But it is a very exact description of
what happened after their declaration of war against Philip, which suc-
ceeded the taking of Olynthus; for this declaration was made from a
sense of the dang3r of Philip's growing power, a resentment of his in-
fractions, and a resolution to reduce him; and yet they were quickly
obliged to defend themselves against farther attempts
?
what happened after their declaration of war against Philip, which suc-
ceeded the taking of Olynthus; for this declaration was made from a
sense of the dang3r of Philip's growing power, a resentment of his in-
fractions, and a resolution to reduce him; and yet they were quickly
obliged to defend themselves against farther attempts
?
Demosthenes - Leland - Orations
But though Philip and hi*
brother were not on good terms, yet it is not likely that the Athenians
would have trusted one so nearly allied to their enemy. --Olivet.
4 From your voices. ]--The regular method of choosing all officers.
However, the choice was sometimes left to the commander-in-chief. --
Tourreil.
5 Perhaps you are fully, dec. ]--It is not impossible hut that the people
might have been struck with the freedom and candour of the orator, and
given some marks of their approbation.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FIRST.
49
would rather hear me on another point,--that of the
supplies; what we are to raise, and from what funds.
To this I now proceed. The sum, therefore, neces-
sary for the maintenance of these forces, that the sol-
diers may be supplied with grain, is somewhat above
ninety talentsto the ten galleys forty talents, that
each vessel may have a monthly allowance of twenty
minae; to the two thousand foot the same sum, that
each soldier may receive ten drachmae a month for
corn to the two hundred horse, for a monthly allow-
ance of thirty drachmas each, twelve talents. And
let it not be thought a small convenience that the sol-
diers are supplied with grain; for I am clearly satis-
fied, that if such a provision be made, the war itself
will supply them with every thing else, so as to com-
plete their appointment, and this without any injury
to the Greeks or allies; and I myself am ready to sail
with them, and to answer for the consequence with
my life should it prove otherwise. From what funds
the sum which I propose may be supplied shall now
be explained. * * * *
[Here the secretary of the assembly reads a scheme for raismg fne sup-
plies, and proposes it to the people in form in the name of the orator. ]
These are the supplies,2 Athenians, in our power to
1 Ninety talents. ]--The Attic talent is computed by Tourreil equal to
167(. 10>>. ; by Prideaux, to 1887. <<s. ; by Arbuthnot, to 193Z. 15s. It con-
tained sixty mine, and each mina one hundred drachmae. By the com-
putation of the orator, it appears that the provisions he recomnlends to
be supplied were to last one year. --Mounteney.
2 These are the supplies, &c. i-- Dionysius of Halicarnassus gives us
the rest of this oration as a sixth Philippic, pronounced in the archonship
of Themistoeles. But it appears to me. as well as to the other inter-
preters, a natural conclusion of the first Philippic; and therefore I could
Dotprevail on myself to separate them. --Tourreil.
The scholiast is of the same opinion, and flatly accuses Dionysius of a
mistake. Mr. Mounteney has expressed greater deference for this critic.
He supposes that this second part is not that which Dionysius quotes,
but that there was another oration, since lost, which began with fha
same words; for he observes, that the former part is plainly imperfect ot
itself, and the two parts are joined in all the copies and manuscripts, and
that naturally and consistently.
T must confess, with all submission to these authorities, that although
I could not presume to separate them, yet I am not quite satisfied that
these two parts are one oration. In the first place, J cannot think that
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? 60 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
raise. And when you come to give your voices, de
termine on some effectual provision,1 that you may
oppose Philip, not by decrees and letters only, but by
actions; and, in my opinion, your plan of operation
and every tiling relating to your armament will be
much more happily adjusted if the situation of the
country which is to be the scene of action be taken
into the account; and if you reflect that the winds and
seasons have greatly contributed to the rapidity of
Philip's conquests, that he watches the blowing of
the Etesians2 and the severity of the winter, and forms
the first Philippic would end abruptly if this second part was away; for
we find in the first part all that the orator proposes to speak to in the
beginning; and it concludes, not unlike a speech in parliament, with a
motion in form, for such and such subsidies to be raised for the mainte-
nance of such and sucn forces. And as to the manner in which the second
part begins, supposing it a distinct oration, we cannot object to that, as
Dionysius quotes an oration beginning exactly in the same manner (see
his letter to Ammius). It might also be observed, that in the beginning
of the oration, having for some time exhorted the Athenians to change
their conduct and act with vigour, Demosthenes says expressly that he
intends to speak no more on that subject, and yet this second part is en
tirely taken up with it; and lastly, there are some passages in the second
part which, I suspect, do not agree to the particular time when the first
oration against Philip was pronounced; and I imagine that some editors
were sensible of this by their placing the Olynthiac orations before this,
which is called the first Philippic. These passages I shall take notice
of as they occur.
As to any similitude between the two parts, I apprehend that is no
more than what runs through all these orations, and may be accounted
for from the similitude of the subject, without joining them. But if this
second part be really a distinct oration, spoken after the destruction of
Olynthus (for this city was taken the y sar before the archonship of The-
mistocles), how comes it that this event is not mentioned in it? It had
just then thrown the Athenians into the greatest consternation; and as
it was the orator's business to encourage them, possibly he might have
kept it out of view on purpose; though, perhaps, he does bint at it ob-
scurely, and as far as was consistent with prudence, as I shall observe
by-and-by.
1 Effectual provision. ]--In the Greek it is & av bitiv apcaicft x^porofn-
care, choose those things which may be agreeable to you. I own I do
not see how their entering into the resolution they liked best would of
consequence enable them to opposo Philip effectually. Perhaps it might
be of disservice, for in other places the orator is ever cautioning them
against following the bent of their inclinations. If we should make a
very small alteration in the text, and for apcoKii read apiece-^, those things
which may be si{fficient for your purposes, I apprehend the sense would
be better and more agreeable to Demosthenes. I have taken the liberty
to translate after this reading.
2 of the Etesians. ]--Winds which blew regularly every year at Uw
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? PHILIPPIC THE FIRST.
51
his sieges when it is impossible for us to bring up our
forces,--it is your part then to consider this, and not
to carry on the war by occasional detachments (they
will ever arrive too late), but by a regular army con-
stantly kept up. And for winter-quarters you may
command Lemnos, and Thassus, and Sciathus, and
the adjacent islands, in which there are ports, and pro-
visions, and all things necessary for the soldiery in
abundance. As to the season of the year in which we
may land our forces with the greatest ease, and be in
no danger from the winds, either on the coast to which
we are bound, or at the entrance of those harbours
where we may put in for provisions, this will be easily
discovered. In what manner and at what time our
forces are to act their general will determine, accord-
ing to the j unctures of affairs. What you are to per-
form on your part is contained in the decree I have
now proposed. And if you, will be persuaded, Athe-
nians, first, to raise these supplies which I have recom-
mended ! then, to proceed to your other preparations,
your infantry, navy, and cavalry; and lastly, to con-
fine your forces by a law to that service which is
appointed to them, reserving the care and distribution
of their money to yourselves, and strictly examining
into the conduct of the general;--then your time will
be no longer wasted in continual debates on the same
subject, and scarcely to any purpose; then you will
deprive him of the most considerable of his revenues,
for his arms are now supported by seizing and making
prizes of those who pass the seas. But is this all ?
No. - You shall also be secure from his attempts;
not a. when some time since1 he fell on Lemnos and
rising of the dog-star, wh^n the Greeks were obliged to retire from action
on accc '*nt of the excessive heats, and which, as they biew from the
north, of consequence opposed any attempt of invading Macedon, or send-
ing any forces to those pans which were the seat of Philip's wars at
(tret.
I Not as when some time since, &c. ]--If this be really a part of the
fh*. t Philippic, these hostilities must have preceded the attempt on Ther-
mopylae, else the orator could not have dis'ingnished them into thost
which happened some time ago, and that ornmitted lately. Now, I can-
Vol. I -- E
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? 62
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Imbrus, and carried away your citizens in chains; not
as when he surprised your vessels at Gerastus, and
spoiled them of an unspeakable quantity of riches;
not as when lately he made a descent on the coast of
Marathon, and carried off our sacred galleywhile
you could neither oppose these insults, nor detach
your forces at such junctures as were thought con-
venient.
