No More Learning

Of these “The Egyptians or On Providence," a novel by
Synesius of Cyrene, and Claudian's “War against Gildo” are preserved.
With the year 401, however, there began for the Western Empire
a period similar to that which the Eastern Empire had already so
long endured. The Teutons began to press forward in dense masses
against the provinces of the Western Empire, which they had so long
spared, and finally effected the complete dissolution of that once so
mighty realm. But this time the disturbance did not proceed from the
Goths only; other tribes also were involved in the movement, which
could no longer be restrained, and the danger to the Empire grew in
proportion. In the first place Alaric had made use of the short time of
his alliance with the Eastern Empire to increase his power, chiefly by
re-arming his Goths from the Roman arsenals. His plan of founding an
independent kingdom for himself in Greece had failed, and it probably
seemed most tempting to him to transfer his attentions to Italy, whose
resources were not yet so completely drained by the Goths. No doubt
Stilicho ruled there with a firm hand. He had in 398 created for
himself an unassailable position by giving his daughter Maria, a mere
child, in marriage to the Emperor Honorius, who was then fourteen
years of age. But apparently Alaric did not fear the power of Stilicho,
.
who had twice allowed him to escape from a most critical position;
furthermore the Western Empire was just now engaged in a different
direction. In the year 401, the Vandals, who had long ago settled in
.
the regions between the Danube and the Theiss, began to grow restless.
On account of their increasing population the majority of them had
resolved to emigrate with their king Godigisel, retaining at the same
time the right of possession over their old dominions. They were joined
by Alani from Pannonia, and in the same year this new wave of migration
reached Rhaetia by way of Noricum. Stilicho at first opposed them,
but was eventually obliged to grant them territories in Noricum and
Vindelicia under the suzerainty of Rome, in return for which they bound
themselves to serve in the Roman army.
By this time Alaric had already left Epirus far behind and reached
Aquileia by way of Aemona and the Birnbaum forest. This invasion of
Italy by the barbarians caused great consternation; the fortifications of
Rome were repaired and strengthened, and the young Emperor Honorius
even contemplated an escape into Gaul. Venetia was already in the
enemy's hands, and the road to Milan was occupied by the Goths.
Honorius was staying in this city, Alaric naturally desired above all to
take possession of it. But Stilicho came to the rescue. He had rein-
forced his army with the Vandals and Alani with whom he had just


## p. 265 (#295) ############################################

402—406]
Battle of Pollentia
265
made
peace, and Alaric was forced to abandon the siege of Milan. He
now tried to gain the coast in order to reach Rome. With Stilicho at
his heels he turned to Ticinum and Hasta and thence to Pollentia.
Here (6 April 402) a battle was fought in the early stages of which it
seemed likely that the Romans would be defeated, as Saul, the Roman
general of the Alani, had begun the battle prematurely. But the appear-
ance of Stilicho with the main body of infantry changed the aspect of affairs.
The fight was continued until nightfall, but though the Romans were
left in possession of the field and took numerous prisoners, Stilicho can
hardly be said to have gained a victory. For Alaric's forces retreated in
perfect order and were able to continue their march on Rome. In this
crisis Stilicho was obliged to come to terms with Alaric. The Gothic
chief was raised to the rank of magister militum and promised to evacuate
Italy. For the future the two generals arranged to conquer Eastern
Illyria for the Western Empire. This treaty, which put a considerable
check on the movements of the Goths, is explained not only by the state
of affairs at that time, but also by the fact that Alaric's wife and
children had been made prisoners during the battle. The Goths now
left Italy, but remained close to the frontier, and made a fresh invasion
in 403. This time Alaric tried to lay siege to Verona, but was defeated
by Stilicho, and on trying to gain Rhaetia by way of the Brenner again
found himself in a very dangerous plight, from which he could only
extricate himself by concluding a new treaty with Stilicho against the
Eastern Empire. Probably it was at this juncture that Sarus the
Visigothic prince with his followers went over to Stilicho, a desertion
which must be ascribed to Stilicho's diplomatic skill. The uncertainty
of the situation may account for the very remarkable fact that Stilicho
suffered the enemy to escape so often from his fatal embrace. Be that
as it may, the Goths withdrew, and Stilicho could celebrate a brilliant
triumph with Honorius. Alaric, however, does not appear to have
returned to Epirus till much later, but remained for some time in the
neighbourhood of Illyria.
In the following year (405) the Ostrogoths and Vandals, the Alani
and the Quadi under the leadership of Radagaisus left their homes,
crossed the Alps, and descended into Italy. Their number, though much
exaggerated by contemporary historians, must have been considerable ;
for the hostile army marched through the North of the peninsula in
several divisions. Stilicho seems to have collected his troops at Pavia ;
the invasion happened at a very inopportune moment, as he was about to
carry out his designs on Eastern Illyria. This time, however, he quickly
succeeded in ridding himself of the enemy. He surrounded Radagaisus
who had attacked Florence, in the narrow valleys of the Apennines near
Faesulae, and destroyed a large part of his army. Radagaisus himself
was captured with his sons whilst trying to escape, and was shortly
afterwards executed. For this victory Stilicho's thanks were chiefly due
SH.


