DAMASCUS AND THE FRANKS IN
ALLIANCE
AGAINST ZANGI
(IBN AL-QALA?
(IBN AL-QALA?
Arab-Historians-of-the-Crusades
Unable to extinguish it, the Franks in and around the tower fled.
The citizens of Tyre came out, raided the tower, and took away vast quantities of arms, equipment and supplies.
A T-cross, as the context makes clear.
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Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 21
The Franks despaired of taking the city and began to withdraw. They burnt down the encampment that they had built and many of the ships drawn up on the shore, from which they had taken masts, rudders and implements to build the towers. In all they had about two hundred vessels of all sizes, of which about thirty were men-of-war. They loaded some with their light baggage and left Tyre on 10 shawwa? l/10 April 1112. The siege had lasted for four and a half months. The Franks went to Acre and from there dispersed to their cities. The people of Tyre emerged from their city to reap the reward of their victory. The Turks who had been sent to help them returned to Damascus, less about twenty men killed in the fighting, and there received their pay1 and their monthly stipends. There is no other case of a Frankish tower being burnt down, as this one was, from top to bottom. This achievement was partly due to the tower's being the same height as the ramparts,2 for if their heights had been different the lower of the two would have been destroyed.
Tyre lost 400 men, and the Franks about 2,000, according to reliable witnesses. The people of Tyre took back the offer they had made to Tughtiki? n to hand over the city to him, but he simply said: 'I did what I did for the love of God and his Muslims, not in hope of money and power. ' This noble deed brought him blessings and gratitude, and he promised that in a similar situation he would be quick to help them. Then, after labouring hard and battling with the Franks until God freed Tyre of its troubles, he returned to Damascus. The citizens of Tyre began to rebuild their walls where the Franks had broken them down, restored the trenches to their former shape and size, and fortified the city. The volunteer infantry dispersed. 1
1
2
The 'there' may refer to Damascus, on their return, or it could mean 'during the war', i. e. at Tyre itself.
Literally 'the two towers', referring to the mobile tower and the section of the city wall that looked down on it. The same word is used here for both, which is sometimes confusing.
After this successful defence, Tughtiki? n helped and protected Tyre on other occasions, but was
1
finally forced to yield to the Crusaders in 1124.
CHAPTER FOUR
The first serious blow to the Franks came not from Baghda? d but from the united action of Ilghazi, the Artuqid ami? r of Mardi? n, and Tughtiki? n, Ata-beg of Damascus. In 1119 Ilghazi made a surprise attack on the Norman Prince Roger of Antioch at Bala? t (or Sarmada? , to the west of Aleppo) and defeated and killed him after a violent battle. Two accounts of it are given here: first that of Kama? l ad-Din, the most faithful and accurate record of the events, and then Ibn al-Qala? nisi's version, in which he comments on the failure of the Muslims to recapture Antioch, left unprotected during the crisis.
THE DEFEAT AND DEATH OF ROGER OF ANTIOCH AT BALA? T
(KAMA? L AD-DIN, 11, 187-90)
Ilghazi and Tughtiki? n went together to Mardi? n and from there sent messages to the Muslim armies and to Turcoman soldiers far and near, to join them in the great army they were mustering. In 513/1119 Ilghazi and more than 40,000 men crossed the Euphrates at the Badaya? and Sanja fords. The troops dispersed over the regions of Tall Bashi? r and Tall Khalid, killing and looting where they could. Messengers arrived from Aleppo begging Ilghazi to hurry there as the Franks were raiding al-Atharib, south of Aleppo, and morale was low. Ilghazi marched through Marj Dabiq, Maslamiyya and Qinnasri? n, and by the end of safar 513/June 1119 his bands of raiders had entered Frankish territory in the region of ar-Ruj and taken the near-by fort of Qastu? n. Sir Roger (Sirja? l), ruler of Antioch, assembled the Frankish and Armenian armies and made straight for the iron bridge (over the Orontes) and went from there to take up his position at Bala? t, between two mountains near the Sarmada? pass, north of al-A? tharib. He encamped there on Friday 9 rabi? ' 1/20 June 1119.
The (Muslim) ami? rs grew tired of the long delay while Ilghazi awaited the arrival of Tughtiki? n so that they could agree on a plan of action. They goaded Ilghazi into an immediate encounter with the enemy. He made all the ami? rs and commanders renew their oath to fight bravely, to stand firm without retreating, and to offer their lives in the Holy War. To this they cheerfully swore. The Muslims, drawn up in echelon formation, left their tents at Qinnasri? n on Friday 16 rabi? ' I/ 27 June, and passed the night close to the Frankish army, which was building a fort to dominate the Tall 'Afri? n and imagined that the Muslims were besieging al-A? tharib or Zardana? . As dawn broke they saw the Muslim standards advancing to surround them completely. The qadi Abu l-Fadl ibn al-Khashsha? b was at their head, mounted on a mare and carrying a lance, and urging the Muslims on to war. One of the soldiers, seeing him, said scornfully: 'So we have left home and come all this way
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 23
to march behind a turban! '1 but the qadi at the head of the troops rode up and down the lines haranguing them and using all his eloquence to incite them to summon every energy and rise to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, until men wept with emotion and admiration. Then Tugha? n Arsla? n ibn Dimla? j2 led the charge, and the army swept down on the enemy tents, spreading chaos and destruction. God gave victory to the Muslims. The Franks who fled to their camp were slaughtered. The Turks fought superbly, charging the enemy from every direction like one man. Arrows flew thick as locusts, and the Franks, with missiles raining down on infantry and cavalry alike, turned and fled. The cavalry was destroyed, the infantry cut to pieces, the followers and servants were all taken prisoner. Roger was killed, but (only) twenty Muslims were lost, among them Sulaima? n ibn Mubarak ibn Shibl, whereas only twenty Franks escaped. A few of the leaders got away, but almost 15,000 men fell in the battle, which took place on Saturday (28 June) at midday. A signal of victory reached Aleppo as the Muslims were assembled for the noon prayer in the Great Mosque. They felt a great groan go up, seeming to come from the west; and yet none of the soldiers from the victorious army reached the city until the hour of the afternoon prayer.