And now, Athenians, what is the reason, think ye,
that the public festivals2 in honour of Minerva and of
Bacchus are always celebrated at the appointed time,
whether the direction of them falls to the lot of men
of eminence or of persons less distinguished--festi-
vals which cost more treasure than is usually ex-
pended on a whole navy, and more numbers and
greater preparations than any one, perhaps, ever cost,
--while your expeditions have been all too late, as
that to Methone, that to Pegasse, that to Potidaea ?
The reason is this: every thing relating to the former
is ascertained by law, and every one of you knows
not tell how to reconcile such open acts of hostility with the other parts
of Philip's conduct at that time. There was a peace subsisting between
him and the Athenians which he affected to observe; and so far does he
appear from making any open and professed attack on them, that in the
taking ofPotidaea and Pydna he would not act as principal, but as ally to
the Olynthians, and, when these cities were taken, dismissed the Athe
Mian garrisons with all imaginable respect and honour; and on all occa
sions courted and cajoled the Athenians. This, then, is one of those
passages which I suspect do not agree to the particular time when the
first Philippic was spoken. But if we suppose that this, which I call the
second part, is really the oration which Dionysius quotes, and which was
spoken to engage the Athenians to defend the islanders and the cities of
the Hellespont against the attempts of Philip, then all the difficulty van
ishes. The hostilities here mentioned agree very well to a time of open
war. Now, Diodorus Siculus informs us, that it was after Olynthus
was taken that the Athenians declared war against Philip in form; and
we find, that immediately on this, he attacked them and their tributary
states with such fury that they were soon glad to sue for peace.
1 Our sacred galley. ]--There were two of these appropriated to reli
gious ceremonies, and all extraordinary emergencies and occasions of
the state,--the Paralian and the Salaminian. Harpocration understands
here the Paralian. --Toiirreil.
2 Festivals, &c. ]--For the Panathensea and Dionysla (as these fesM
vals are called in the original) I refer the reader to Potter, and othe;
writers on the antiquities of Greece.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FIRST.
53
long before who is to conduct1 the several entertain-
ments in each tribe, what he is to receive, when, and
from whom, and what to perform. Not one of these
things is left uncertain, not one undetermined. But
in affairs of war and warlike preparations, there is no
order, no certainty, no regulation. So that, when
any accident alarms us, first we appoint our trier-
archs,2 then we allow them the exchange, then the
supplies are considered. These points once settled,
we resolve to man our fleet with strangers3 and for-
eigners, then find it necessary to supply their place
ourselves. In the midst of these delays, what we are
sailing to defend the enemy is already master of; for
the time of action we spend in preparing, and the
junctures of affairs will not wait our slow and irreso-
lute measures. These forces, too, which we think
may be depended on until the new levies are raised,
when put to the proof plainly discover their insuffi-
ciency. By these means hath he arrived to such a
pitch of-insolence, as to send a letter to the Euboeans4
conceived in such terms as these.
1 To conduct, &. C. ]--In the original it is who is the choraigus, that is,
the citizen who provided the music, of which each tribe had a band; ana
the gymnasiarch, he w ho presided over the wrestlers, and provided what
was necessary for that entertainment.
2 We appoint our trierarchs. ]--The rich citizens who were obliged, not
only to command, but to equip a vessel of war at their own expense,
either severally or jointly, for the service of the public. As this was an
office of great expense, it was allowed to anyone who was nominated to
point out some citizen richer than himself, and to desire he might be
substituted in his place, provided he was willing to exchange fortunes
-with that citizen, and then to take on him the office of trierarch. This
is what Demosthenes calls allowing the exchange, which in its nature
must have occasioned confusion and delay.
For a fuller accountof these trierarchs, &c. Irefer the reader to Potter's
Archaeol.
3 We resolve to man our fleet with strang"is, &c. ]--Mtroixoi- which
I translate strangers, were those foreigners-who were permitted to so-
journ at Athens on certain conditions.
This whole passage is an exact description of the proceedings of the
Athenians in defence of Olynthus, and of the event. I had it in view
when I observed that possibly we might find some obscure allusions to
that affair.
4 A letterto the Eubceans, <fcc. l--This letter has not descended to us.
It is probable, from the context, that he expressed in it a contempt for
the Athenian power, and insisted how little dependence the Eubceans
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? 54
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
[The letter is read. ]
What hath now been read is for the most part true,
Athenians--too true! but perhaps not very agreeable
in the recital. But if by suppressing things ungrate-
ful to the ear the things themselves could be pre-
vented, then the sole concern of a public speaker
should be to please. If, on the contrary, these un-
seasonably pleasing speeches be really injurious, it
is shameful, Athenians, to deceive yourselves, and,
by deferring the consideration of every thing dis-
agreeable, never once to move until it be too late, and
not to apprehend that they who conduct a war with
prudence are not to follow, but to direct events--to
direct them with the same absolute authority with
which a general leads on his forces; that the course
of affairs may be determined by them, and not deter-
mine their measures. But you, Athenians, although
possessed of the greatest power1 of all kinds--ships,
infantry, cavalry, and treasure,--yet to this day have
never employed any of them seasonably, but are ever
last in the field. Just as barbarians2 engage at box-
ing, so you make war with Philip; for when one of
these receives a blow, that blow engages him; if
struck in another part, to that part his hands are
shifted; but to ward off the blow, or to watch his
could have on that state. And if this he so, it confirms an observation
which I made before (see a preceding lote), via. that the Athenians had
as yet given Philip no remarkable opposition in Euboea. The letter must
have been written when Philip began to raise commotions in that island
in order to make himself master of it. I am induced to think, both from
history and Demosthenes, that he did not make any attempts of this
kind so early as the first Philippic, and, therefore, that this is no part of
that oration.
1 Possessed of the greatest power, . fee]--They could then command
three hundred ships of war, and those capable of engaging a navy of
double that number. Tbey had twenty thousand foot and two thousand
eight hundred horse; and their revenue amounted to above twelve hun-
dred talents. --Tourreil and Mounteney.
2 As barbarians, &c. ]--The learned reader will find a beautiful pas-
sage in Aulus Gellius (I. iii. c. 27), where, on the contrary, a man of true
prudence who engages in the business and dangers of the world is com-
pared to a skilful boxer who is ever attentive to defend himself and annoy
his adversary. --Tourreil.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FIRST.
55
antagonist, for this he hath neither skill nor spirit.
Even so, if you hear that Philip is in the Chersonesus,
you resolve to send forces thither; if in Thermopylae,
thither; if in any other place, you hurry up and
down, you follow his standard. But no useful scheme
for carrying on the war, no wise provisions' are ever
thought of, until you hear of some enterprise in exe-
cution, or already crowned with success. This might
formerly have been pardonable, but now is the very
critical moment when it can by no means be ad-
mitted.
It seems to me, Athenians, that some divinity, who,
from a regard to Athens, looks down on our conduct
with indignation, hath inspired Philip with this rest-
less ambition; for were he to sit down in the quiet
enjoyment of his conquests and acquisitions without
proceeding to any new attempts, there are men among
you who, I think, would be unmoved at those transac-
tions2 which have branded our state with the odious
marks of infamy, cowardice, and all that is base. But
as he still pursues his conquests--as he is still ex-
tending his ambitious views,--possibly he may at last
call you forth, unless you have renounced the name
of Athenians. To me it is astonishing that none of
you look back to the beginning3 of this war, and con-
1 No wise provisions, Ace]--I have followed the reading which Mr.
Mounteney adopts--ricpt tgiv irpayuaiwv, &c. , instead of xoquartitv.
2 At those transactions, &c. ]--The taking of Pydna, and Potidaa, and
Amphipolis may warrant what the orator here says. Yet I should
choose to apply it to their suffering Olynthus by their misconduct to full
under the power of Philip.
3 Look back to the beginning, &c. j--I shall trouble the reader but
with one argument more in favour of my suspicion that this is no part
of the first Philippic. The passage I now quote I cannot think is applica
ble'to the transactions of the Athenians and Philip before his attempt on
Thermopylae, when, from the time of Argeus's death, they acted against
eacb other only indirectly; and, instead of punishing Philip, the Athe-
nians could not even prevail on themselves to defend those dominions
which they claimed as their own.