## p. 266 (#296) ############################################

266
Barbarian Invasion of Gaul
[
406
to two foreign generals, Sarus the Goth, and Uldin the Hun. In this
manner Italy had indeed been speedily saved from great danger, but at the
end of the next year (406) hostile hordes broke into Gaul with so much
the greater violence. It is very probable that this invasion, which was
undertaken by the Vandals, had some connexion with that of Radagaisus.
In conjunction with the Vandals were the Alani, who had recently formed
an alliance with them, and the Suevi, by whom we must understand the
Quadi, who had formerly dwelt north of the Vandals. This great tribal
migration, following the road along the Roman frontier (limes), reached
the river Main, where they met the Silingi, a Vandal tribe which had
gone westward with the Burgundians in the third century. These now
helped to swell the Vandal hordes, whilst a part of the Alani under the
leadership of Goar enlisted in the Roman army on the Rhine. Near this
river the Vandals were attacked by some Frankish tribes, who were
keeping guard on the frontier, in accordance with their treaty with
Stilicho. In the ensuing fight the Vandals suffered severe losses, their
king Godigisel being among the slain. On receiving this news the Alani
immediately turned about, and, led by their king Respendial, they
completely routed the Franks. On the last day of 406 this mass of
people crossed the Rhine at Mainz, which they invested and destroyed.
The march was continued by Trèves to Rheims, where the bishop
Nicasius was slain in his own church; thence to Tournai, Terouenne, Arras
and Amiens. From this point the journey proceeded through Gallia
Lugdunensis to Paris, Orleans, and Tours, and, passing through Aquitania
into Novempopulana, by Bordeaux to Toulouse, which the bishop
Exuperius saved from falling into the enemies' hands. But the fortified
passes of the Pyrenees put a stop to their further advance. Thus Spain
remained unconquered for the present, and the Vandals now made their
way into the rich province of Narbonensis. The devastation of the
extensive provinces and the conquered cities of Gaul was terrible;
contemporary writers of prose and verse alike complain bitterly of the
atrocities committed by the barbarians in this unhappy country. The
oldest people could not remember so disastrous an invasion. The
weakness of the Empire is revealed by the absence of a Roman army to
oppose the Germans. Stilicho's policy was at that time directed towards
Illyria, and for this reason he probably found it impossible to come to
the assistance of Gaul.
This first great danger was soon followed by a second. The migration
of the Vandals had very likely caused the Burgundians along the middle
course of the Main to become restless ; they now began to bear down
upon the Alemanni on the lower Main. A part of the Burgundians had
perhaps intended to join the great migration of 406, for shortly after we
meet with them on the west side of the Rhine. The most important
result, however, was, that the Alemanni now entered on a campaign
against Roman Upper Germany, and conquered Worms, Speier, and


## p. 267 (#297) ############################################

406–407]
The usurper Constantine
267
a
The new
Strassburg. Here again the Empire failed to send help, and the allied
Franks remained quiet. Stilicho meanwhile collected an army in 406
and arranged a plan with Alaric, by which he could carry out his Illyrian
projects from Epirus. Already a Praefectus Praetorio for Illyria had
been nominated in the person of Jovius, when in the year 407 an event
occurred which threw everything else into the background. A new
emperor appeared on the scene. When a rumour had spread, that
Alaric was dead, the legions in Britain after two unsuccessful attempts?
proclaimed Constantine emperor. According to Orosius, he was
common soldier, but his name excited hopes for better times.
Emperor crossed over to Gaul without delay, where he was recognised by
the Roman troops throughout the country. He immediately pushed
forward into the districts along the Rhone, where, though he probably
concluded treaties with the Alemanni, Burgundians and Franks, he made
but little impression on the Teutons who had invaded the land. But
Stilicho had already sent the experienced general Sarus with an army
against him. In the neighbourhood of Valence, which Constantine had
made his temporary abode, his general Justinian was defeated and killed
in battle by Sarus. Another of the usurper's generals met his death soon
afterwards during an interview with the crafty Goth. When, however,
Constantine sent against him his newly appointed generals, the Frank
Edobic and the Briton Gerontius, Sarus abandoned the siege of Valence
and effected a passage into Italy by paying a sum of money to the
fugitive peasants called Bagaudae, who at that time held the passes of
the Western Alps. Stilicho joined Honorius at Rome to discuss the
serious situation. Constantine, however, directed his attention towards
Spain, evidently with a view to protect his rear before attacking Italy.
At the passes across the Pyrenees he met with energetic resistance from
Didymus, Verenianus, Theodosius, and Logadius, all relatives of the
Emperor. But Constantine’s son Constans soon overcame the enemy;
he captured Verenianus and Didymus, whilst Theodosius and Logadius
fed, the former to Italy, the latter to the East. After this, when
Constans had returned to Gaul in triumph, he entrusted the passes to
Gerontius, who was in command of the Honorians, a troop of barbarian
foederati. These, it appears, fulfilled their duty but indifferently, for
during the quarrels which ensued in the borderlands the Vandals, Alani
and Suevi, who had pushed on as far as southern Gaul, saw an oppor-
tunity of executing their design on Spain.
With these disturbances in Spain is generally connected a great rising
of the Celts in Britain and Gaul, which was directed against the
advancing Teutonic tribes as well as against the Roman rule, and in
which the Gaulish district of Armorica was specially concerned. Thus
1 First a man named Marcus and after him Gratian, a British official, had
been declared emperors ; both however were after a short time put to death by the
soldiers.
a
m. IX.


## p. 268 (#298) ############################################

268
Alaric
[408
was prepared in these provinces the separation from the Roman govern-
ment which had lasted for centuries, and at the same time Teutonic rule
superseded that of the Romans in Spain.
Meanwhile Alaric had not failed to profit by the violent disturbances
within the Western Empire. As Stilicho had neither undertaken the
campaign against Illyria nor met the demands of the Gothic soldiers
for their pay, Alaric believed himself entitled to deal a powerful blow
,
at the Western Empire. Stilicho had recently strengthened his relations
with the imperial house by a new link. The Empress Maria had died
.
early, still a virgin as rumour went, and Stilicho succeeded in persuading
the Emperor to marry his second daughter Thermantia. Now Alaric
tried to force his way into Italy. He had left Epirus and reached
Aemona. There he probably found the roads to the South barred; he
therefore crossed the river Aquilis and made his way to Virunum in
Noricum, whence he sent an embassy to Stilicho at Ravenna. The
ambassadors demanded the enormous sum of four thousand pounds of
gold as compensation for the long delay in Epirus and the present
campaign of the Goths. Stilicho went to Rome to discuss the matter
with the Emperor and the Senate. The majority of the Senate was
opposed to the concession of this demand and would have preferred war
with the Goths, but Stilicho's power in the assembly was still so great
that his opinion prevailed and the huge sum was paid. At this juncture
the rumour spread that the Emperor of the East was dead. Arcadius
had indeed died (1 May 408). This greatly altered the situation, for
Theodosius II, the heir to the Eastern throne, was but a child of seven.
Honorius now decided to go to Ravenna, but was opposed by Stilicho,
who wanted himself to inspect the troops there. But neither did
Stilicho succeed in dissuading Honorius nor could a mutiny among
the soldiers at Ravenna, which Sarus had promoted, induce the
Emperor to desist from his plan. Nevertheless he eventually diverged
from the route to Ravenna, and went to Bologna, where he ordered
Stilicho to meet him for the purpose of discussing the situation in
the East.
Stilicho's first concern at Bologna was to calm the agitation amongst
the soldiers and recommend the ringleaders to the Emperor's mercy ;
then he took counsel with Honorius. It was the Emperor's wish to go
in person to Constantinople and settle the affairs of the Eastern Empire,
but Stilicho tried to turn him from this purpose, pointing out that the
journey would cause too much expense, and that the Emperor could not
well leave Italy whilst Constantine was as yet powerful and residing
at Arles. Honorius bent his will to the prudent counsel of his great
statesman, and it was resolved that Stilicho should go to the East, whilst
Alaric was sent with an army to Gaul against Constantine. Stilicho,
however, neither departed for the East nor did he gather together the
troops which remained assembled at Pavia, and were ill-disposed towards
a