The peasants burned the Frankish dead; in one charred corpse more than forty arrows were found. Ilghazi took over the Frankish camp and his soldiers brought to him the booty they collected, but he took only some arms to be sent to the rulers of Isla? m and left the rest to his troops. When the prisoners were brought before him he noticed one of magnificent physique, who had been captured by a small, thin, ill-armed Muslim. As he passed before the Prince the Turcoman soldiers said to him: 'Aren't you ashamed to have been captured by this little man, with a physique like yours? ' and he replied: 'By God, this man did not capture me; he is not my conqueror. The man who captured me was a great man, greater and stronger than I, and he handed me over to this fellow. He wore a green robe and rode a green horse! '1
(IBN AL-QALA? NISI 200-1)
When the Ata-beg Zahi? r ad-Din (Tughtiki? n) came to Aleppo to collaborate with Najm ad-Din (Ilghazi) in the action that they had agreed to take together in the hope of a result that both desired, he found that large numbers of Turcoman troops had already assembled from everywhere to be with him, like lions seeking their prey, or hawks wheeling above the creatures they are about to tear to pieces. News came that Roger of Antioch, with over 20,000 cavalry and innumerable foot-soldiers, fully armed and equipped, had left the city and encamped near Sarmada? , or Dani? th al-Baqal, between Antioch and Aleppo. When they heard this the Muslims flew toward them like hawks flying to protect their nests, and in less time than it took for their glances to meet the two armies came to blows. The Muslims charged and surrounded the Franks, driving them back with swords and arrows. And God--to whom be the praise! --gave the Muslims victory over the infidel rabble. On Saturday 7 rabi? ' I 513/28 June 1119, in less than an hour, the Franks were all lying dead,
Religious and legal scholars wore the turban; the Christian equivalent would be the friar's or monk's hood.
Ami? r of Arzan, in the Jazira, and a vassal of Ilghazi.
The reference to green, the heavenly colour, makes it clear that he is speaking of the Prophet or of someone sent by him, who intervened to ensure a Muslim victory.
1
2 1
24 Arab Historians of the Crusades
cavalry and infantry with their horses and armour, and none escaped to bear the news. Even Roger, their leader, was found stretched out among the dead. Some who were there said that they had walked over the battlefield, to witness the splendid miracle sent by God, and had seen dead horses bristling like hedgehogs with the arrows sticking out of them. Meanwhile Antioch lay open, with no one to protect it, deserted by its champions, a prize for whoever came first to claim it, waiting for the man who could take it. But because the Ata-beg Zahi? r ad-Din was not there, no one thought to occupy the city. The Turcomans were thrust headlong into action without time to prepare themselves, such being God's decree, while the rest of the troops were wholly occupied with seizing booty, of which there was enough to enrich, delight and satisfy everyone. So 'their dwellings stood desolate and deserted';1 God, Lord of the worlds, be praised!
BALDWIN, HIS DEATH AND HIS CHARACTER (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 233)
In this year (526/1131-32) news came from the Franks of the death of Baldwin, 'the little leader' (ar-ru' ayyis), King of the Franks and Lord of Jerusalem. He died in Acre on Thursday 25 ramada? n/8 August 1132. 1 He was an old man, rich in experience and inured to every trial and hardship of life. Several times he had been imprisoned by the Muslims, in war and in peace, but his famous stratagems and skilful manoeuvring had got him out. At his death he was succeeded by a man who lacked his good sense and gift for kingship; the new King was Fulk, Count of Anjou, who came out by sea from his homeland. Baldwin's death caused trouble and disturbance among the Franks.
1
1
A Qur'anic phrase (Qur'a? n XXVII, 53), here applied to the conquered enemy. The whole passage is written in saj', rhymed prose full of rhetorical tropes used at times of high emotion.
The date given here is a year too late; Baldwin died at Jerusalem on 21 August 1131, which corresponds to 25 ramada? n 525.
CHAPTER FIVE
With the appearance on the scene of Zangi, the Ata-beg of Mosul and Aleppo, (1129-46), the real Muslim counter-offensive began. Ibn al-Athi? r was the faithful servant and historian, and enthusiastic eulogist of the brief Zangid dynasty of Mesopotamia and Syria. According to his religious view of history it was Providence that put into Zangi's hands the kingdom left by Tughtiki? n of Damascus, the first opponent of the Crusades to be worthy of the name, who died in 1128. Zangi's real aim, even when fighting the Crusaders, was Damascus, nominally ruled by Tughtiki? n's incompetent descendants, and controlled in fact by Mu'i? n ad-Din Unur. Faced with the threat of Zangi, none of these hesitated to make an alliance with the Franks. In the following extracts Ibn al-Athi? r presents an exalted image of his hero, and Ibn al-Qala? nisi the opposite view; that of civil patriotism and loyalty to the local dynasty of Tughtiki? n.
ZANGI, MAN OF DESTINY FOR ISLA? M (IBN AL-ATHI? R, X, 458)
If God in his mercy had not granted that the Ata-beg (Zangi) should conquer Syria, the Franks would have overrun it (completely). They had laid siege to this town and that, but Zahi? r ad-Din Tughtiki? n had barely heard the news before he was mustering his men and marching on the Frankish territories. He besieged them and raided them, and in this way forced the Franks to abandon their campaign and return home. Now in this year (522/1128), by God's decree, Tughtiki? n died, and Syria would have been left completely at their mercy, with no one to defend its inhabitants; but that God in His mercy to the Muslims was pleased to raise to power 'Ima? d ad-Din (Zangi), whose deeds in the battle with the Franks we shall, God willing, record here.