But it is a very exact description of
what happened after their declaration of war against Philip, which suc-
ceeded the taking of Olynthus; for this declaration was made from a
sense of the dang3r of Philip's growing power, a resentment of his in-
fractions, and a resolution to reduce him; and yet they were quickly
obliged to defend themselves against farther attempts
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? 86
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
sider that we engaged in it to chastise the insolence
of Philip, but that now it is become a defensive war
to secure us from his attempts; and ibat he will ever
be repeating these attempts is manifest, unless some
power rises to oppose him. But if we wait in expecta-
tion of this,--if we send out armaments composed of
empty galleys, and those hopes with wbvh some
speaker may have flattered you,--can you the- think
your interests well secured ? Shall we not embark ?
shall we not sail with at least a part of our domestic
force now, since we have not hitherto 1--But '"here
shall we make our descent ? Let us but engage in
the enterprise, and the war itself, Athenians, will show
us where he is weakest. But if we sit at home listen-
ing to the mutual invectives and accusations of out
orators, we cannot expect--no, not the least success
in any one particular. Wherever a part of our city
is detached, although the whole' be not present, the
favour of the gods and the kindness of fortune attend
to fight on our side ; but when we send out a general,
and an insignificant decree, and the hopes of our
speakers, misfortune and disappointment must ensue.
Such expeditions are to our enemies a sport, but strike
our allies with deadly apprehensions; for it is not--
it is not possible for any one man to perform every
thing you desire. He may promise, and harangue,
and accuse this or that person; but to such proceed-
ings we owe the ruin of our affairs. For when a
general who commanded a wretched collection of
unpaid foreigners hath been defeated,--when there
are persons here who, in arraigning his conduct, dare
to advance falsehoods,--and when you lightly engage
in any determination just from their suggestions,--
what must be the consequence 1 How, then, shall
these abuses be removed ? By offering yourselves,
Athenians, to execute the commands of your general,
to be witnesses of his conduct in the field, and his
judges at your return; so as not only to hear how
Vour affairs are transacted, but to inspect them. Bu
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? PHILIPPIC THE FIRST.
57
now, so shamefully are we degenerated, that each of
onr commanders is twice or thrice called before you
to answer for his life, though not one of them dared
to hazard that life by once engaging his enemy. No;
they choose the death of robbers and pilferers rather
than to fall as becomes them. Such malefactors
should die by the sentence of the law. Generals
should meet their fate bravely in the field.
Then as to your own conduct: some wander about,
crying, Philip hath joined with the Lacedaemonians,
and they are concerting the destruction of Thebes,
and the dissolution1 of some free states; others assure
us he hath sent an embassy to the king;2 others,
that he is fortifying places in Illyria. 3 Thus we all
go about framing our several tales. I do believe,
indeed, Athenians, he is intoxicated with his great-
ness, and does entertain his imagination with many
such visionary prospects, as he sees no power rising
to oppose him, and is elated with his success. But I
cannot be persuaded that he hath so taken his mea-
sures, that the weakest among us know what he is
next to do; for it is the weakest among us who spread
these rumours. Let us disregard them. Let us be
persuaded of this,--that he is our enemy; that he
hath spoiled us of our dominions; that we have long
been subject to his insolence; that whatever we
expected to be done for us by others hath proved
against us; that all the resource left is in ourselves;
that if we are not inclined to carry our arms abroad,
we may be forced to engage here;--let us be per-
suaded of this, and then we shall come to a proper
determination--then shall we be freed from those idle
1 The dissolution, &c. ]--Wherever the Lacedaemonians had power
they were always for establishing oligarchies, as has been observed in
the preface to these orations.
2 To the king. ]--So the King of Persia was called. The intent of this
embassy was supposed to be to make such demands as must produce
war with the Persian, which Isocrates had exhorted him to very early.
3 He is fortifying places in Illyria. ]--Possibly, these rumours were
spread by Philip's friends, to persuade the Athenians that his views and
schemes were removed to a great distance from Athens
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? 58 ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
tales. For we are not to be solicitous to know what
particular events will happen; we need but be con-
vinced nothing good can happen unless you grant the
due attention to affairs, and be ready to act as becomes
Athenians.
I, on my part, have never on any occasion chosen
to court your favour by speaking any thing but what
I was convinced would serve you; and on this occa-
sion I have freely declared my sentiments, without
art and without reserve. It would have pleased me,
indeed, that as it is for your advantage to have your
true interest laid before you, so I might be assured
that he who layeth it before you would share the ad-
vantage, for then I had spoken with greater alacrity.
However, uncertain as is the consequence with re-
spect to me, I yet determined to speak, because I
was convinced that these measures, if pursued, must
have their use; and of all those opinions which are
offered to your acceptance, may that be chosen which
will best advance the general weal!
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? THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION:
AtONOUNCED FOUR TEARS AFTER THE FIRST PHILIPPIC, IN TH1 AR-
CHONSH1P OF CALLIMACHUS, THE FOURTH YEAR OF THE HUNDRED
AND SEVENTH OLYMPIAD, AND THE TWELFTH OF PHILIP'S REIGN.
INTRODUCTION.
The former oration does not appear to have had any considerable
effect. Philip had his creatures in the Athenian assembly, who proba-
bly recommended less vigorous measures, and were but too favourably
heard. In the mean time, this prince pursued his ambitious designs.
When he round himself shut out of Greece, he turned his arms to such
remote parts as he might reduce without alarming the states of Greece:
and, at the same time, he revenged himself on the Athenians, by making
himself master of some places which they laid claim to. At length his
success imboldened him to declare those intentions which he had long
entertained secretly against the Olynthians.
Olynthus (a city of Thrace, possessed by Greeks originally from
Chalcis, a town of Eobcea, and colony of Athens) commanded a large
tract called the Chalcidian region, in which there were thirty-two cities.
It had risen by degrees to such a pitch of grandeur, as to have frequent
and remarkable contests both with Athens and Lacedsemon. Nor did
the Olynthians show great regard to the friendship of Philip when he
first came to the throne, and was taking all measures to secure the
possession of it; for they did not scruple to receive two of his brothers
by another marriage, who had fled to avoid the effects of his jealousy;
and endeavoured to conclude an alliance with Athens against him,
which he, by secret practices, found means to defeat. But as he was yet
scarcely secure on bis throne, instead of expressing his resentment, he
courted, or rather purchased, ihe alliance of the Olynthians, by the cession
of Anthemus, a city which the kings of Macedon had long disputed with
them, and afterward by that of Pydna and Potidaea, which their joint
forces had besieged and taken from the Athenians. But the Olynthians
could not be influenced by gratitude towards such a benefactor. The
rapid progress of his arms and his glaring acts of perfidy alarmed them
exceedingly. He had already made some inroads on their territories,
and now began to act against them with less reserve. They therefore
despatched ambassadors to Athens, to propose an alliance, and request
assistance against a power which they were equally concerned to
oppose.
Philip affected the highest resentment at this step; alleged their
mutual engagements to adhere to each other in war and peace; in-
veighed against their harbouring his brothers, whom he called the con-
spirators; and, under pretence of punishing their infractions, pursued
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? 00
INTRODUCTION.
his hostilities with double vigour, made himself master of some of their
cities, and threatened the capital with a siege.
In the mean time, the Olynthians pressed the Athenians for imme-
diate succours. Their ambassadors opened their commission in an
assembly of the people, who had the right either to agree to or to reject
their demand. As the importance of the occasion increased the
number of speakers, the elder orators had debated the affair before De-
mosthenes arose. In the following oration, therefore, he speaks as to
a people already informed; urges the necessity of joining with the
Olynthians, and confirms his opinion by powerful arguments; lays
open the designs and practices of Philip, and labours to remove their
dreadful apprehensions of his power. He concludes with recommend-
ing to them to reform abuses, to restore ancient discipline, and to put
h end to all domestic dissensions
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? OLYNTHIAC THE FIRST. 1
In many instances, Athenians, have the gods, in my
opinion, manifestly declared their favour to this
state ; nor is it least observable in this present junc-
ture. For that an enemy should arise against Philip
on the very confines of his kingdom, of no inconsider-
able power, and, what is of most importance, so de-
termined on the war that they consider any accom-
modation with him, first, as insidious; next, as the
downfa,". of their country: this seems no less than
the gracious interposition of heaven itself. It must
therefore be our care, Athenians, that we ourselves
may not frustrate this goodness; for it must reflect
disgrace, nay, the foulest infamy on us, if we appear
to have thrown away, not those states and territories
only which we once commanded, but those alliances
and favourable incidents which fortune hath provided
for us.