## p. 269 (#299) ############################################

408]
Fall of Stilicho
269
him. Meanwhile a cunning Greek, the chancellor Olympius, profited by
the change in the Emperor's feelings towards his great minister. Under
the mask of Christian piety he secretly intrigued against Stilicho in
order to undermine his position. Thus Olympius accompanied the
Emperor to Pavia and on this occasion spread the calumnious report,
that Stilicho intended to kill the child Theodosius and put his own son
Eucherius on the throne. The storm now gathered over Stilicho's head.
The prelude to the catastrophe, however, took place at Pavia.
When the Emperor had arrived with Olympius at this town, the
latter made an exhibition of his philanthropy by visiting the sick
soldiers; probably his real object was to gather the threads of the
conspiracy which he had already spun and to weave them further. On
the fourth day Honorius himself appeared among the troops and tried
to inspire them with enthusiasm for the fight against Constantine. At
this moment Olympius gave a sign to the soldiers, and, in accordance
with a previous arrangement, they threw themselves upon all the high
military and civil officers present, who were supposed to be Stilicho's
adherents. Some of them escaped to the town, but the soldiers rushed
through the streets and killed all the unpopular dignitaries. The
slaughter continued under the very eyes of the Emperor, who had
withdrawn at first but reappeared without his royal robes and tried to
check the mad fury of the soldiers. When the Emperor, fearing for his
own life, had a second time retired, Longinianus, the Praefectus Praetorio
for Italy, was also slain. News of this horrible mutiny reached Stilicho
at Bologna. He at once summoned all the generals of Teutonic race in
whose loyalty alone he could still trust. It was decided to attack the
Roman army, should the Emperor himself have been killed. When,
however, Stilicho learned that the mutiny had not been directed against
Honorius, he resolved to abstain from punishing the culprits, for his
enemies were numerous and he was no longer sure of the Emperor's
support. But to this the Teuton generals would not agree, and Sarus
even went so far as to have Stilicho's Hunnic body-guard killed during
the night. Stilicho now betook himself to Ravenna, and to this town
Olympius despatched a letter from the Emperor, addressed to the army,
with the order to arrest Stilicho and keep him in honourable custody.
During the night Stilicho took refuge in a church to secure the right of
sanctuary; but in the morning the soldiers fetched him away, solemnly
assuring him that his life was safe. Then a second letter from the
Emperor was read, which condemned Stilicho to death for high-treason.
The fallen man might still have saved his life by appealing to the
Teuton soldiers, who were devoted to him, and would readily have
fought for him. But he made no attempt to do so, probably to preserve
the Empire from a civil war, which would have been fatal at this time.
Without resistance he offered his neck to the sword. In him the Roman
Empire (23 August 408) lost one of its most prominent statesmen, and
a
CH. .


## p. 270 (#300) ############################################

270
Alaric in Italy
[408
at the same time one of its ablest generals, one who had been in command
of the army for twenty-three years.
Without doubt we should consider the fall of Stilicho as a mani-
festation of a national Roman reaction against the ever-increasing
Teutonic influence within the Empire, a reaction proceeding from the
political party which saw in the removal of the barbarians the salvation
of Rome. Whether this party was right or not, they certainly had acted
most unwisely, for Olympius, the successor to Stilicho's position, turned
his power to very foolish account. Even the severest tortures could not
wring from Stilicho's friends and followers the confession desired by
Olympius, that the executed minister had aspired to the imperial throne.
And still more injudicious was the edict by which all those who had
attained high office under Stilicho's administration forfeited their
property to the State. But most
But most incomprehensible of all was the fact
that the Roman soldiers were allowed to wander about murdering and
robbing the families of the Teuton troops in Italy. The consequence
was that thousands of these soldiers deserted, and went over to Alaric.
Thermantia was sent back to her mother Serena by Honorius, who also
sentenced Eucherius to death. But as the latter had escaped to Rome
and taken refuge in a church, he was left unmolested for a time.
Shortly afterwards, however, he was murdered by two eunuchs who were
rewarded by high offices in the State.
Alaric's opportunity had arrived, now that the Empire had of its
own free will lost the services of its great leader. At first the Gothic
chief tried to maintain the peace. He sent ambassadors to the Emperor
with the message that he would adhere to the treaties made with Stilicho,
if he received a moderate payment of money, and that if an exchange of
hostages were effected, he would withdraw his troops from Noricum to
Pannonia. Although Honorius rejected Alaric's proposals for a peaceful
arrangement, he did not take any active steps to ensure success in the
campaign which had now become inevitable. Instead of entrusting to
Sarus the command of the troops against Alaric, Olympius bestowed it
on two men who were faithfully devoted to him but absolutely devoid of
merit. This time Alaric did not tarry long. However, as the campaign
promised to assume greater dimensions, he sent for reinforcements from
his brother-in-law Ataulf, who was stationed in Upper Pannonia with
Hunnic and Gothic troops. Without waiting for Ataulf's arrival, Alaric
marched to Aquileia and thence westward to Cremona, where he crossed
the Po, without meeting with the slightest resistance. Then the Goths
proceeded south-east from Placentia to Ariminum, leaving Ravenna
unmolested, and through Picenum, until they arrived before Rome
without opposition. When Alaric surrounded the city the Senate
believed Serena, Stilicho's widow, to be in connivance with him, and as
Placidia, the sister of Honorius, was of the same opinion, Serena was put
to death. This act of violence had, of course, no influence upon Alaric's