ZANGI TAKES THE FORTRESS OF BA'RI? N. THE DEFEAT OF THE FRANKS
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XI, 33-34)
In shawwa? l of this year (531/1137), Zangi left Hims and laid siege to Ba'ri? n,1 a strongly defended fortress near Hama? t, held by the Franks. He surrounded it and began to attack it and try to storm it. The Franks marshalled their cavalry and infantry and set out, kings, counts and barons together, against the Atabeg Zangi to make him lift the siege. But Zangi was unmoved. He stood firm to await them, and when they arrived he faced them in a battle which after some bitter fighting resolved itself into a rout of the Franks, who fled,
The Crusaders 'Mont Ferrand', which stood between Tortosa and Hama? t.
1
26 Arab Historians of the Crusades
closely pursued by the Muslims. The Frankish King2 shut himself up inside the near-by fort of Ba'ri? n, and was besieged there by the Muslims. The Ata-beg cut off all means of communication with the fort, so that not even news of their homelands got inside, so closely were movements controlled by Zangi and so great was the fear of him.
Then priests and monks traversed the Byzantine empire, the countries of the Franks and the neighbouring Christian states raising armies to fight the Muslims and declaring that if Zangi took Ba'ri? n and the Franks inside it he would overrun all their lands in no time, for there would be no one to defend them. They said that the Muslims had but one ambition: to march on Jerusalem. So the Christians flocked to Syria by land and sea. Among them was the Byzantine Emperor. 3 Meanwhile Zangi continued to wage war on the Franks, who held out but were running short of food and other essentials, for the siege had been sprung on them unexpectedly, leaving them no time to make preparations. They had not believed that anyone could put them on the defensive--they had been expecting to take over the whole of Syria themselves. When they ran out of food they ate their horses, and then they were forced to ask for terms. They requested Zangi to guarantee their lives until they reached their own domains. At first he refused to accept their terms, but hearing that the Emperor and the rest of the Franks were approaching Syria he granted the men in the fort their lives and fixed the ransom at 50,000 dinar. They accepted his terms and yielded up the fort to him. When they emerged they learnt that a great concourse was on its way to save them, and reproached themselves for having surrendered, unaware of what was happening outside the fort.
While the siege of Ba'ri? n was going on Zangi had taken Ma'arra and Kafarta? b from the Franks. Like the population of the whole region between there and Aleppo and Hama? t, as well as of Ba'ri? n, the inhabitants of these two towns had been reduced to a state of squalid misery by the constant pillaging and slaughter, for this region had been a theatre of war since the beginning. When Zangi assumed command the people breathed again, the countryside blossomed and soon began to bring in a large revenue. It was an unqualified victory, as anyone who saw it knows.
One of Zangi's finest acts was his treatment of the people of Ma'arra. When the Franks took the town they seized their possessions, and at the reconquest their descendants and survivors presented themselves before Zangi to ask for restitution of their belongings. He asked to see the documents giving proof of ownership, but they replied that the Franks had taken everything, including the title-deeds. He had the land registers in Aleppo examined, and anyone for whom there was an entry for the land tax on a particular holding was given that land. Thus he restored their land to the people of Ma'arra, the finest act of justice and generosity that I ever heard of.
DAMASCUS AND THE FRANKS IN ALLIANCE AGAINST ZANGI
(IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 270-3)
In this year (534/1139-40) news came that the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din (Zangi) had finished repairing the damage to Baalbek and its fort and had begun preparations for a siege of
King Fulk of Jerusalem and his barons. John II Comnenus (1118-43).
2 3
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 27
Damascus. Soon came the news that he had left Baalbek in rabi? ' 1/November 1139 and had encamped in the Biqa? '. 1 From there he sent a message to Jama? l ad-Din2 inviting him to exchange the city for another of his own choice or suggestion. Jama? l ad-Din refused, and so on Wednesday 13 rabi? ' II/6 December Zangi left the Biqa? ' and camped at Darayya, immediately outside Damascus. On his arrival at Darayya the advance parties of the two sides came to blows. Jama? l ad-Din's men were defeated, and some took refuge inside the city. On Friday 28th Zangi advanced in force on the side of the city where the Musalla3 was, and won a victory against a great host composed of the citizen militia and peasants. There was wholesale slaughter. Survivors were killed or imprisoned. Those who could, whether or not they were wounded, escaped to the city. That day, but for God's grace, the city would have fallen. Zangi took his prisoners back to camp, and for the next few days undertook no operations. He sent out messengers and exerted himself to obtain peace by courtesy and diplomacy, offering the ami? r of Damascus, Baalbek and Hims and other towns that he suggested. Jama? l ad-Din Muhammad ibn Taj al-Mulu? k would have preferred to accept these terms and to come to a peaceful agreement without bloodshed, in a way that would bring peace and prosperity to the people. But his advisers rejected this view. For several days Zangi sent out his troops in raiding parties, without deploying his full force or completing the blockade, in order to avoid violence and to act like a man restrained by peaceful intentions and a reluctance to indulge in bloodshed and pillage. In jumada 1 Jama? l ad-Din showed the first signs of an illness that was finally to gain complete mastery of him, its grip tightening and loosening, its tide ebbing and flowing until he was absolutely at its mercy. Medicine and magic art had no effect on him, and in the end his destiny fulfilled itself, and on the night of Friday 8 sha'ba? n/29 March 1140, at the very hour of his brother and forerunner Shiha? b ad-Din Mahmu? d's assassination, he passed to his Creator. The people were overcome by this coincidence of day and hour, and gave praise and glory to God. He was given a place in his grandmother's sepulchre at al-Faradi? s. 1 After his burial the commanders and notables decided to fill the gap left by his death by putting in his place his son, the ami? r Adab ad-Daula Abu Sa'i? d Abaq Ibn Jama? l ad-Din Muhammad. They swore solemn oaths of loyalty and obedience, faithful service and counsel. Thus the matter was settled. The city had an effective government, all discord ceased, and confusion was replaced by calm, so that after a time of unrest men's spirits were once more tranquil.
