords' Journals of Feb. 5. 1688 and of many
subsequent days; Braddon's pamphlet, entitled the Earl of Essex's Memory
and Honour Vindicated, 1690; and the London Gazettes of July 31.
and August 4. and 7. 1690, in which Lady Essex and Burnet publicly
contradicted Braddon. ]

[Footnote 382: Whether the attainder of Lord Russell would, if
unreversed, have prevented his son from succeeding to the earldom of
Bedford is a difficult question. The old Earl collected the opinions
of the greatest lawyers of the age, which may still be seen among the
archives at Woburn. It is remarkable that one of these opinions is
signed by Pemberton, who had presided at the trial. This circumstance
seems to prove that the family did not impute to him any injustice or
cruelty; and in truth he had behaved as well as any judge, before the
Revolution, ever behaved on a similar occasion. ]

[Footnote 383: Grey's Debates, March 1688/9. ]

[Footnote 384: The Acts which reversed the attainders of Russell Sidney,
Cornish, and Alice Lisle were private Acts. Only the titles therefore
are printed in the Statute Book; but the Acts will be found in Howell's
Collection of State Trials. ]

[Footnote 385: Commons' Journals, June 24. 1689. ]

[Footnote 386: Johnson tells this story himself in his strange pamphlet
entitled, Notes upon the Phoenix Edition of the Pastoral Letter, 1694. ]

[Footnote 387: Some Memorials of the Reverend Samuel Johnson, prefixed
to the folio edition of his works, 1710. ]

[Footnote 388: Lords' Journals, May 15. 1689. ]

[Footnote 389: North's Examen, 224. North's evidence is confirmed by
several contemporary squibs in prose and verse. See also the eikon
Brotoloigon, 1697. ]

[Footnote 390: Halifax MS. in the British Museum.
]

[Footnote 391: Epistle Dedicatory to Oates's eikon Basiliki]

[Footnote 392: In a ballad of the time are the following lines]

"Come listen, ye Whigs, to my pitiful moan, All you that have ears, when
the Doctor has none. "]

These lines must have been in Mason's head when he wrote the couplet]

"Witness, ye Hills, ye Johnsons, Scots, Shebbeares; Hark to my call: for
some of you have ears. "]

[Footnote 393: North's Examen, 224. 254. North says "six hundred a
year. " But I have taken the larger sum from the impudent petition which
Gates addressed to the Commons, July 25. 1689. See the Journals. ]

[Footnote 394: Van Citters, in his despatches to the States General,
uses this nickname quite gravely. ]

[Footnote 395: Lords' Journals, May 30. 1689. ]

[Footnote 396: Lords' Journals, May 31. 1689; Commons' Journals, Aug.
2. ; North's Examen, 224; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. ]

[Footnote 397: Sir Robert was the original hero of the Rehearsal, and
was called Bilboa. In the remodelled Dunciad, Pope inserted the lines]

"And highborn Howard, more majestic sire, With Fool of Quality completes
the quire. "]

Pope's highborn Howard was Edward Howard, the author of the British
Princes. ]

[Footnote 398: Key to the Rehearsal; Shadwell's Sullen Lovers; Pepys,
May 5. 8. 1668; Evelyn, Feb. 16. 1684/5. ]

[Footnote 399: Grey's Debates and Commons' Journals, June 4. and 11
1689. ]

[Footnote 400: Lords' Journals, June 6. 1689. ]

[Footnote 401: Commons' Journals, Aug. 2. 1689; Dutch Ambassadors
Extraordinary to the States General, July 30/Aug 9]

[Footnote 402: Lords' Journals, July 30. 1689; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary; Clarendon's Diary, July 31. 1689. ]

[Footnote 403: See the Commons' Journals of July 31. and August 13
1689. ]

[Footnote 404: Commons' Journals, Aug. 20]

[Footnote 405: Oldmixon accuses the Jacobites, Barnet the republicans.
Though Barnet took a prominent part in the discussion of this question,
his account of what passed is grossly inaccurate. He says that the
clause was warmly debated in the Commons, and that Hampden spoke
strongly for it. But we learn from the journals (June 19 1689) that it
was rejected nemine contradicente. The Dutch Ambassadors describe it as
"een propositie 'twelck geen ingressie schynt te sullen vinden. "]

[Footnote 406: London Gazette, Aug. 1. 1689; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary. ]