## p. 271 (#301) ############################################

408–409]
Alaric's negotiations with Honorius
271
policy; on the contrary the investment of the city was carried on with
greater vigour than before. As the Goths also blockaded the Tiber, the
city was cut off from all supplies, and soon famine broke out. No help
came from Ravenna, and when the distress in the city was at its highest
ambassadors were sent to the hostile camp to ask for moderate terms.
At first Alaric demanded the surrender of all the gold and silver in the
city, inclusive of all precious movable goods, and the emancipation of all
Teuton slaves, but in the end he lowered his demand to an imposition,
which, however, was still so heavy that it necessitated the confiscation of
the sacred treasures stored in the temples. After this he withdrew his
troops from Rome and went into the neighbouring province of Tuscany
where he collected around his standard a great number of slaves, who had
escaped from Rome. But even in this situation Honorius declined the
negotiations for peace which were now urged by Alaric and the Senate
alike.
This temporising policy could not but bring ruin upon Italy, the
more so, as at the beginning of 409 ambassadors came to treat with
Honorius about the recognition of Constantine. The usurper had
raised his son Constans, who had returned from Spain to Gaul, to the
dignity of a co-emperor, and had had the two cousins of Honorius put
to death. The Emperor, who entertained hopes that they were still
alive and counted upon assistance from Constantine against Alaric, no
longer withheld his recognition, and even sent him an imperial robe.
During this time Olympius did not shew himself in any way equal to the
situation, but continued to persecute those whom he believed to be
Stilicho's adherents. Honorius now ordered a body of picked troops
from Dalmatia to come to the protection of Rome. These six thousand
men, however, under their leader Valens were on their way surprised by
Alaric, and all of them but one hundred were cut down. A second
Roman embassy, in which the Roman bishop Innocent took part, and
which was escorted by troops furnished by Alaric, was now sent to the
Emperor. In the meantime Ataulf had at last made his way from
Pannonia across the Alps, and although an army sent by the Emperor
caused him some loss, probably near Ravenna, his junction with Alaric
could not be prevented. Now at last a general outcry against Olympius,
who had shewn himself so utterly incompetent, arose at the imperial
Court. The Emperor was forced to give in and depose his favourite,
and after this he at length inclined his ear to more peaceful proposals.
When, however, the Gothic chief in an interview with the Praefectus
Praetorio Jovius at Ariminum demanded not only an annual subsidy of
money and corn, but also the cession of Venetia, Noricum and Dalmatia,
and when moreover the same Jovius in a letter to the Emperor proposed
that Alaric should be raised to the rank of a magister utriusque militiae,
because it was hoped that this would induce him to lower his
terms, Honorius refused everything and was determined to go to war.
а
H. .


## p. 272 (#302) ############################################

272
Attalus Emperor
[410
Apparently this bellicose mood continued, for shortly afterwards a fresh
embassy from Constantine appeared at the Court, promising Honorius
speedy support from British, Gaulish, and Spanish soldiers.
Even
Jovius had allowed himself to be persuaded by the Emperor and together
with other high officials had taken an oath on pain of death never to
make peace with Alaric.
At first all seemed to go well ; Honorius levied 10,000 Huns for his
army, and to his great satisfaction found that Alaric himself was inclined
to peace and was sending some Italian bishops as ambassadors to him.
Of his former conditions he only maintained the cession of Noricum and
a subsidy of corn, the amount of which was to be left to the Emperor's
decision. He requested Honorius not to allow the city of Rome, which
had ruled the world for more than thousand years, to be sacked and
burnt by the Teutons. There can be no doubt that the Goths were
forced by the pressure of circumstances to offer these conditions. But
Honorius was prevented from complying with them by Jovius, who is
said to have pleaded the sanctity of the oath which he and others had
taken. Alaric now had recourse to a simple device in order to attain
the object of his desires. As he could not out of consideration for the
Goths aspire to the imperial crown himself, he caused an emperor to be
proclaimed. In order to put this proclamation into effect he marched to
Rome, seized the harbour of Portus and told the Senate of his intention
to divide among his troops all the corn which he found stored there,
should the city refuse to obey his orders. The Senate gave in, and in
.
compliance with Alaric's wish Attalus was raised to the throne.
a Roman of noble descent, who had been given a high government post
by Olympius and shortly afterwards made praefect of the city by
Honorius. Attalus thereupon raised Alaric to the rank of magister
militum praesentalis, and Ataulf to that of comes domesticorum; but he
gave them each a Roman colleague in their office, and Valens was made
magister militum, while Lampadius, an enemy of Alaric, became praefect
of the city. On the next day Attalus delivered a high-flown oration in
the Senate, boasting that it would be a small matter for him and the
Romans to subjugate the whole world. Soon, however, his relations with
Alaric became strained. Formerly he had been a heathen, but though
he now accepted the Arian faith and was baptised by the Gothic bishop
Sigesar, he not only openly slighted the Goths but also, disregarding
Alaric's advice to send a Gothic army under Druma to Africa, despatched
the Roman Constans with troops ill-prepared for war to that country.
Africa was at that time held by Heraclian, one of Honorius' generals, the
murderer of Stilicho, and the province required the Emperor's whole
attention, as the entire corn supply of Rome depended upon its
possession.
Attalus himself now marched against Honorius at Ravenna. The
latter, who had already contemplated an escape to the East, sent Attalus
He was