To begin on this occasion with a display of Philip's
power, or to press you to exert your vigour by mo-
tives drawn from hence, is, in my opinion, quite im-
proper. And why? Because whatever may be offered
on such a subject sets him in an honourable view, but
seems to me as a reproach to our conduct; for the
higher his exploits have arisen above his former esti-
11 have disposed the Olynthiac orations in the order pointed out by
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and it plainly appears that this should pre-
cede the others; for in this Demosthenes solicits the immediate conclu-
sion of an alliance with Olynthus; in the others ho supposes the alliance
already concluded, and insists only on the necessity of effectually fulfil-
ling their engagements.
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? 62 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
' mation, the more must the world admire him ; while
your disgrace hath been the greater, the moreyour
conduct hath proved unworthy of your state. These
things, therefore, I shall pass over. He, indeed, who
-examines justly must find the source of all his great-
ness here, not in himself. But the services he hath
here received from those whose public administration
hath been devoted to his interest--those services
which you must punish--I do not think it seasonable
to display. There are other points of more moment
for you all to hear, and which must excite the great-
est abhorrence of him in every reasonable mind. --
These I shall lay before you.
And now, should I call him perjured and perfidious,
and not point out the instances of this his guilt, it
might be deemed the mere virulence of malice; and
with justice. Nor will it engage too much of your
attention to hear him fully and clearly convicted,
from a full and clear detail of all his actions. And
this I think useful on two accounts: first, that he
may appear as he really is, treacherous and false;
and then, that they who are struck with terror, as if
Philip was something more than human, may see
that he hath exhausted all those artifices to which he
owes his present elevation, and that his affairs are
now ready to decline. For I myself, Athenians,
should think Philip really to be dreaded and admired
if I saw him raised by honourable means. But I find,
on reflection, that at the time when certain persons
drove out the Olynthians from this assembly, when
desirous of conferring with you, he began with abus-
ing our simplicity by his promise of surrendering
Amphipolis, and executing the secret article1 of his
1 The secret article, Sec. )--When Philip had declared Amphipolis a free
city, the Athenians, who were desirous of recovering it, sent ambassadors
to Philip to solicit his assistance for that purpose, and on this condition
promised to make him master of Pydna; but lest the people of Pydna,
who were averse to Philip's government, should take the alarm, the
whole negotiation was transacted secretly in the senate, without being
referred as usual to the assembly of the people. This account Ulpian
and Suidas cite from Theopompus.
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? FiV-ST oI. YNTHlAC UKATtOt,.
g:i
treaty then so much spoken of; that after this he
courted the friendship of the Olynthians hy seizing
Potidaea where we were rightful sovereigns, despoil-
ing us his former allies, and giving them possession,
that but just now he gained the Thessalians, by prom-
ising to give up Magnesia;1 and, for their ease, to take
the whole conduct of the Phocian war on himself.
In a word, there are no people who ever made the
least use of him but have suffered by his subtlety, his
present greatness being wholly owing to his deceiv-
ing those who were unacquainted with him, and
making them the instruments of his success. As
these states, therefore, raised him, while each ima-
gined he was promoting some interes of theirs, these
states must also reduce him to his former meanness,
as it now appears that his own private interest was
the end of all his actions.
Thus, then, Athenians, is Philip circumstanced. I f
not, let the man stand forth who can prove to me I
should have said to this assembly that I have asserted
these things falsely; or that they whom he hath de-
ceived in former instances will confide in him for the
future; or that the Thessalians, who have been so
basely, so undeservedly enslaved,2 would not gladly
embrace their freedom. If there be any one among
you who acknowledges all this, yet thinks that Philip
will support his power, as he hath secured places of
strength, convenient ports, and other like advan-
tages, he is deceived. For when forces3 join in har-
1 Magnesia. ]--He had made himself master of this city when he
marched into Thessaly against the tyrants. The Thessalians remon-
strated against this proceeding, but suffered themselves to be amused by
bis assurances that he would give it up, while he really determined to
keep possession of it. --Tourreil.
2 Enslaved. ]--When Philip had dispossessed the tyrants of Thessaly,
he began to set himself up in their place, but not by open force. He was
so complete a master of dissimulation, appeared so gentle, so affable, so
humane, tr. amiable, even to the conquered, that the Thessalians gave
tbemselv- ,s up to him with an entire confidence, which he knew how to
lake the advantage of. --Tourreil.
* For when forces, &c. ]--I need not take notice to the learned reader
how highly this passage is ornamented in the original by the beauty of
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? 64 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
mony and affection, and one common interest unites
the confederating powers, then they share the toils
? with alacrity, they endure the distresses, they perse-
vere. But when extravagant ambition and lawless
power (as in his case) have aggrandized a single per-
son, the first pretence, the slightest accident over-
throws him, and all his greatness is dashed at once
to the ground; for it is not--no, Athenians--it is not
possible to found a lasting power on injustice, per-
jury, and treachery. These may, perhaps, succeed
for once, and borrow for a while from hope a gay and
flourishing appearance; but time betrays their weak-
ness, and they fall into ruin of themselves. For as
in structures of every kind the lower parts should
have the greatest firmness, so the grounds and prin-
ciples of actions should be just and true. But these
advantages are not found in the actions of Philip.
I say, then, that you should despatch succours to
the Olynthians (and the more honourably and expe-
ditiously this is proposed to be done, the more agree-
ably to my sentiments), and send an embassy to the
Thessalians to inform some, and to enliven that spirit
already raised in others (for it hath actually been
resolved to demand the restitution of Pagasae,1 and to
assert their claim to Magnesia); and let it be your
care, Athenians, that our ambassadors may not de-
pend only on words, but give them some action to
display, by taking the field in a manner worthy of the
state, and engaging in the war with vigour; for
words, if not accompanied by actions, must ever
the metaphors, the grandeur of the composition, and the fineness of the
sentiment. The word avcx. airiot, by which he expresses the downfall
of Philip, I apprehend, is not to be rendered into our, or perhaps any
other, language. It gives us the idea of a generous steed tossing his
mane, impatient of the bit, and casting his rider to the ground; which at
once expresses the subjection of the states conquered by Philip, their
impatience of his government, their bold effort to regain their liberty,
and the downfall of their master. The change of tenses (avexairttrs Kai
SttXvacv) adds greatly to the force and beauty. It seems as if the de-
struction of Philip was too quick for words.
1 Fagasa;. ]--K city of Thessaly which he had made himself master of
five years before. --Taurreil.
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? FIRST OLVNTHIAC ORATION.
65
appear vain and contemptible, and particularly when
they come from us, whose prompt abilities and well-
known eminence in speaking make us to be always
heard with the greater suspicion.
Would you indeed regain attention and confidence,
your measures must be greatly changed, your con-
duct totally reformed; your fortunes, your persons
must appear devoted to the common cause; your
utmost efforts must be exerted. If you will act thus,
as your honour and your interest require, then, Athe-
nians, you will not only discover the weakness and
insincerity of the confederates of Philip, but the ruin-
ous condition of his own kingdom will also be laid
open. The power and sovereignty of Macedon may
have some weight, indeed, when joined with others.
Thus, when you marched against the Olynthians
under the conduct of Timotheus, it proved a useful
ally; when united with the Olynthians against Poti-
daea, it added something to their force; just now,
when the Thessalians were in the midst of disorder,
sedition, and confusion, it aided them against the
family of their tyrants; and in every case, any, even
a small accession of strength, is in my opinion of
considerable effect. But of itself, unsupported, it is
infirm; it is totally distempered; for by all those
glaring exploits which have given him this apparent
greatness, his wars, his expeditions, he hath rendered
it yet weaker than it was naturally; for you are not
to imagine that the inclinations of his subjects are the
same with those of Philip. He thirsts for glory:
this is his object, this he eagerly pursues through toils
and dangers of every kind, despising safety and life
when compared with the honour of achieving such
actions as no other prince of Macedon could ever
boast of. But his subjects have no part in this ambi-
tion. Harassed by those various excursions he is
ever making, they groan under perpetual calamity;
torn from their business and their families, and with-
out opportunity to dispose of that pittance which their
?
brother were not on good terms, yet it is not likely that the Athenians
would have trusted one so nearly allied to their enemy. --Olivet.