[Footnote 407: The history of this Bill may be traced in the journals of
the two Houses, and in Grey's Debates. ]

[Footnote 408: See Grey's Debates, and the Commons' Journals from March
to July. The twelve categories will be found in the journals of the 23d
and 29th of May and of the 8th of June. ]

[Footnote 409: Halifax MS. in the British Museum. ]

[Footnote 410: The Life and Death of George Lord Jeffreys; Finch's
speech in Grey's Debates, March 1. 1688/9. ]

[Footnote 411: See, among many other pieces, Jeffreys's Elegy, the
Letter to the Lord Chancellor exposing to him the sentiments of the
people, the Elegy on Dangerfield, Dangerfield's Ghost to Jeffreys, The
Humble Petition of Widows and fatherless Children in the West, the Lord
Chancellor's Discovery and Confession made in the lime of his sickness
in the Tower; Hickeringill's Ceremonymonger; a broadside entitled "O
rare show! O rare sight! O strange monster! The like not in Europe! To
be seen near Tower Hill, a few doors beyond the Lion's den. "]

[Footnote 412: Life and Death of George Lord Jeffreys,]

[Footnote 413: Tutchin himself gives this narrative in the Bloody
Assizes. ]

[Footnote 414: See the Life of Archbishop Sharp by his son. What passed
between Scott and Jeffreys was related by Scott to Sir Joseph Jekyl.
See Tindal's History; Echard, iii. 932. Echard's informant, who is
not named, but who seems to have had good opportunities of knowing the
truth, said that Jeffreys died, not, as the vulgar believed, of drink,
but of the stone. The distinction seems to be of little importance. It
is certain that Jeffreys was grossly intemperate; and his malady was one
which intemperance notoriously tends to aggravate. ]

[Footnote 415: See a Full and True Account of the Death of George Lord
Jeffreys, licensed on the day of his death. The wretched Le Noble was
never weary of repeating that Jeffreys was poisoned by the usurper.
I will give a short passage as a specimen of the calumnies of which
William was the object. "Il envoya," says Pasquin "ce fin ragout de
champignons au Chancelier Jeffreys, prisonnier dans la Tour, qui les
trouva du meme goust, et du mmee assaisonnement que furent les derniers
dont Agrippine regala le bon-homme Claudius son epoux, et que Neron
appella depuis la viande des Dieux. " Marforio asks: "Le Chancelier est
donc mort dans la Tour? " Pasquin answers: "Il estoit trop fidele a son
Roi legitime, et trop habile dans les loix du royaume, pour echapper a
l'Usurpateur qu'il ne vouloit point reconnoistre. Guillemot prit soin de
faire publier que ce malheureux prisonnier estoit attaque du'ne fievre
maligne; mais, a parler franchement, i1 vivroit peutestre encore s'il
n'avoit rien mange que de la main de ses anciens cuisiniers. "--Le Festin
de Guillemot, 1689. Dangeau (May q. ) mentions a report that Jeffreys had
poisoned himself. ]

[Footnote 416: Among the numerous pieces in which the malecontent Whigs
vented their anger, none is more curious than the poem entitled the
Ghost of Charles the Second. Charles addresses William thus:

"Hail my blest nephew, whom the fates ordain
To fill the measure of the Stuart's reign,
That all the ills by our whole race designed
In thee their full accomplishment might find
'Tis thou that art decreed this point to clear,
Which we have laboured for these fourscore year. "]

[Footnote 417: Grey's Debates, June 12 1689. ]

[Footnote 418: See Commons' Journals, and Grey's Debates, June 1. 3. and
4. 1689; Life of William, 1704. ]

[Footnote 419: Barnet MS. Harl. 6584. ; Avaux to De Croissy, June 16/26
1689. ]

[Footnote 420: As to the minutes of the Privy Council, see the Commons'
Journals of June 22. and 28. , and of July 3. 5. 13. and 16. ]

[Footnote 421: The letter of Halifax to Lady Russell is dated on the 23d
of July 1689, about a fortnight after the attack on him in the Lords,
and about a week before the attack on him in the Commons. ]

[Footnote 422: See the Lords' Journals of July 10. 1689, and a letter
from London dated July 11/21, and transmitted by Croissy to Avaux. Don
Pedro de Ronquillo mentions this attack of the Whig Lords on Halifax in
a despatch of which I cannot make out the date. ]