When the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din learnt of Jama? l ad-Din's death he brought his troops up close to the city, in the hope that on their leader's death disunity among the military commanders would give him the opportunity to realize some of his ambitions. But things did not go as he had anticipated: he found the civil and military authorities of Damascus firm in their decision to fight it out and to continue their resistance and opposition to him. He returned to camp discouraged and furious. At this point the Franks agreed to give Damascus support and help in driving Zangi back and prevent his getting what he wanted. The agreement was sealed with a solemn oath, and each side gave guarantees that it would
1 The ancient Coelesyria, between Lebanon and Antilebanon.
2 The nephew and fourth successor of Tughtiki? n to the amirate of Damascus. 3The place of (public) prayer.
1 Bab al-Faradi? s, one of the gates of Damascus.
28 Arab Historians of the Crusades
honour its obligations. The Franks asked for a certain sum of money for them to use on any operations that they undertook, and also for hostages, for their own peace of mind. This was agreed, and money and hostages--relatives of the army commanders--were handed over. Then the Franks began their preparations for assisting Damascus, and messages passed between them in which it was agreed that the Franks should concentrate their resources on the other forts and towns in the area, to drive off Zangi and prevent his achieving his ambition of taking Damascus, before he became so powerful and well-equipped that he could break through the Frankish lines and attack their own territories.
When Zangi heard what was afoot, and that the Frankish troops were assembling ready to move at the same time as the army from Damascus, he left his camp, and on Sunday 5 ramada? n moved off toward Haura? n to confront the Franks if that was what they wanted, or to follow them if they moved off. After using these tactics for a while he turned aside at the Ghuta1 of Damascus and camped at 'Adhra? ' on Wednesday 24 shawwa? l/12 June. He burnt some villages in the Marj and the Ghuta as far as Harasta? at-Tin, and on the following Saturday left for the north on the receipt of definite information that the Franks were encamped in force at al-Mada? n. One of the conditions of the Franco-Damascene agreement was that the Muslims should hand over Baniya? s, which was held by Ibrahi? m ibn Turghu? t. This man, you will understand, had taken his men on a raiding mission in the region of Tyre and there crossed the path. of Raymond of Antioch,2 who was on his way to reinforce the Franks at Damascus. In the battle Ibrahi? m was defeated and killed, together with a few of his men. The rest returned to Baniya? s and mustered reinforcements from the tribes of the Wadi t-Taim and elsewhere in sufficient numbers to defend the fortress. Then the ami? r Mu'i? n ad-Din1 attacked and besieged the fort with the army from Damascus, using catapults and various other methods. He had a large Frankish contingent with him, and the siege continued throughout shawwa? l (May-June 1140). Then came the news that in shawwa? l the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din, from his camp at Baalbek, had summoned the Turcomans to attack Baniya? s and drive off the besiegers. This was the situation at the end of dhu l-hijja of that year. . . . Baniya? s was beleaguered until all its stores were gone and there was no food for the defenders, then it surrendered to Mu'i? n ad-Din. The governor was recompensed with other fiefs and benefices, and Mu'i? n ad-Din handed the city over to the Franks as he had agreed, and returned in triumph to Damascus at the end of shawwa? l.
On the morning of Saturday 7 dhu l-hijja/22 June the Atabeg 'Ima? d ad-Din appeared with his army outside Damascus. At the Musalla he had attacked the city wall unnoticed, for the citizens were all deep in the final hours of sleep. As dawn broke they realized what was happening and a great cry of anguish went up as they rushed to their posts on the walls. The gates opened and the citizen cavalry and infantry came out. Zangi had sent his own men out on raiding missions in Haura? n, the Ghuta, the Marj and other places, and confronted the army from Damascus with his guards, to prevent their pursuing their raiding parties. The two sides came to blows and a large number of troops were involved
The Ghuta is the fertile belt of gardens and orchards around Damascus; all the place-names in this passage refer to places in and around Damascus.
Raymond of Poitiers.
1
2
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 29
in the fighting on both sides, but Zangi withdrew his men, for his main concern was to act as cover for the raiders. These rounded up vast numbers of horses and cattle, sheep, lambs, oxen, and household goods, for their action had taken the city completely by surprise. That night Zangi camped at Marj Rahit, so that his men could reassemble with their booty, and then left by the northern route, taking a vast quantity of booty with him.
Mu'i? n ad-Din Unur (the Aynard of the Frankish sources) was an old Turkish general and the real
1
ruler of Damascus during these years, on behalf of the young ami? r Abaq.
CHAPTER SIX
After his setback at Damascus Zangi recovered his position by conquering Edessa (1144) and breaking up the county, the first of the four Christian states born of the First Crusade to disappear. We give versions of the story by Ibn al-Qala? nisi and Ibn al-Athi? r. The latter, as usual, covers the wider field, giving in anecdotal form both the local events and their effect on the whole struggle between Christianity and Isla? m. Barely two years after this triumph his hero was assassinated while fighting other Muslims. He bequeathed his political and military ambitions to his son Nur ad-Din (Norandin), Sultan of Aleppo. Ibn al-Athi? r's eulogy of Zangi, with due allowance made for its emotional bias, reveals traits of character of which we have independent confirmation.