4 From your voices. ]--The regular method of choosing all officers.
However, the choice was sometimes left to the commander-in-chief. --
Tourreil.
5 Perhaps you are fully, dec. ]--It is not impossible hut that the people
might have been struck with the freedom and candour of the orator, and
given some marks of their approbation.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FIRST.
49
would rather hear me on another point,--that of the
supplies; what we are to raise, and from what funds.
To this I now proceed. The sum, therefore, neces-
sary for the maintenance of these forces, that the sol-
diers may be supplied with grain, is somewhat above
ninety talentsto the ten galleys forty talents, that
each vessel may have a monthly allowance of twenty
minae; to the two thousand foot the same sum, that
each soldier may receive ten drachmae a month for
corn to the two hundred horse, for a monthly allow-
ance of thirty drachmas each, twelve talents. And
let it not be thought a small convenience that the sol-
diers are supplied with grain; for I am clearly satis-
fied, that if such a provision be made, the war itself
will supply them with every thing else, so as to com-
plete their appointment, and this without any injury
to the Greeks or allies; and I myself am ready to sail
with them, and to answer for the consequence with
my life should it prove otherwise. From what funds
the sum which I propose may be supplied shall now
be explained. * * * *
[Here the secretary of the assembly reads a scheme for raismg fne sup-
plies, and proposes it to the people in form in the name of the orator. ]
These are the supplies,2 Athenians, in our power to
1 Ninety talents. ]--The Attic talent is computed by Tourreil equal to
167(. 10>>. ; by Prideaux, to 1887. <<s. ; by Arbuthnot, to 193Z. 15s. It con-
tained sixty mine, and each mina one hundred drachmae. By the com-
putation of the orator, it appears that the provisions he recomnlends to
be supplied were to last one year. --Mounteney.
2 These are the supplies, &c. i-- Dionysius of Halicarnassus gives us
the rest of this oration as a sixth Philippic, pronounced in the archonship
of Themistoeles. But it appears to me. as well as to the other inter-
preters, a natural conclusion of the first Philippic; and therefore I could
Dotprevail on myself to separate them. --Tourreil.
The scholiast is of the same opinion, and flatly accuses Dionysius of a
mistake. Mr. Mounteney has expressed greater deference for this critic.
He supposes that this second part is not that which Dionysius quotes,
but that there was another oration, since lost, which began with fha
same words; for he observes, that the former part is plainly imperfect ot
itself, and the two parts are joined in all the copies and manuscripts, and
that naturally and consistently.
T must confess, with all submission to these authorities, that although
I could not presume to separate them, yet I am not quite satisfied that
these two parts are one oration. In the first place, J cannot think that
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? 60 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
raise. And when you come to give your voices, de
termine on some effectual provision,1 that you may
oppose Philip, not by decrees and letters only, but by
actions; and, in my opinion, your plan of operation
and every tiling relating to your armament will be
much more happily adjusted if the situation of the
country which is to be the scene of action be taken
into the account; and if you reflect that the winds and
seasons have greatly contributed to the rapidity of
Philip's conquests, that he watches the blowing of
the Etesians2 and the severity of the winter, and forms
the first Philippic would end abruptly if this second part was away; for
we find in the first part all that the orator proposes to speak to in the
beginning; and it concludes, not unlike a speech in parliament, with a
motion in form, for such and such subsidies to be raised for the mainte-
nance of such and sucn forces. And as to the manner in which the second
part begins, supposing it a distinct oration, we cannot object to that, as
Dionysius quotes an oration beginning exactly in the same manner (see
his letter to Ammius). It might also be observed, that in the beginning
of the oration, having for some time exhorted the Athenians to change
their conduct and act with vigour, Demosthenes says expressly that he
intends to speak no more on that subject, and yet this second part is en
tirely taken up with it; and lastly, there are some passages in the second
part which, I suspect, do not agree to the particular time when the first
oration against Philip was pronounced; and I imagine that some editors
were sensible of this by their placing the Olynthiac orations before this,
which is called the first Philippic. These passages I shall take notice
of as they occur.
As to any similitude between the two parts, I apprehend that is no
more than what runs through all these orations, and may be accounted
for from the similitude of the subject, without joining them. But if this
second part be really a distinct oration, spoken after the destruction of
Olynthus (for this city was taken the y sar before the archonship of The-
mistocles), how comes it that this event is not mentioned in it? It had
just then thrown the Athenians into the greatest consternation; and as
it was the orator's business to encourage them, possibly he might have
kept it out of view on purpose; though, perhaps, he does bint at it ob-
scurely, and as far as was consistent with prudence, as I shall observe
by-and-by.
1 Effectual provision. ]--In the Greek it is & av bitiv apcaicft x^porofn-
care, choose those things which may be agreeable to you. I own I do
not see how their entering into the resolution they liked best would of
consequence enable them to opposo Philip effectually. Perhaps it might
be of disservice, for in other places the orator is ever cautioning them
against following the bent of their inclinations. If we should make a
very small alteration in the text, and for apcoKii read apiece-^, those things
which may be si{fficient for your purposes, I apprehend the sense would
be better and more agreeable to Demosthenes. I have taken the liberty
to translate after this reading.
2 of the Etesians. ]--Winds which blew regularly every year at Uw
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? PHILIPPIC THE FIRST.
51
his sieges when it is impossible for us to bring up our
forces,--it is your part then to consider this, and not
to carry on the war by occasional detachments (they
will ever arrive too late), but by a regular army con-
stantly kept up. And for winter-quarters you may
command Lemnos, and Thassus, and Sciathus, and
the adjacent islands, in which there are ports, and pro-
visions, and all things necessary for the soldiery in
abundance. As to the season of the year in which we
may land our forces with the greatest ease, and be in
no danger from the winds, either on the coast to which
we are bound, or at the entrance of those harbours
where we may put in for provisions, this will be easily
discovered. In what manner and at what time our
forces are to act their general will determine, accord-
ing to the j unctures of affairs. What you are to per-
form on your part is contained in the decree I have
now proposed. And if you, will be persuaded, Athe-
nians, first, to raise these supplies which I have recom-
mended ! then, to proceed to your other preparations,
your infantry, navy, and cavalry; and lastly, to con-
fine your forces by a law to that service which is
appointed to them, reserving the care and distribution
of their money to yourselves, and strictly examining
into the conduct of the general;--then your time will
be no longer wasted in continual debates on the same
subject, and scarcely to any purpose; then you will
deprive him of the most considerable of his revenues,
for his arms are now supported by seizing and making
prizes of those who pass the seas. But is this all ?
No. - You shall also be secure from his attempts;
not a. when some time since1 he fell on Lemnos and
rising of the dog-star, wh^n the Greeks were obliged to retire from action
on accc '*nt of the excessive heats, and which, as they biew from the
north, of consequence opposed any attempt of invading Macedon, or send-
ing any forces to those pans which were the seat of Philip's wars at
(tret.
I Not as when some time since, &c. ]--If this be really a part of the
fh*. t Philippic, these hostilities must have preceded the attempt on Ther-
mopylae, else the orator could not have dis'ingnished them into thost
which happened some time ago, and that ornmitted lately. Now, I can-
Vol. I -- E
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? 62
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Imbrus, and carried away your citizens in chains; not
as when he surprised your vessels at Gerastus, and
spoiled them of an unspeakable quantity of riches;
not as when lately he made a descent on the coast of
Marathon, and carried off our sacred galleywhile
you could neither oppose these insults, nor detach
your forces at such junctures as were thought con-
venient.
And now, Athenians, what is the reason, think ye,
that the public festivals2 in honour of Minerva and of
Bacchus are always celebrated at the appointed time,
whether the direction of them falls to the lot of men
of eminence or of persons less distinguished--festi-
vals which cost more treasure than is usually ex-
pended on a whole navy, and more numbers and
greater preparations than any one, perhaps, ever cost,
--while your expeditions have been all too late, as
that to Methone, that to Pegasse, that to Potidaea ?