## p. 273 (#303) ############################################

410]
Sack of Rome
273
a message to the effect that he would consent to acknowledge him as
co-emperor. Attalus replied, through Jovius, that he would order
Honorius to be mutilated and banish him to some remote island, besides
depriving him of his imperial dignity. At this critical moment, however,
Honorius was saved by four thousand soldiers of the Eastern Empire,
who disembarked at Ravenna and came to his assistance. When the
news arrived that the expedition against Heraclian in Africa had proved
a complete failure and that Rome was again exposed to a great famine,
owing to this victory of Honorius' arms, Attalus and Alaric abandoned
the siege of Ravenna. Alaric turned against Aemilia where he took
possession of all the cities except Bologna, and then advanced in a north-
westerly direction towards Liguria. Attalus on the other hand hastened
to Rome to take counsel with the Senate about the pressing African
question. The majority of the assembly decided to send an army of
Gothic and Roman troops to Africa under the command of the Goth
Druma, but Attalus opposed the plan. This brought about his fall;
for when Alaric heard of it he returned, stripped Attalus of the diadem
and purple at Ariminum and sent both to Honorius. He did not,
however, leave the deposed Emperor to his fate, but kept him and his
son Ampelius under his protection till peace had been concluded with
Honorius. Placidia, Honorius' sister, was also in Alaric's keeping. If
we may believe Zosimus, she was brought from Rome as a kind of hostage
by Alaric, who, however, granted her imperial honours.
The deposition of Attalus in May or June 410 was the starting-point
for renewed negotiations for peace between Alaric and the Emperor, in
the course of which the former perhaps claimed a part of Italy for himself.
But the peaceful propositions were nipped in the bud by the Goth Sarus.
He was hostile to Alaric and Ataulf; at that time he lay encamped in
Picenum. Under pretence of being menaced by Ataulf's strong body of
troops, he went over to the Emperor and violated the truce by an attack
on the Gothic camp.
Alaric now marched for the third time against
Rome, doubtless firmly resolved to punish the Emperor for his duplicity
by thoroughly chastising the city, and to establish at last a kingdom of
The investment by the Goths caused another terrible famine
in the city, and at last, during the night preceding 24 August 410, the
Salarian gate was treacherously opened. Then followed a complete sack
of the city, which did not, however, degenerate into mere wanton
destruction, especially as it only lasted three days. The deeds of
violence and cruelty which are mentioned more particularly in the writings
of contemporary Christians were probably for the greater part committed
by the slaves, who, as we know, had flocked to the Goths in great
numbers. As early as 27 August the Goths left Rome laden with
enormous spoil, and marched by Capua and Nola into southern Italy.
For Alaric, who had probably borne the title of king already for a con-
siderable time, had resolved to go to Africa by way of Sicily, and gain
his own.
C. BD. H. v0L. I. GH, Ix.
18


## p. 274 (#304) ############################################

274
Barbarian Conquest in Spain
[ 409-412
the dominion of Italy by the possession of that rich province. But when
part of the army had embarked at Rhegium, his ships were scattered and
destroyed by a storm. Alaric, therefore, turned back ; but on the way
north was seized by an illness which proved fatal before the end of the
year 410. He was laid to rest in the river Basentus (Busento) near
Cosentia. A large number of slaves were employed in first diverting the
course of the river and then bringing it back into its former channel after
the dead king and his treasures had been buried. In order that nobody
might ever know the burial place, all the slaves who had been employed
in the labour were killed. Ataulf was now elected king. He seems at
first to have thought of carrying out the plans of his brother-in-law,
Alaric; but on further consideration of the great power of Heraclian in
Africa, he abandoned them and resolved rather to lead the Goths against
Gaul. It is possible that on his march northward he again sacked Rome,
and he certainly married Placidia before he withdrew from Italy. He
invaded Gaul in 412, and in that year commenced the war which was
waged so long by the Teutons against the Roman supremacy in that
country.
A little earlier a similar struggle had begun in Spain, which
resulted in the victory of the barbarians. In the autumn of 409 the
Vandals, Alani, and Suevi had penetrated into Spain, tempted thither
no doubt by the treasures of that rich country and by the greater
security of a future settlement there. The course followed by those
tribes was towards the west of the peninsula, first of all passing through
Galicia and Lusitania. Constans, on leaving Spain, had certainly made
an unfortunate choice in appointing Gerontius praefect; for not only
did this official allow the Teutons to enter the country but he tried at the
same time to put an end to Constantine's rule, by deserting him and
causing one of his own followers, Maximus, to be proclaimed emperor.
Circumstances even forced Gerontius into an alliance with the barbarians.
For when Constans returned to Spain, the usurper could only drive him
out of the country by making common cause with the Teutons.
Gerontius followed Constans to Gaul, invested him at Vienne, and put
him to death at the beginning of 411. He then turned his attention to
Constantine, who concentrated his forces at Arles. But Honorius had
by now recovered sufficiently to make war against Constantine. For
that purpose he sent the Roman Constantius and a Goth named Wulfila
with an army to Gaul. When Gerontius advanced to meet them, his
soldiers deserted him and joined the imperial troops. He himself met
his death shortly afterwards in a burning house, whilst Maximus
succeeded in escaping. This sealed the fate of Constantine; for
Constantius and Wulfila defeated the army of the Frank Edobic,
who came to render him assistance. Constantius then proceeded to
besiege Arles, which for a considerable time withstood his efforts, but
eventually surrendered on conditions to the general of Honorius. The