ZANGI TAKES EDESSA (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 279-80)
In this year (539/1144) news came from the north that Zangi had taken Edessa by storm, in spite of its strength and state of readiness to face even a powerful besieging army. Zangi had always coveted Edessa and watched for a chance to achieve his ambition. Edessa was never out of his thoughts or far from his mind. At last he heard that Joscelin (II) Prince of Edessa, with a large part of his army, the flower of his gallant company of knights, had been killed in battle far away from the city. It seemed as if it was God's will. When Zangi heard the news he hastened to besiege and blockade Edessa with a large force. He sent to summon the aid of the Turcomans, in fulfilment of their obligations in the Holy War. Large numbers answered his appeal and they completely surrounded the city, intercepting all supplies and reinforcements. It was said that even the birds dared not fly near, so absolute was the desolation made by the besiegers' weapons and so unwinking their vigilance. Catapults drawn up against the walls battered at them ceaselessly, and nothing interrupted the remorseless struggle. Special detachments of sappers from Khurasa? n and Aleppo began work at several suitable places, digging into the bowels of the earth until their tunnels, propped up with beams and special equipment, reached under the towers of the city wall. The next step was to light the fires, and they applied to Zangi for permission. This was given after he had been into the tunnels to inspect them and had admired their imposing work. The wooden supports were fired, flames spread and devoured the beams, the walls above the tunnels crumbled, and the Muslims took the city by storm. Many men of both sides were killed when the walls collapsed, and many more Franks and Armenians were killed, wounded or put to flight. The city was taken at dawn on Saturday 26 jumada II/23 December 1144. Then the looting and the killing began, the capturing and pillaging. The hands of the victors were filled with money and treasure, horses and booty enough to gladden the heart and make the soul rejoice. Then Zangi ordered that the carnage should
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 31
come to an end, and began to rebuild the walls where they had been damaged. He appointed suitable men to govern and defend the city and to look after its interests. He reassured the inhabitants with promises of good government and universal justice. Then he left Edessa for Saru? j, to which the Franks had fled, and took it. Indeed every region and town through which he passed was immediately handed over to him.
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XI, 64-6)
On 61 jumada II of that year the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din Zangi ibn Aq Sunqu? r seized from the Franks the city of Edessa and other forts in the Jazira. 1 The Franks had penetrated far into this area, as far as Amid and Nusaibi? n, Ras al-'Ain and ar-Raqqa. Their influence extended from near Mardi? n to the Euphrates, and covered Edessa, Saru? j, al-Bira, Sinn ibn 'Utai? r, Jamli? n, al-Mu'azzar, Quradi and other cities as well. All these and other regions west of the Euphrates belonged to Joscelin, the most famous of the Franks and the leader of their army by virtue of his valour and command of strategy. Zangi knew that if he made a direct attack on Edessa the Franks would concentrate there to defend it, and it was too well fortified to be an easy conquest. He moved to Diya? r Bakr, to give the Franks the impression that his interests lay elsewhere and that he was in no position to attack their kingdom. When the Franks felt sure that he could not extract himself from the war he was fighting with the Artuqids and other princes at Diya? r Bakr, and so felt safe from him, Joscelin left Edessa and crossed the Euphrates to move westwards. As soon as Zangi's spies informed him of this, he issued orders to his army to set out the next day for Edessa. His ami? rs were summoned to his presence, and he ordered food to be served. 'No one', he said, 'shall eat with me at this table unless he is prepared to hurl his lance with me tomorrow at the gates of Edessa. ' The only ones who dared to come forward were a solitary ami? r and a youth of humble birth whose bravery and prowess were known to all, for he had no equal in battle. The ami? r said to him; 'What are you doing here? ' but the Ata-beg intervened: 'Leave him, for his, I can see, is not a face that will be lagging behind me in battle. '
The army set out and reached the walls of Edessa. Zangi was the first to charge the Franks, but the young man was at his side. A Frankish knight lunged at Zangi from the side, but the ami? r faced him and transfixed him with his lance,2 and Zangi was saved.
They besieged the city and attacked it for three weeks. Zangi made several assaults on it, and used sappers to mine the walls. He was straining every nerve in the struggle, for fear that the Franks should marshal their forces and march on him to relieve the" fortress. Then the sappers undermined the wall and it collapsed, and Zangi took the city and besieged the citadel. The citizens and their goods were seized, the young taken captive, the men killed. But when Zangi inspected the city he liked it and realized that it would not be sound policy to reduce such a place to ruins. He therefore gave the order that his men should return every man, woman and child to his home together with the goods and chattels looted from them. This was done in all but a very few cases, in which the captor had already left the camp. The city was restored to its former state, and Zangi installed a garrison to defend it. Then he
A '2' must have fallen out here; the real date is that given by Ibn al-Qala? nisi. Northern Mesopotamia.
Could also mean 'fell, struck by him'.
1 1 2
32 Arab Historians of the Crusades
received the surrender of Saru? j and other cities west of the Euphrates. The only exception was al-Bira, a strongly defended fort on the bank of the Euphrates. 1 So he marched on it and besieged it, but it was well stocked and well guarded, and so after some time, as by God's will we shall describe, he lifted the siege.
It is said that a great authority on genealogies and biographies tells the following story: the King of Sicily sent a naval expedition that ravaged Tripoli in North Africa. Now there was in Sicily a learned, God-fearing Muslim whom the King held in great respect, relying on his advice rather than that of his own priests and monks; so much so that the people used to say that the King was really a Muslim. One day, as the King was standing at a window overlooking the sea, he saw a small boat come into the harbour.