The reason is this: every thing relating to the former
is ascertained by law, and every one of you knows
not tell how to reconcile such open acts of hostility with the other parts
of Philip's conduct at that time. There was a peace subsisting between
him and the Athenians which he affected to observe; and so far does he
appear from making any open and professed attack on them, that in the
taking ofPotidaea and Pydna he would not act as principal, but as ally to
the Olynthians, and, when these cities were taken, dismissed the Athe
Mian garrisons with all imaginable respect and honour; and on all occa
sions courted and cajoled the Athenians. This, then, is one of those
passages which I suspect do not agree to the particular time when the
first Philippic was spoken. But if we suppose that this, which I call the
second part, is really the oration which Dionysius quotes, and which was
spoken to engage the Athenians to defend the islanders and the cities of
the Hellespont against the attempts of Philip, then all the difficulty van
ishes. The hostilities here mentioned agree very well to a time of open
war. Now, Diodorus Siculus informs us, that it was after Olynthus
was taken that the Athenians declared war against Philip in form; and
we find, that immediately on this, he attacked them and their tributary
states with such fury that they were soon glad to sue for peace.
1 Our sacred galley. ]--There were two of these appropriated to reli
gious ceremonies, and all extraordinary emergencies and occasions of
the state,--the Paralian and the Salaminian. Harpocration understands
here the Paralian. --Toiirreil.
2 Festivals, &c. ]--For the Panathensea and Dionysla (as these fesM
vals are called in the original) I refer the reader to Potter, and othe;
writers on the antiquities of Greece.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FIRST.
53
long before who is to conduct1 the several entertain-
ments in each tribe, what he is to receive, when, and
from whom, and what to perform. Not one of these
things is left uncertain, not one undetermined. But
in affairs of war and warlike preparations, there is no
order, no certainty, no regulation. So that, when
any accident alarms us, first we appoint our trier-
archs,2 then we allow them the exchange, then the
supplies are considered. These points once settled,
we resolve to man our fleet with strangers3 and for-
eigners, then find it necessary to supply their place
ourselves. In the midst of these delays, what we are
sailing to defend the enemy is already master of; for
the time of action we spend in preparing, and the
junctures of affairs will not wait our slow and irreso-
lute measures. These forces, too, which we think
may be depended on until the new levies are raised,
when put to the proof plainly discover their insuffi-
ciency. By these means hath he arrived to such a
pitch of-insolence, as to send a letter to the Euboeans4
conceived in such terms as these.
1 To conduct, &. C. ]--In the original it is who is the choraigus, that is,
the citizen who provided the music, of which each tribe had a band; ana
the gymnasiarch, he w ho presided over the wrestlers, and provided what
was necessary for that entertainment.
2 We appoint our trierarchs. ]--The rich citizens who were obliged, not
only to command, but to equip a vessel of war at their own expense,
either severally or jointly, for the service of the public. As this was an
office of great expense, it was allowed to anyone who was nominated to
point out some citizen richer than himself, and to desire he might be
substituted in his place, provided he was willing to exchange fortunes
-with that citizen, and then to take on him the office of trierarch. This
is what Demosthenes calls allowing the exchange, which in its nature
must have occasioned confusion and delay.
For a fuller accountof these trierarchs, &c. Irefer the reader to Potter's
Archaeol.
3 We resolve to man our fleet with strang"is, &c. ]--Mtroixoi- which
I translate strangers, were those foreigners-who were permitted to so-
journ at Athens on certain conditions.
This whole passage is an exact description of the proceedings of the
Athenians in defence of Olynthus, and of the event. I had it in view
when I observed that possibly we might find some obscure allusions to
that affair.
4 A letterto the Eubceans, <fcc. l--This letter has not descended to us.
It is probable, from the context, that he expressed in it a contempt for
the Athenian power, and insisted how little dependence the Eubceans
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? 54
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
[The letter is read. ]
What hath now been read is for the most part true,
Athenians--too true! but perhaps not very agreeable
in the recital. But if by suppressing things ungrate-
ful to the ear the things themselves could be pre-
vented, then the sole concern of a public speaker
should be to please. If, on the contrary, these un-
seasonably pleasing speeches be really injurious, it
is shameful, Athenians, to deceive yourselves, and,
by deferring the consideration of every thing dis-
agreeable, never once to move until it be too late, and
not to apprehend that they who conduct a war with
prudence are not to follow, but to direct events--to
direct them with the same absolute authority with
which a general leads on his forces; that the course
of affairs may be determined by them, and not deter-
mine their measures. But you, Athenians, although
possessed of the greatest power1 of all kinds--ships,
infantry, cavalry, and treasure,--yet to this day have
never employed any of them seasonably, but are ever
last in the field. Just as barbarians2 engage at box-
ing, so you make war with Philip; for when one of
these receives a blow, that blow engages him; if
struck in another part, to that part his hands are
shifted; but to ward off the blow, or to watch his
could have on that state. And if this he so, it confirms an observation
which I made before (see a preceding lote), via. that the Athenians had
as yet given Philip no remarkable opposition in Euboea. The letter must
have been written when Philip began to raise commotions in that island
in order to make himself master of it. I am induced to think, both from
history and Demosthenes, that he did not make any attempts of this
kind so early as the first Philippic, and, therefore, that this is no part of
that oration.
1 Possessed of the greatest power, . fee]--They could then command
three hundred ships of war, and those capable of engaging a navy of
double that number. Tbey had twenty thousand foot and two thousand
eight hundred horse; and their revenue amounted to above twelve hun-
dred talents. --Tourreil and Mounteney.
2 As barbarians, &c. ]--The learned reader will find a beautiful pas-
sage in Aulus Gellius (I. iii. c. 27), where, on the contrary, a man of true
prudence who engages in the business and dangers of the world is com-
pared to a skilful boxer who is ever attentive to defend himself and annoy
his adversary. --Tourreil.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FIRST.
55
antagonist, for this he hath neither skill nor spirit.
Even so, if you hear that Philip is in the Chersonesus,
you resolve to send forces thither; if in Thermopylae,
thither; if in any other place, you hurry up and
down, you follow his standard. But no useful scheme
for carrying on the war, no wise provisions' are ever
thought of, until you hear of some enterprise in exe-
cution, or already crowned with success. This might
formerly have been pardonable, but now is the very
critical moment when it can by no means be ad-
mitted.
It seems to me, Athenians, that some divinity, who,
from a regard to Athens, looks down on our conduct
with indignation, hath inspired Philip with this rest-
less ambition; for were he to sit down in the quiet
enjoyment of his conquests and acquisitions without
proceeding to any new attempts, there are men among
you who, I think, would be unmoved at those transac-
tions2 which have branded our state with the odious
marks of infamy, cowardice, and all that is base. But
as he still pursues his conquests--as he is still ex-
tending his ambitious views,--possibly he may at last
call you forth, unless you have renounced the name
of Athenians. To me it is astonishing that none of
you look back to the beginning3 of this war, and con-
1 No wise provisions, Ace]--I have followed the reading which Mr.
Mounteney adopts--ricpt tgiv irpayuaiwv, &c. , instead of xoquartitv.
2 At those transactions, &c. ]--The taking of Pydna, and Potidaa, and
Amphipolis may warrant what the orator here says. Yet I should
choose to apply it to their suffering Olynthus by their misconduct to full
under the power of Philip.
3 Look back to the beginning, &c. j--I shall trouble the reader but
with one argument more in favour of my suspicion that this is no part
of the first Philippic. The passage I now quote I cannot think is applica
ble'to the transactions of the Athenians and Philip before his attempt on
Thermopylae, when, from the time of Argeus's death, they acted against
eacb other only indirectly; and, instead of punishing Philip, the Athe-
nians could not even prevail on themselves to defend those dominions
which they claimed as their own.