## p. 275 (#305) ############################################

411]
Constantius
275
reason for this was that Constantius had heard that Guntiarius, king of
the Burgundians, and Goar, king of the Alani, had raised the Gaulish
noble Jovinus to the imperial throne at Mainz, and in these circum-
stances he deemed it necessary to offer easy terms of capitulation to
Constantine. The usurper submitted; but on the way to Ravenna he
and his youngest son were killed by Honorius' command. His head was
brought to Ravenna (18 Sept. 411). Meanwhile Jovinus with an army
consisting of Burgundians, Franks, and Alemanni had marched south-
ward, apparently in the belief that the critical situation of the Empire,
which was at war with both Goths and Vandals, would facilitate a rapid
extension of his power.
In these circumstances it was an easy matter for the Teutons who
had invaded Spain to spread over a large part of the peninsula. For
two years they scoured the west and south of the country, devastating
and plundering as they went, until the alteration in the political
situation, caused by the victories of Constantius, induced them to join
the united Empire as foederati. In 411 they concluded a treaty with
the Emperor, which imposed upon them the duty of defending Spain
from foreign invasions. In return the Asdingi and Suevi received landed
property for settlements in Galicia, the Silingi in Baetica, and the
Alani in Lusitania and Carthaginensis. The larger Roman landowners
probably ceded a third part of the land to them.
It was a time of the gravest convulsions for the Western Empire;
for during these years were laid the foundations, on which the first
important Teutonic States on Roman soil were built. Stilicho seems to
have thought it possible for a kind of organic whole to develop out of
the Roman and Teutonic nationalities ; at least, that great statesman
had always promoted peaceful relations between Romans and Teutons.
But the change in politics after his death, as well as the immense size of
the Empire, made a fusion of those two factors impossible. Now the
time of the Teutonic conquests begins, though the name of foederati
helped for a while to hide the real state of affairs. The very foundations
of the Western Empire were shaken ; but, above all, the future of Italy
as the ruling power of the West was endangered by violent agitations in
Africa, the country from which she drew her food-supplies. Just as
here, in the heart of the Empire, so too on its borders, could serious
danger be foreseen. Throughout the provinces the dissolution of the
Empire was threatening. It had probably only been delayed so far by
the lack of system in the Teutonic invasions and by the immense prestige
of the Empire. But in respect of this the last generation had wrought
& very perceptible change. During the long-continued warfare the
Teutons had had time to become familiar with the manners of the
Romans, their strategy, diplomacy, and political institutions, and it was
owing to this that the great coalitions of tribes in 405 and 406 had
already taken place. They are probably to be explained by the ever-
a
CH. .
18--2


## p. 276 (#306) ############################################

276
The Teutons
[410-412
increasing political discernment of the Teutons. Another result of those
years of war was that under Alaric's rule the principle of monarchy was
evolved out of military leadership; for the continuous warlike enterprises
could not but develop an appreciation of a higher and more com-
prehensive supreme power. Thus Alaric was no longer the mere adviser
of his tribe. His actions however do not shew that he abused his high
rank in his behaviour towards his tribesmen, while at the same time he
ever displayed towards the Romans a humane and generous spirit which
was remarkable in those times. On the other hand the Teutonic tribes,
and especially the Visigoths, had seen enough of the internal weakness
of the great Empire and of the impotence of its rulers to encourage
them to make more serious attacks on the Western half, although Alaric
in 410 would willingly have saved from pillage the capital of the world
—that capital which, according to his own words in a message brought
to Honorius by an embassy of bishops, had ruled the world for more
than a thousand years. The fact that he nevertheless led his army to
the sack of the city proves that he did not shrink from extreme measures
when it was important to display the superiority of the Gothic army
over the Roman mercenaries.
Thus it is evident that the Teutonic tribes, and more especially the
Visigoths, were at this time passing through a transition stage. They
had not yet forgotten their native customs and manner of living, whilst
at the same time the foreign influences to which they had been exposed
had been sufficiently strong to modify to some extent their original
disposition and mode of viewing things. But as far as may be gathered
from contemporary sources, their policy had not been influenced by
Christian principles, and Christianity altogether played an unimportant
part in the history of these migrating Teutons. It is true that, owing
to the scantiness of contemporary evidence, we have in many decisive
cases to trust to conjecture, and it is a cause for much regret that the
moving political forces and even more the real conditions of life among
the migrating Teutons are wrapt in impenetrable darkness, which is only
dispersed as they begin to live a more settled life, and in particular after
the establishment of the Visigoths in Gaul and Spain, the Vandals in
Africa, and the Ostrogoths in Italy.


## p. 277 (#307) ############################################

277
CHAPTER X.
(A)
THE VISIGOTHS IN GAUL, 412-507.
King ATAULF had no intention of establishing a permanent dominion
in Italy. As an occupation of Africa seemed hopeless he turned towards
Gaul in the year 412, probably making use of the military road which
crossed Mt Genèvre via Turin to the Rhone. Here he at first joined
the anti-emperor Jovinus (set up in the summer of 411) who had
a sure footing, especially in Auvergne, but was little pleased by the
arrival of the Visigoths, which interfered with his plans of governing the
whole of Gaul. Hence the two rulers soon came to open strife, especially
as Jovinus had not named the Gothic king co-ruler, as he had hoped,
but his own brother Sebastian. Ataulf went over to the side of the
Emperor Honorius and promised, in return for the assurance of supplies
of grain (and assignments of land), to deliver up the heads of both
usurpers and to set free Placidia, the Emperor's sister, who was held as
a prisoner by the Goths. He certainly succeeded without much trouble
in getting rid of the usurpers. As, however, Honorius kept back the
supply of grain and Ataulf, exasperated by this, did not give up Placidia,
hostilities once more began between the Goths and the Romans. After
an unsuccessful attempt to surprise Marseilles, Ataulf captured the
towns of Narbonne, Toulouse and Bordeaux by force of arms (413).
But a complete alteration took place in the king's intentions, obviously
through the influence of Placidia, whom he took as his (second) wife in
January (414). As he himself repeatedly declared, he now finally gave
up his original cherished plan of converting the Roman Empire into a
Gothic one, and rather strove to identify his people wholly with the
Roman State. His political programme was therefore just the same as
that of the Ostrogoth king Theodoric, later on, when he accomplished
the founding of the Italian kingdom. In spite of these assurances the
Emperor refused him every concession ; influenced by the general Con-
stantius, who himself desired the hand of the beautiful princess, Honorius
looked upon the marriage of his sister with the Barbarian as a grievous
disgrace to his house. In consequence Ataulf was again compelled to
turn his arms against the Empire. He first appointed an anti-emperor
in the person of Attalus, without however achieving any success by this
CH. X.