A T-cross, as the context makes clear.
1
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 21
The Franks despaired of taking the city and began to withdraw. They burnt down the encampment that they had built and many of the ships drawn up on the shore, from which they had taken masts, rudders and implements to build the towers. In all they had about two hundred vessels of all sizes, of which about thirty were men-of-war. They loaded some with their light baggage and left Tyre on 10 shawwa? l/10 April 1112. The siege had lasted for four and a half months. The Franks went to Acre and from there dispersed to their cities. The people of Tyre emerged from their city to reap the reward of their victory. The Turks who had been sent to help them returned to Damascus, less about twenty men killed in the fighting, and there received their pay1 and their monthly stipends. There is no other case of a Frankish tower being burnt down, as this one was, from top to bottom. This achievement was partly due to the tower's being the same height as the ramparts,2 for if their heights had been different the lower of the two would have been destroyed.
Tyre lost 400 men, and the Franks about 2,000, according to reliable witnesses. The people of Tyre took back the offer they had made to Tughtiki? n to hand over the city to him, but he simply said: 'I did what I did for the love of God and his Muslims, not in hope of money and power. ' This noble deed brought him blessings and gratitude, and he promised that in a similar situation he would be quick to help them. Then, after labouring hard and battling with the Franks until God freed Tyre of its troubles, he returned to Damascus. The citizens of Tyre began to rebuild their walls where the Franks had broken them down, restored the trenches to their former shape and size, and fortified the city. The volunteer infantry dispersed. 1
1
2
The 'there' may refer to Damascus, on their return, or it could mean 'during the war', i. e. at Tyre itself.
Literally 'the two towers', referring to the mobile tower and the section of the city wall that looked down on it. The same word is used here for both, which is sometimes confusing.
After this successful defence, Tughtiki? n helped and protected Tyre on other occasions, but was
1
finally forced to yield to the Crusaders in 1124.
CHAPTER FOUR
The first serious blow to the Franks came not from Baghda? d but from the united action of Ilghazi, the Artuqid ami? r of Mardi? n, and Tughtiki? n, Ata-beg of Damascus. In 1119 Ilghazi made a surprise attack on the Norman Prince Roger of Antioch at Bala? t (or Sarmada? , to the west of Aleppo) and defeated and killed him after a violent battle. Two accounts of it are given here: first that of Kama? l ad-Din, the most faithful and accurate record of the events, and then Ibn al-Qala? nisi's version, in which he comments on the failure of the Muslims to recapture Antioch, left unprotected during the crisis.
THE DEFEAT AND DEATH OF ROGER OF ANTIOCH AT BALA? T
(KAMA? L AD-DIN, 11, 187-90)
Ilghazi and Tughtiki? n went together to Mardi? n and from there sent messages to the Muslim armies and to Turcoman soldiers far and near, to join them in the great army they were mustering. In 513/1119 Ilghazi and more than 40,000 men crossed the Euphrates at the Badaya? and Sanja fords. The troops dispersed over the regions of Tall Bashi? r and Tall Khalid, killing and looting where they could. Messengers arrived from Aleppo begging Ilghazi to hurry there as the Franks were raiding al-Atharib, south of Aleppo, and morale was low. Ilghazi marched through Marj Dabiq, Maslamiyya and Qinnasri? n, and by the end of safar 513/June 1119 his bands of raiders had entered Frankish territory in the region of ar-Ruj and taken the near-by fort of Qastu? n. Sir Roger (Sirja? l), ruler of Antioch, assembled the Frankish and Armenian armies and made straight for the iron bridge (over the Orontes) and went from there to take up his position at Bala? t, between two mountains near the Sarmada? pass, north of al-A? tharib. He encamped there on Friday 9 rabi? ' 1/20 June 1119.
The (Muslim) ami? rs grew tired of the long delay while Ilghazi awaited the arrival of Tughtiki? n so that they could agree on a plan of action. They goaded Ilghazi into an immediate encounter with the enemy. He made all the ami? rs and commanders renew their oath to fight bravely, to stand firm without retreating, and to offer their lives in the Holy War. To this they cheerfully swore. The Muslims, drawn up in echelon formation, left their tents at Qinnasri? n on Friday 16 rabi? ' I/ 27 June, and passed the night close to the Frankish army, which was building a fort to dominate the Tall 'Afri? n and imagined that the Muslims were besieging al-A? tharib or Zardana? . As dawn broke they saw the Muslim standards advancing to surround them completely. The qadi Abu l-Fadl ibn al-Khashsha? b was at their head, mounted on a mare and carrying a lance, and urging the Muslims on to war. One of the soldiers, seeing him, said scornfully: 'So we have left home and come all this way
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 23
to march behind a turban! '1 but the qadi at the head of the troops rode up and down the lines haranguing them and using all his eloquence to incite them to summon every energy and rise to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, until men wept with emotion and admiration. Then Tugha? n Arsla? n ibn Dimla? j2 led the charge, and the army swept down on the enemy tents, spreading chaos and destruction. God gave victory to the Muslims. The Franks who fled to their camp were slaughtered. The Turks fought superbly, charging the enemy from every direction like one man. Arrows flew thick as locusts, and the Franks, with missiles raining down on infantry and cavalry alike, turned and fled. The cavalry was destroyed, the infantry cut to pieces, the followers and servants were all taken prisoner. Roger was killed, but (only) twenty Muslims were lost, among them Sulaima? n ibn Mubarak ibn Shibl, whereas only twenty Franks escaped. A few of the leaders got away, but almost 15,000 men fell in the battle, which took place on Saturday (28 June) at midday. A signal of victory reached Aleppo as the Muslims were assembled for the noon prayer in the Great Mosque. They felt a great groan go up, seeming to come from the west; and yet none of the soldiers from the victorious army reached the city until the hour of the afternoon prayer.