But it is a very exact description of
what happened after their declaration of war against Philip, which suc-
ceeded the taking of Olynthus; for this declaration was made from a
sense of the dang3r of Philip's growing power, a resentment of his in-
fractions, and a resolution to reduce him; and yet they were quickly
obliged to defend themselves against farther attempts
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? 86
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
sider that we engaged in it to chastise the insolence
of Philip, but that now it is become a defensive war
to secure us from his attempts; and ibat he will ever
be repeating these attempts is manifest, unless some
power rises to oppose him. But if we wait in expecta-
tion of this,--if we send out armaments composed of
empty galleys, and those hopes with wbvh some
speaker may have flattered you,--can you the- think
your interests well secured ? Shall we not embark ?
shall we not sail with at least a part of our domestic
force now, since we have not hitherto 1--But '"here
shall we make our descent ? Let us but engage in
the enterprise, and the war itself, Athenians, will show
us where he is weakest. But if we sit at home listen-
ing to the mutual invectives and accusations of out
orators, we cannot expect--no, not the least success
in any one particular. Wherever a part of our city
is detached, although the whole' be not present, the
favour of the gods and the kindness of fortune attend
to fight on our side ; but when we send out a general,
and an insignificant decree, and the hopes of our
speakers, misfortune and disappointment must ensue.
Such expeditions are to our enemies a sport, but strike
our allies with deadly apprehensions; for it is not--
it is not possible for any one man to perform every
thing you desire. He may promise, and harangue,
and accuse this or that person; but to such proceed-
ings we owe the ruin of our affairs. For when a
general who commanded a wretched collection of
unpaid foreigners hath been defeated,--when there
are persons here who, in arraigning his conduct, dare
to advance falsehoods,--and when you lightly engage
in any determination just from their suggestions,--
what must be the consequence 1 How, then, shall
these abuses be removed ? By offering yourselves,
Athenians, to execute the commands of your general,
to be witnesses of his conduct in the field, and his
judges at your return; so as not only to hear how
Vour affairs are transacted, but to inspect them. Bu
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? PHILIPPIC THE FIRST.
57
now, so shamefully are we degenerated, that each of
onr commanders is twice or thrice called before you
to answer for his life, though not one of them dared
to hazard that life by once engaging his enemy. No;
they choose the death of robbers and pilferers rather
than to fall as becomes them. Such malefactors
should die by the sentence of the law. Generals
should meet their fate bravely in the field.
Then as to your own conduct: some wander about,
crying, Philip hath joined with the Lacedaemonians,
and they are concerting the destruction of Thebes,
and the dissolution1 of some free states; others assure
us he hath sent an embassy to the king;2 others,
that he is fortifying places in Illyria. 3 Thus we all
go about framing our several tales. I do believe,
indeed, Athenians, he is intoxicated with his great-
ness, and does entertain his imagination with many
such visionary prospects, as he sees no power rising
to oppose him, and is elated with his success. But I
cannot be persuaded that he hath so taken his mea-
sures, that the weakest among us know what he is
next to do; for it is the weakest among us who spread
these rumours. Let us disregard them. Let us be
persuaded of this,--that he is our enemy; that he
hath spoiled us of our dominions; that we have long
been subject to his insolence; that whatever we
expected to be done for us by others hath proved
against us; that all the resource left is in ourselves;
that if we are not inclined to carry our arms abroad,
we may be forced to engage here;--let us be per-
suaded of this, and then we shall come to a proper
determination--then shall we be freed from those idle
1 The dissolution, &c. ]--Wherever the Lacedaemonians had power
they were always for establishing oligarchies, as has been observed in
the preface to these orations.
2 To the king. ]--So the King of Persia was called. The intent of this
embassy was supposed to be to make such demands as must produce
war with the Persian, which Isocrates had exhorted him to very early.
3 He is fortifying places in Illyria. ]--Possibly, these rumours were
spread by Philip's friends, to persuade the Athenians that his views and
schemes were removed to a great distance from Athens
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? 58 ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
tales. For we are not to be solicitous to know what
particular events will happen; we need but be con-
vinced nothing good can happen unless you grant the
due attention to affairs, and be ready to act as becomes
Athenians.
I, on my part, have never on any occasion chosen
to court your favour by speaking any thing but what
I was convinced would serve you; and on this occa-
sion I have freely declared my sentiments, without
art and without reserve. It would have pleased me,
indeed, that as it is for your advantage to have your
true interest laid before you, so I might be assured
that he who layeth it before you would share the ad-
vantage, for then I had spoken with greater alacrity.
However, uncertain as is the consequence with re-
spect to me, I yet determined to speak, because I
was convinced that these measures, if pursued, must
have their use; and of all those opinions which are
offered to your acceptance, may that be chosen which
will best advance the general weal!
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? THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION:
AtONOUNCED FOUR TEARS AFTER THE FIRST PHILIPPIC, IN TH1 AR-
CHONSH1P OF CALLIMACHUS, THE FOURTH YEAR OF THE HUNDRED
AND SEVENTH OLYMPIAD, AND THE TWELFTH OF PHILIP'S REIGN.
INTRODUCTION.
The former oration does not appear to have had any considerable
effect. Philip had his creatures in the Athenian assembly, who proba-
bly recommended less vigorous measures, and were but too favourably
heard. In the mean time, this prince pursued his ambitious designs.
When he round himself shut out of Greece, he turned his arms to such
remote parts as he might reduce without alarming the states of Greece:
and, at the same time, he revenged himself on the Athenians, by making
himself master of some places which they laid claim to. At length his
success imboldened him to declare those intentions which he had long
entertained secretly against the Olynthians.
Olynthus (a city of Thrace, possessed by Greeks originally from
Chalcis, a town of Eobcea, and colony of Athens) commanded a large
tract called the Chalcidian region, in which there were thirty-two cities.
It had risen by degrees to such a pitch of grandeur, as to have frequent
and remarkable contests both with Athens and Lacedsemon. Nor did
the Olynthians show great regard to the friendship of Philip when he
first came to the throne, and was taking all measures to secure the
possession of it; for they did not scruple to receive two of his brothers
by another marriage, who had fled to avoid the effects of his jealousy;
and endeavoured to conclude an alliance with Athens against him,
which he, by secret practices, found means to defeat. But as he was yet
scarcely secure on bis throne, instead of expressing his resentment, he
courted, or rather purchased, ihe alliance of the Olynthians, by the cession
of Anthemus, a city which the kings of Macedon had long disputed with
them, and afterward by that of Pydna and Potidaea, which their joint
forces had besieged and taken from the Athenians. But the Olynthians
could not be influenced by gratitude towards such a benefactor. The
rapid progress of his arms and his glaring acts of perfidy alarmed them
exceedingly. He had already made some inroads on their territories,
and now began to act against them with less reserve. They therefore
despatched ambassadors to Athens, to propose an alliance, and request
assistance against a power which they were equally concerned to
oppose.
Philip affected the highest resentment at this step; alleged their
mutual engagements to adhere to each other in war and peace; in-
veighed against their harbouring his brothers, whom he called the con-
spirators; and, under pretence of punishing their infractions, pursued
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? 00
INTRODUCTION.
his hostilities with double vigour, made himself master of some of their
cities, and threatened the capital with a siege.
In the mean time, the Olynthians pressed the Athenians for imme-
diate succours. Their ambassadors opened their commission in an
assembly of the people, who had the right either to agree to or to reject
their demand. As the importance of the occasion increased the
number of speakers, the elder orators had debated the affair before De-
mosthenes arose. In the following oration, therefore, he speaks as to
a people already informed; urges the necessity of joining with the
Olynthians, and confirms his opinion by powerful arguments; lays
open the designs and practices of Philip, and labours to remove their
dreadful apprehensions of his power. He concludes with recommend-
ing to them to reform abuses, to restore ancient discipline, and to put
h end to all domestic dissensions
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? OLYNTHIAC THE FIRST. 1
In many instances, Athenians, have the gods, in my
opinion, manifestly declared their favour to this
state ; nor is it least observable in this present junc-
ture. For that an enemy should arise against Philip
on the very confines of his kingdom, of no inconsider-
able power, and, what is of most importance, so de-
termined on the war that they consider any accom-
modation with him, first, as insidious; next, as the
downfa,". of their country: this seems no less than
the gracious interposition of heaven itself. It must
therefore be our care, Athenians, that we ourselves
may not frustrate this goodness; for it must reflect
disgrace, nay, the foulest infamy on us, if we appear
to have thrown away, not those states and territories
only which we once commanded, but those alliances
and favourable incidents which fortune hath provided
for us.