## p. 278 (#308) ############################################

278
Ataulf, Wallia
[415-418
move, since Attalus had not the slightest support in Gaul. When Con-
stantius then blockaded the Gallic ports with his feet and cut off
supplies, the position of the Goths there became quite untenable, so
that Ataulf decided to seek a place of retreat in Spain. He evacuated
Gaul, after terrible devastation, and took possession of the Spanish
province of Tarraconensis (in the beginning of 415), but without quite
giving up the thought of a future understanding with the imperial
power. In Barcelona, Placidia bore him a son, who received the name
of Theodosius at his baptism, but he soon died. And not long after-
wards death overtook the king from a wound which one of his followers
inflicted out of revenge (in the summer of 415).
After Ataulf's death the anti-romanising tendencies among the
Visigoths, never quite suppressed, became active again. Many Pre-
tenders contended for the throne, but all, as it seems, were animated by
the thought of governing independently of Rome and not in subjection
to it. At length Sigerich, brother of the Visigoth prince Sarus,
murdered by Ataulf, succeeded in getting possession of the throne.
Sigerich at once had the children of Ataulf's first marriage slaughtered,
and Placidia suffered the most shameful treatment from him. However,
after reigning for one week only he was murdered ; certainly by the
instigation of Wallia, who now became head of the Goths (autumn
415).
Wallia, although no less an enemy to Rome than his predecessor,
at once granted the imperial princess a more humane treatment, and
first tried to develop further the dominion already founded in Spain.
But as the imperial fleet again cut off all supplies, and famine broke
out, he determined to take possession of the Roman granary in Africa.
But the undertaking miscarried because of the foundering in the Straits
of Gibraltar of a detachment sent on in advance, which was looked upon
as a bad omen (416). The king, obliged by necessity, concluded a treaty
with Constantius in consequence of which the Goths pledged themselves,
in return for a supply of 600,000 measures of grain from the Emperor, to
deliver up Placidia, to free Spain from the Vandals, Alans and Sueves
and to give hostages. After fierce protracted fighting the Gothic army
overcame first the Silingian Vandals and then the Alans (416–418).
But when Wallia also wanted to advance against the Asdingian Vandals
and the Sueves in Galicia he was suddenly called back by Constantius,
who did not wish the Goths to become too powerful, and land for his
people to settle upon was assigned to him in the province of Aquitanica
Secunda and in some adjoining districts by the terms of a treaty of
alliance (end of 418). Shortly after Wallia died, and was succeeded on
the Visigoth throne by Theodoric I, chosen by the people.
Historical tradition is silent over the first years of Theodoric's
reign ; they were taken up with the difficulties of devising and exe-
cuting the partition of the land with the settled Roman population.
>


## p. 279 (#309) ############################################

421-451]
Theodoric and Aëtius
279
The Goths kept their national constitution and were pledged to
give military assistance to the Empire. Their king was under the
supreme command of the Emperor ; he only possessed a real power over
his own people, while he had no legal authority over the Roman pro-
vincials. Such an indeterminate situation, after the endeavours so
long directed towards the attainment of political independence, could
not last long.
In 421 or 422 Theodoric fulfilled his agreement by sending a con-
tingent to the Roman army which was marching against the Vandals ; but
in the decisive battle these troops fell upon the Romans from behind and
so helped the Vandals to a brilliant victory. In spite of this base breach
of faith the Goths came off unpunished, and even dared to advance
southwards to the Mediterranean coast. In the year 425 a Gothic
corps was before the important fortress of Arles, the coveted key of the
Rhone valley; but it was forced to retreat by the rapid approach of an
army under Aëtius. After further fighting, about which unfortunately
nothing detailed is known to us, peace was made and the Goths were
granted full sovereignty over the provinces which had originally been
assigned to them for occupation only-Aquitanica Secunda and the
north-west corner of Narbonensis Prima—while they restored all their
conquests (c. 426).
This peace continued for a considerable period and was only inter-
rupted by the unsuccessful attempt of the Goths to surprise Arles (430).
But when in 435 fresh disturbances broke out in Gaul, Theodoric took
up once more his plans for the conquest of the whole of Narbonensian
Gaul. In 436 he appeared with a strong force before the town of
Narbonne, which however after a long siege was relieved by Roman
troops (437). The Goths went on fighting, but without success, and
were at last driven back as far as Toulouse. But in the decisive battle
which was fought before the walls of this town (439) the Romans suffered
a severe defeat, and only the heavy loss of life which the Goths them-
selves sustained could decide the king to agree to the provisional
restoration of the status quo.
Theodoric was certainly not disposed to be satisfied with the narrow
territory surrendered to him. Therefore (c. 442) we find him again on
the side of Rome's enemies. First he entered into close relations with
Gaiseric, the dreaded king of the Vandals; but this coalition, which
would have been so dangerous for the Roman Empire, was broken up by
the ingenious diplomacy of Aëtius. He next tried to attach himself to
the powerful and rising kingdom of the Sueves by giving King Rechiar
one of his daughters in marriage, and by furnishing troops to assist
his advance into Spain (449). It was only when danger threatened
the whole of the civilised West by the rise of the power of the Huns
under Attila, that the Goths again allied themselves with the Romans.
In the beginning of the year 451 Attila's mighty army, estimated at
CH. X.