[Footnote 423: This was on Saturday the 3d of August. As the division
was in Committee, the numbers do not appear in the journals. Clarendon,
in his Diary, says that the majority was eleven. But Narcissus Luttrell,
Oldmixon, and Tindal agree in putting it at fourteen. Most of the little
information which I have been able to find about the debate is contained
in a despatch of Don Pedro de Ronquillo. "Se resolvio" he says, "que el
sabado, en comity de toda la casa, se tratasse del estado de la nation
para representarle al Rey. Emperose por acusar al Marques de Olifax;
y reconociendo sus emulos que no tenian partido bastante, quisieron
remitir para otro dia esta motion: pero el Conde de Elan, primogenito
del Marques de Olifax, miembro de la casa, les dijo que su padre no era
hombre para andar peloteando con el, y que se tubiesse culpa lo acabasen
de castigar, que el no havia menester estar en la corte para portarse
conforme a su estado, pues Dios le havia dado abundamente para poderlo
hazer; conque por pluralidad de votes vencio su partido. " I suspect
that Lord Eland meant to sneer at the poverty of some of his father's
persecutors, and at the greediness of others. ]

[Footnote 424: This change of feeling, immediately following the debate
on the motion for removing Halifax, is noticed by Ronquillo,]

[Footnote 425: As to Ruvigny, see Saint Simon's Memoirs of the year
1697: Burnet, i. 366. There is some interesting information about
Ruvigny and about the Huguenot regiments in a narrative written by
a French refugee of the name of Dumont. This narrative, which is in
manuscript, and which I shall occasionally quote as the Dumont MS. , was
kindly lent to me by the Dean of Ossory. ]

[Footnote 426: See the Abrege de la Vie de Frederic Duc de Schomberg by
Lunancy, 1690, the Memoirs of Count Dohna, and the note of Saint Simon
on Dangeau's Journal, July 30, 1690. ]

[Footnote 427: See the Commons' Journals of July 16. 1689, and of July
1. 1814. ]

[Footnote 428: Journals of the Lords and Commons, Aug. 20. 1689; London
Gazette, Aug, 22. ]

[Footnote 429: "J'estois d'avis qu', apres que la descente seroit faite,
si on apprenoit que des Protestans se fassent soulevez en quelques
endroits du royaume, on fit main basse sur tous generalement. "--Avaux,
July 31/Aug 10 1689. ]

[Footnote 430: "Le Roy d'Angleterre m'avoit ecoute assez paisiblement la
première fois que je luy avois propose ce qu'il y avoit a faire contre
les Protestans. "--Avaux, Aug. 4/14]

[Footnote 431: Avaux, Aug. 4/14. He says, "Je m'imagine qu'il est
persuade que, quoiqu'il ne donne point d'ordre sur cela, la plupart des
Catholiques de la campagne se jetteront sur les Protestans. "]

[Footnote 432: Lewis, Aug 27/Sept 6, reprimanded Avaux, though much
too gently, for proposing to butcher the whole Protestant population
of Leinster, Connaught, and Munster. "Je n'approuve pas cependant la
proposition que vous faites de faire main basse sur tous les Protestans
du royaume, du moment qu', en quelque endroit que ce soit, ils se seront
soulevez: et, outre que la punition du'ne infinite d'innocens pour peu
de coupables ne seroit pas juste, d'ailleurs les represailles contre
les Catholiques seroient d'autant plus dangereuses, que les premiers se
trouveront mieux armez et soutenus de toutes les forces d'Angleterre. "]

[Footnote 433: Ronquillo, Aug. 9/19 speaking of the siege of
Londonderry, expresses his astonishment "que una plaza sin fortification
y sin genies de guerra aya hecho una defensa tan gloriosa, y que los
sitiadores al contrario ayan sido tan poltrones. "]