The peasants burned the Frankish dead; in one charred corpse more than forty arrows were found. Ilghazi took over the Frankish camp and his soldiers brought to him the booty they collected, but he took only some arms to be sent to the rulers of Isla? m and left the rest to his troops. When the prisoners were brought before him he noticed one of magnificent physique, who had been captured by a small, thin, ill-armed Muslim. As he passed before the Prince the Turcoman soldiers said to him: 'Aren't you ashamed to have been captured by this little man, with a physique like yours? ' and he replied: 'By God, this man did not capture me; he is not my conqueror. The man who captured me was a great man, greater and stronger than I, and he handed me over to this fellow. He wore a green robe and rode a green horse! '1
(IBN AL-QALA? NISI 200-1)
When the Ata-beg Zahi? r ad-Din (Tughtiki? n) came to Aleppo to collaborate with Najm ad-Din (Ilghazi) in the action that they had agreed to take together in the hope of a result that both desired, he found that large numbers of Turcoman troops had already assembled from everywhere to be with him, like lions seeking their prey, or hawks wheeling above the creatures they are about to tear to pieces. News came that Roger of Antioch, with over 20,000 cavalry and innumerable foot-soldiers, fully armed and equipped, had left the city and encamped near Sarmada? , or Dani? th al-Baqal, between Antioch and Aleppo. When they heard this the Muslims flew toward them like hawks flying to protect their nests, and in less time than it took for their glances to meet the two armies came to blows. The Muslims charged and surrounded the Franks, driving them back with swords and arrows. And God--to whom be the praise! --gave the Muslims victory over the infidel rabble. On Saturday 7 rabi? ' I 513/28 June 1119, in less than an hour, the Franks were all lying dead,
Religious and legal scholars wore the turban; the Christian equivalent would be the friar's or monk's hood.
Ami? r of Arzan, in the Jazira, and a vassal of Ilghazi.
The reference to green, the heavenly colour, makes it clear that he is speaking of the Prophet or of someone sent by him, who intervened to ensure a Muslim victory.
1
2 1
24 Arab Historians of the Crusades
cavalry and infantry with their horses and armour, and none escaped to bear the news. Even Roger, their leader, was found stretched out among the dead. Some who were there said that they had walked over the battlefield, to witness the splendid miracle sent by God, and had seen dead horses bristling like hedgehogs with the arrows sticking out of them. Meanwhile Antioch lay open, with no one to protect it, deserted by its champions, a prize for whoever came first to claim it, waiting for the man who could take it. But because the Ata-beg Zahi? r ad-Din was not there, no one thought to occupy the city. The Turcomans were thrust headlong into action without time to prepare themselves, such being God's decree, while the rest of the troops were wholly occupied with seizing booty, of which there was enough to enrich, delight and satisfy everyone. So 'their dwellings stood desolate and deserted';1 God, Lord of the worlds, be praised!
BALDWIN, HIS DEATH AND HIS CHARACTER (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 233)
In this year (526/1131-32) news came from the Franks of the death of Baldwin, 'the little leader' (ar-ru' ayyis), King of the Franks and Lord of Jerusalem. He died in Acre on Thursday 25 ramada? n/8 August 1132. 1 He was an old man, rich in experience and inured to every trial and hardship of life. Several times he had been imprisoned by the Muslims, in war and in peace, but his famous stratagems and skilful manoeuvring had got him out. At his death he was succeeded by a man who lacked his good sense and gift for kingship; the new King was Fulk, Count of Anjou, who came out by sea from his homeland. Baldwin's death caused trouble and disturbance among the Franks.
1
1
A Qur'anic phrase (Qur'a? n XXVII, 53), here applied to the conquered enemy. The whole passage is written in saj', rhymed prose full of rhetorical tropes used at times of high emotion.
The date given here is a year too late; Baldwin died at Jerusalem on 21 August 1131, which corresponds to 25 ramada? n 525.
CHAPTER FIVE
With the appearance on the scene of Zangi, the Ata-beg of Mosul and Aleppo, (1129-46), the real Muslim counter-offensive began. Ibn al-Athi? r was the faithful servant and historian, and enthusiastic eulogist of the brief Zangid dynasty of Mesopotamia and Syria. According to his religious view of history it was Providence that put into Zangi's hands the kingdom left by Tughtiki? n of Damascus, the first opponent of the Crusades to be worthy of the name, who died in 1128. Zangi's real aim, even when fighting the Crusaders, was Damascus, nominally ruled by Tughtiki? n's incompetent descendants, and controlled in fact by Mu'i? n ad-Din Unur. Faced with the threat of Zangi, none of these hesitated to make an alliance with the Franks. In the following extracts Ibn al-Athi? r presents an exalted image of his hero, and Ibn al-Qala? nisi the opposite view; that of civil patriotism and loyalty to the local dynasty of Tughtiki? n.
ZANGI, MAN OF DESTINY FOR ISLA? M (IBN AL-ATHI? R, X, 458)
If God in his mercy had not granted that the Ata-beg (Zangi) should conquer Syria, the Franks would have overrun it (completely). They had laid siege to this town and that, but Zahi? r ad-Din Tughtiki? n had barely heard the news before he was mustering his men and marching on the Frankish territories. He besieged them and raided them, and in this way forced the Franks to abandon their campaign and return home. Now in this year (522/1128), by God's decree, Tughtiki? n died, and Syria would have been left completely at their mercy, with no one to defend its inhabitants; but that God in His mercy to the Muslims was pleased to raise to power 'Ima? d ad-Din (Zangi), whose deeds in the battle with the Franks we shall, God willing, record here.