## p. 280 (#310) ############################################

280
Invasion of Attila
[ 451
а
a
half a million, set out from Hungary, crossed the Rhine at Easter-time
and invaded Belgica. It was only now that Aëtius, who had been
deceived by the false representations of the king of the Huns, thought
of offering resistance; but the standing army at his command was
absolutely insufficient to hold the field against such a formidable opponent.
He found himself, therefore, obliged to beg for help from the king of
the Visigoths, who although he had at first intended to keep himself
neutral and await the development of events in his territory, thought,
after long hesitation, that it would be to his own interest to obey the
call. Theodoric joined the Romans with a fine army which he himself
led, accompanied by his sons Thorismud and Theodoric. Attila had
in the meantime advanced as far as Orleans, which Sangiban, the king
of the Alans who were settled there, promised to betray to him. The
proposed treachery, however, was frustrated, for the allies were already
on the spot before the arrival of the Huns, and had encamped in strength
before the city. Attila thought he could not venture an attack on the
strong fortifications with his troops, which principally consisted of
cavalry, so he retreated to Troyes and took up a position five miles
before that town on an extensive plain near the place called Mauriacus,
there to await a decisive battle with the Gotho-Roman army which was
following him. Attila occupied the centre of the Hun array with the
picked troops of his people, while both the wings were composed of
troops from the subjected German tribes. His opponents were so
arranged that Theodoric with the bulk of the Visigoths occupied the
right wing, Aëtius with the Romans and a part of the Goths under
Thorismud formed the left wing of the army, while the untrustworthy
Alans stood in the centre. Attila first tried to get possession of a height
commanding the battlefield, but Aëtius and Thorismud were beforehand
and successfully repulsed all the attacks of the Huns on their position.
The king of the Huns now hurled himself with great force on the
Visigothic main body commanded by Theodoric. After a long struggle
the Goths succeeded in driving the Huns back to their camp; great
losses occurred on both sides; the aged king of the Goths was among the
slain, as was also a kinsman of Attila's.
The battle however remained drawn, for both sides kept the field. The
moral effect, which told for the Romans and their allies, was, however,
very important, inasmuch as the belief that the powerful king of the
Huns was invincible had suffered a severe shock. At first it was decided
to shut up the Huns in their barricade of wagons and starve them
out. But when the body of Theodoric, who had been supposed up till
then to be among the survivors, had been found and buried, Thorismud,
who was recognised as king by the army, called upon his people to
revenge and to take the enemy's position by storm. But Aëtius, who
did not wish to let the Goths become too powerful, succeeded in per-
suading Thorismud to relinquish his scheme, advising his return to


## p. 281 (#311) ############################################

451–456]
Theodoric II
281
Toulouse, to prevent any attempt on his brother's part to get possession
of the crown by means of the royal hoard there. Thus were the Goths
deprived of the well-earned fruits of their famous exploit; the Huns
returned home unmolested (451).
Thorismud proved himself anxious to develop the national policy
adopted by his father, and in the same spirit. After he had succeeded,
for the time being, in keeping possession of the throne, he subdued the
Alans who had settled near Orleans and thereby made preparations for
extending the Gothic territory beyond the Loire. Then he tried to
bring Arles under his power, but without having attained his object he
returned once more to his country, where in the meanwhile his brothers
Theodoric (II) and Friedrich had stirred up a rebellion. After several
armed encounters Thorismud was assassinated (453).
Theodoric II succeeded him on the throne. The characteristic mark
of his rule is the close though occasionally interrupted connexion with
Rome. The treaty broken under Theodoric I—which implied the
supremacy of the Empire over the kingdom of Toulouse—was renewed
immediately after his accession to the throne. For the rest, this con-
nexion was never taken seriously by Theodoric but was principally used by
him as a means towards the attainment of that end which his predecessors
had vainly striven for by direct means—the spread of the Visigoth
dominion in Gaul and more especially in Spain. Already, in the year
454, Theodoric found an opportunity for activity in the interest of the
Roman Empire; a Gothic army under Friedrich marched into Spain
and pacified the rebellious Bagaudae ex auctoritate Romana. After
the murder of Valentinian III (March 455) Avitus went as magister
militum to Gaul to win over the most influential powers of the country
for the new Emperor, Petronius Maximus. In consequence of his
personal influence-he had formerly initiated Theodoric into the know-
ledge of Roman literature-he succeeded in bringing the king of the
Goths to recognise Maximus. When, however, soon after this, the news
of the murder of the Emperor arrived (31 May), Theodoric requested
him to take the imperium himself. On 9 July, Avitus, who had
been proclaimed Emperor, accompanied by Gothic troops marched
into Italy where he met with universal recognition. The close relations
between the Empire and the Goths came again into operation against
the Sueves. As the latter repeatedly made plundering expeditions into
Roman territory, Theodoric, with a considerable force to which the
Burgundians also added a contingent, marched over the Pyrenees in the
summer of 456, decisively defeated them and took possession of a large
part of Spain, nominally for the Empire, but actually for himself.
But the state of affairs changed at one stroke when Avitus, in the
autumn of the year 456, abdicated the purple. Theodoric had now no
longer any interest in adhering to the Empire. He had in fact required
the promotion of Avitus because he enjoyed a great reputation in Gaul
CH. X.


## p. 282 (#312) ############################################

282
Theodoric II, Euric
[457–466
and possessed there a strong support among the resident nobility.
Friendship with him could only be of use to the king of the Goths in
respect to the Roman provincials living in Toulouse. But the elevation
of the new Emperor Majorian, on 1 April 457, had occurred in direct
opposition to the wishes of the Gallo-Roman nobility to place one
of themselves upon the imperial throne. Taking advantage of the
consequent discord in Gaul, Theodoric appeared as the open foe of the
imperial power of Rome. He himself marched with an army into the
Gallic province of Narbonne and once more began with the siege of
Arles ; he also sent troops to Spain which, however, only fought with
varying success. But in the winter of 458 the Emperor appeared in
Gaul with considerable forces, quieted the rebellious Burgundians and
obliged the Visigoths to raise the blockade of Arles and again conclude
peace (spring 459).
Although in the year 461 yet another change took place on the
imperial throne, Theodoric thought it more advantageous for the time
being to maintain, at least formally, the imperial alliance. On the other
hand the chief general Aegidius, a faithful follower of Majorian,
supported by a fine army, marched against the new imperial ruler. In
the conflict which then ensued Theodoric found a favourable opportunity
for resuming his policy of expansion in Gaul. At the call of Count
Agrippinus, who was commanding in Narbonne and was hard pressed by
Aegidius, he marched into the Roman territory and quartered upon that
important town Gothic troops under the command of his brother
Friedrich (462). Driven out of southern Gaul, Aegidius turned north-
wards whither a Gothic army led by Friedrich followed him. A great
battle took place near Orleans in which the Goths suffered a severe
defeat, chiefly through the bravery of the Salian Franks, who were
opposed to them and lost their leader in the battle (463). Taking
advantage of the victory, Aegidius now began to press victoriously into
the Visigoth territory, but sudden death prevented him from carrying out
his purposes (464).
Theodoric, freed from his most dangerous enemy, did not delay
making good the losses he had suffered; but he died in the year 466
at the hand of his brother Euric, who was a champion of the anti-
Roman national party and now ascended the throne. Contemporaries
agree in describing the new king as characterised by great energy and
warlike ability.