[Footnote 434: This account of the Irish army is compiled from numerous
letters written by Avaux to Lewis and to Lewis's ministers. I will quote
a few of the most remarkable passages. "Les plus beaux hommes," Avaux
says of the Irish, "qu'on peut voir. Il n'y en a presque point au
dessous de cinq pieds cinq a six pouces. " It will be remembered that the
French foot is longer than ours. "Ils sont tres bien faits: mais; il ne
sont ny disciplinez ny armez, et de surplus sont de grands voleurs. "
"La plupart de ces regimens sont levez par des gentilshommes qui
n'ont jamais este á l'armee. Ce sont des tailleurs, des bouchers,
des cordonniers, qui ont forme les compagnies et qui en sont les
Capitaines. " "Jamais troupes n'ont marche comme font celles-cy. Ils
vent comme des bandits, et pillent tout ce qu'ils trouvent en chemin. "
"Quoiqu'il soit vrai que les soldats paroissent fort resolus a bien
faire, et qu'ils soient fort animez contre les rebelles, neantmoins il
ne suffit pas de cela pour combattre. . . . . Les officiers subalternes sont
mauvais, et, a la reserve d'un tres peut nombre, il n'y en a point qui
ayt soin des soldats, des armes, et de la discipline. " "On a beaucoup
plus de confiance en la cavalerie, dont la plus grande partie est
assez bonne. " Avaux mentions several regiments of horse with particular
praise. Of two of these he says, "On ne peut voir de meilleur regiment. "
The correctness of the opinion which he had formed both of the infantry
and of the cavalry was, after his departure from Ireland, signally
proved at the Boyne. ]

[Footnote 435: I will quote a passage or two from the despatches written
at this time by Avaux. On September 7/17. he says: "De quelque coste
qu'on se tournat, on ne pouvoir rien prevoir que de desagreable. Mais
dans cette extremite chacun s'est evertue. Les officiers ont fait leurs
recrues avec beaucoup de diligence. " Three days later he says: "Il y a
quinze jours que nous n'esperions guare de pouvoir mettre les choses en
si bon estat mais my Lord Tyrconnel et tous les Irlandais ont travaille
avec tant d'empressement qu'on s'est mis en estat de deffense. "]

[Footnote 436: Avaux, Aug 25/Sep 4 Aug 26/Sep 5; Life of James, ii.
373. ; Melfort's vindication of himself among the Nairne Papers. Avaux
says: "Il pourra partir ce soir a la nuit: car je vois bien qu'il
apprehende qu'il ne sera pas sur pour luy de partir en plein jour. "]

[Footnote 437: Story's Impartial History of the Wars of Ireland, 1693;
Life of James, ii. 374; Avaux, Sept. 7/17 1689; Nihell's journal,
printed in 1689, and reprinted by Macpherson. ]

[Footnote 438: Story's Impartial History. ]

[Footnote 439: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 440: Avaux, Sep. 10/20. 1689; Story's Impartial History; Life
of James, ii. 377, 378 Orig. Mem. Story and James agree in estimating
the Irish army at about twenty thousand men. See also Dangeau, Oct. 28.
1689. ]

[Footnote 441: Life of James, ii. 377, 378. Orig. Mem. ]

[Footnote 442: See Grey's Debates, Nov. 26, 27, 28. 1689, and the
Dialogue between a Lord Lieutenant and one of his deputies, 1692. ]

[Footnote 443: Nihell's Journal. A French officer, in a letter to Avaux,
written soon after Schomberg's landing, says, "Les Huguenots font plus
de mal que les Anglois, et tuent force Catholiques pour avoir fait
resistance. "]

[Footnote 444: Story; Narrative transmitted by Avaux to Seignelay, Nov
26/Dec 6 1689 London Gazette, Oct. 14. 1689. It is curious that, though
Dumont was in the camp before Dundalk, there is in his MS. no mention of
the conspiracy among the French. ]

[Footnote 445: Story's Impartial History; Dumont MS. The profaneness
and dissoluteness of the camp during the sickness are mentioned in
many contemporary pamphlets both in verse and prose. See particularly a
Satire entitled Reformation of Manners, part ii. ]

[Footnote 446: Story's Impartial History. ]

[Footnote 447: Avaux, Oct. 11/21. Nov. 14/24 1689; Story's Impartial
History; Life of James, ii. 382, 383. Orig. Mem. ; Nihell's Journal. ]

[Footnote 448: Story's Impartial History; Schomberg's Despatches;
Nihell's Journal, and James's Life; Burnet, ii. 20. ; Dangeau's journal
during this autumn; the Narrative sent by Avaux to Seignelay, and the
Dumont MS. The lying of the London Gazette is monstrous. Through the
whole autumn the troops are constantly said to be in good condition.
In the absurd drama entitled the Royal Voyage, which was acted for the
amusement of the rabble of London in 1689, the Irish are represented as
attacking some of the sick English.