To begin on this occasion with a display of Philip's
power, or to press you to exert your vigour by mo-
tives drawn from hence, is, in my opinion, quite im-
proper. And why? Because whatever may be offered
on such a subject sets him in an honourable view, but
seems to me as a reproach to our conduct; for the
higher his exploits have arisen above his former esti-
11 have disposed the Olynthiac orations in the order pointed out by
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and it plainly appears that this should pre-
cede the others; for in this Demosthenes solicits the immediate conclu-
sion of an alliance with Olynthus; in the others ho supposes the alliance
already concluded, and insists only on the necessity of effectually fulfil-
ling their engagements.
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? 62 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
' mation, the more must the world admire him ; while
your disgrace hath been the greater, the moreyour
conduct hath proved unworthy of your state. These
things, therefore, I shall pass over. He, indeed, who
-examines justly must find the source of all his great-
ness here, not in himself. But the services he hath
here received from those whose public administration
hath been devoted to his interest--those services
which you must punish--I do not think it seasonable
to display. There are other points of more moment
for you all to hear, and which must excite the great-
est abhorrence of him in every reasonable mind. --
These I shall lay before you.
And now, should I call him perjured and perfidious,
and not point out the instances of this his guilt, it
might be deemed the mere virulence of malice; and
with justice. Nor will it engage too much of your
attention to hear him fully and clearly convicted,
from a full and clear detail of all his actions. And
this I think useful on two accounts: first, that he
may appear as he really is, treacherous and false;
and then, that they who are struck with terror, as if
Philip was something more than human, may see
that he hath exhausted all those artifices to which he
owes his present elevation, and that his affairs are
now ready to decline. For I myself, Athenians,
should think Philip really to be dreaded and admired
if I saw him raised by honourable means. But I find,
on reflection, that at the time when certain persons
drove out the Olynthians from this assembly, when
desirous of conferring with you, he began with abus-
ing our simplicity by his promise of surrendering
Amphipolis, and executing the secret article1 of his
1 The secret article, Sec. )--When Philip had declared Amphipolis a free
city, the Athenians, who were desirous of recovering it, sent ambassadors
to Philip to solicit his assistance for that purpose, and on this condition
promised to make him master of Pydna; but lest the people of Pydna,
who were averse to Philip's government, should take the alarm, the
whole negotiation was transacted secretly in the senate, without being
referred as usual to the assembly of the people. This account Ulpian
and Suidas cite from Theopompus.
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? FiV-ST oI. YNTHlAC UKATtOt,.
g:i
treaty then so much spoken of; that after this he
courted the friendship of the Olynthians hy seizing
Potidaea where we were rightful sovereigns, despoil-
ing us his former allies, and giving them possession,
that but just now he gained the Thessalians, by prom-
ising to give up Magnesia;1 and, for their ease, to take
the whole conduct of the Phocian war on himself.
In a word, there are no people who ever made the
least use of him but have suffered by his subtlety, his
present greatness being wholly owing to his deceiv-
ing those who were unacquainted with him, and
making them the instruments of his success. As
these states, therefore, raised him, while each ima-
gined he was promoting some interes of theirs, these
states must also reduce him to his former meanness,
as it now appears that his own private interest was
the end of all his actions.
Thus, then, Athenians, is Philip circumstanced. I f
not, let the man stand forth who can prove to me I
should have said to this assembly that I have asserted
these things falsely; or that they whom he hath de-
ceived in former instances will confide in him for the
future; or that the Thessalians, who have been so
basely, so undeservedly enslaved,2 would not gladly
embrace their freedom. If there be any one among
you who acknowledges all this, yet thinks that Philip
will support his power, as he hath secured places of
strength, convenient ports, and other like advan-
tages, he is deceived. For when forces3 join in har-
1 Magnesia. ]--He had made himself master of this city when he
marched into Thessaly against the tyrants. The Thessalians remon-
strated against this proceeding, but suffered themselves to be amused by
bis assurances that he would give it up, while he really determined to
keep possession of it. --Tourreil.
2 Enslaved. ]--When Philip had dispossessed the tyrants of Thessaly,
he began to set himself up in their place, but not by open force. He was
so complete a master of dissimulation, appeared so gentle, so affable, so
humane, tr. amiable, even to the conquered, that the Thessalians gave
tbemselv- ,s up to him with an entire confidence, which he knew how to
lake the advantage of. --Tourreil.
* For when forces, &c. ]--I need not take notice to the learned reader
how highly this passage is ornamented in the original by the beauty of
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? 64 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
mony and affection, and one common interest unites
the confederating powers, then they share the toils
? with alacrity, they endure the distresses, they perse-
vere. But when extravagant ambition and lawless
power (as in his case) have aggrandized a single per-
son, the first pretence, the slightest accident over-
throws him, and all his greatness is dashed at once
to the ground; for it is not--no, Athenians--it is not
possible to found a lasting power on injustice, per-
jury, and treachery. These may, perhaps, succeed
for once, and borrow for a while from hope a gay and
flourishing appearance; but time betrays their weak-
ness, and they fall into ruin of themselves. For as
in structures of every kind the lower parts should
have the greatest firmness, so the grounds and prin-
ciples of actions should be just and true. But these
advantages are not found in the actions of Philip.
I say, then, that you should despatch succours to
the Olynthians (and the more honourably and expe-
ditiously this is proposed to be done, the more agree-
ably to my sentiments), and send an embassy to the
Thessalians to inform some, and to enliven that spirit
already raised in others (for it hath actually been
resolved to demand the restitution of Pagasae,1 and to
assert their claim to Magnesia); and let it be your
care, Athenians, that our ambassadors may not de-
pend only on words, but give them some action to
display, by taking the field in a manner worthy of the
state, and engaging in the war with vigour; for
words, if not accompanied by actions, must ever
the metaphors, the grandeur of the composition, and the fineness of the
sentiment. The word avcx. airiot, by which he expresses the downfall
of Philip, I apprehend, is not to be rendered into our, or perhaps any
other, language. It gives us the idea of a generous steed tossing his
mane, impatient of the bit, and casting his rider to the ground; which at
once expresses the subjection of the states conquered by Philip, their
impatience of his government, their bold effort to regain their liberty,
and the downfall of their master. The change of tenses (avexairttrs Kai
SttXvacv) adds greatly to the force and beauty. It seems as if the de-
struction of Philip was too quick for words.
1 Fagasa;. ]--K city of Thessaly which he had made himself master of
five years before. --Taurreil.
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? FIRST OLVNTHIAC ORATION.
65
appear vain and contemptible, and particularly when
they come from us, whose prompt abilities and well-
known eminence in speaking make us to be always
heard with the greater suspicion.
Would you indeed regain attention and confidence,
your measures must be greatly changed, your con-
duct totally reformed; your fortunes, your persons
must appear devoted to the common cause; your
utmost efforts must be exerted. If you will act thus,
as your honour and your interest require, then, Athe-
nians, you will not only discover the weakness and
insincerity of the confederates of Philip, but the ruin-
ous condition of his own kingdom will also be laid
open. The power and sovereignty of Macedon may
have some weight, indeed, when joined with others.
Thus, when you marched against the Olynthians
under the conduct of Timotheus, it proved a useful
ally; when united with the Olynthians against Poti-
daea, it added something to their force; just now,
when the Thessalians were in the midst of disorder,
sedition, and confusion, it aided them against the
family of their tyrants; and in every case, any, even
a small accession of strength, is in my opinion of
considerable effect. But of itself, unsupported, it is
infirm; it is totally distempered; for by all those
glaring exploits which have given him this apparent
greatness, his wars, his expeditions, he hath rendered
it yet weaker than it was naturally; for you are not
to imagine that the inclinations of his subjects are the
same with those of Philip. He thirsts for glory:
this is his object, this he eagerly pursues through toils
and dangers of every kind, despising safety and life
when compared with the honour of achieving such
actions as no other prince of Macedon could ever
boast of. But his subjects have no part in this ambi-
tion. Harassed by those various excursions he is
ever making, they groan under perpetual calamity;
torn from their business and their families, and with-
out opportunity to dispose of that pittance which their
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