ZANGI TAKES THE FORTRESS OF BA'RI? N. THE DEFEAT OF THE FRANKS
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XI, 33-34)
In shawwa? l of this year (531/1137), Zangi left Hims and laid siege to Ba'ri? n,1 a strongly defended fortress near Hama? t, held by the Franks. He surrounded it and began to attack it and try to storm it. The Franks marshalled their cavalry and infantry and set out, kings, counts and barons together, against the Atabeg Zangi to make him lift the siege. But Zangi was unmoved. He stood firm to await them, and when they arrived he faced them in a battle which after some bitter fighting resolved itself into a rout of the Franks, who fled,
The Crusaders 'Mont Ferrand', which stood between Tortosa and Hama? t.
1
26 Arab Historians of the Crusades
closely pursued by the Muslims. The Frankish King2 shut himself up inside the near-by fort of Ba'ri? n, and was besieged there by the Muslims. The Ata-beg cut off all means of communication with the fort, so that not even news of their homelands got inside, so closely were movements controlled by Zangi and so great was the fear of him.
Then priests and monks traversed the Byzantine empire, the countries of the Franks and the neighbouring Christian states raising armies to fight the Muslims and declaring that if Zangi took Ba'ri? n and the Franks inside it he would overrun all their lands in no time, for there would be no one to defend them. They said that the Muslims had but one ambition: to march on Jerusalem. So the Christians flocked to Syria by land and sea. Among them was the Byzantine Emperor. 3 Meanwhile Zangi continued to wage war on the Franks, who held out but were running short of food and other essentials, for the siege had been sprung on them unexpectedly, leaving them no time to make preparations. They had not believed that anyone could put them on the defensive--they had been expecting to take over the whole of Syria themselves. When they ran out of food they ate their horses, and then they were forced to ask for terms. They requested Zangi to guarantee their lives until they reached their own domains. At first he refused to accept their terms, but hearing that the Emperor and the rest of the Franks were approaching Syria he granted the men in the fort their lives and fixed the ransom at 50,000 dinar. They accepted his terms and yielded up the fort to him. When they emerged they learnt that a great concourse was on its way to save them, and reproached themselves for having surrendered, unaware of what was happening outside the fort.
While the siege of Ba'ri? n was going on Zangi had taken Ma'arra and Kafarta? b from the Franks. Like the population of the whole region between there and Aleppo and Hama? t, as well as of Ba'ri? n, the inhabitants of these two towns had been reduced to a state of squalid misery by the constant pillaging and slaughter, for this region had been a theatre of war since the beginning. When Zangi assumed command the people breathed again, the countryside blossomed and soon began to bring in a large revenue. It was an unqualified victory, as anyone who saw it knows.
One of Zangi's finest acts was his treatment of the people of Ma'arra. When the Franks took the town they seized their possessions, and at the reconquest their descendants and survivors presented themselves before Zangi to ask for restitution of their belongings. He asked to see the documents giving proof of ownership, but they replied that the Franks had taken everything, including the title-deeds. He had the land registers in Aleppo examined, and anyone for whom there was an entry for the land tax on a particular holding was given that land. Thus he restored their land to the people of Ma'arra, the finest act of justice and generosity that I ever heard of.
DAMASCUS AND THE FRANKS IN ALLIANCE AGAINST ZANGI
(IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 270-3)
In this year (534/1139-40) news came that the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din (Zangi) had finished repairing the damage to Baalbek and its fort and had begun preparations for a siege of
King Fulk of Jerusalem and his barons. John II Comnenus (1118-43).
2 3
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 27
Damascus. Soon came the news that he had left Baalbek in rabi? ' 1/November 1139 and had encamped in the Biqa? '. 1 From there he sent a message to Jama? l ad-Din2 inviting him to exchange the city for another of his own choice or suggestion. Jama? l ad-Din refused, and so on Wednesday 13 rabi? ' II/6 December Zangi left the Biqa? ' and camped at Darayya, immediately outside Damascus. On his arrival at Darayya the advance parties of the two sides came to blows. Jama? l ad-Din's men were defeated, and some took refuge inside the city. On Friday 28th Zangi advanced in force on the side of the city where the Musalla3 was, and won a victory against a great host composed of the citizen militia and peasants. There was wholesale slaughter. Survivors were killed or imprisoned. Those who could, whether or not they were wounded, escaped to the city. That day, but for God's grace, the city would have fallen. Zangi took his prisoners back to camp, and for the next few days undertook no operations. He sent out messengers and exerted himself to obtain peace by courtesy and diplomacy, offering the ami? r of Damascus, Baalbek and Hims and other towns that he suggested. Jama? l ad-Din Muhammad ibn Taj al-Mulu? k would have preferred to accept these terms and to come to a peaceful agreement without bloodshed, in a way that would bring peace and prosperity to the people. But his advisers rejected this view. For several days Zangi sent out his troops in raiding parties, without deploying his full force or completing the blockade, in order to avoid violence and to act like a man restrained by peaceful intentions and a reluctance to indulge in bloodshed and pillage. In jumada 1 Jama? l ad-Din showed the first signs of an illness that was finally to gain complete mastery of him, its grip tightening and loosening, its tide ebbing and flowing until he was absolutely at its mercy. Medicine and magic art had no effect on him, and in the end his destiny fulfilled itself, and on the night of Friday 8 sha'ba? n/29 March 1140, at the very hour of his brother and forerunner Shiha? b ad-Din Mahmu? d's assassination, he passed to his Creator. The people were overcome by this coincidence of day and hour, and gave praise and glory to God. He was given a place in his grandmother's sepulchre at al-Faradi? s. 1 After his burial the commanders and notables decided to fill the gap left by his death by putting in his place his son, the ami? r Adab ad-Daula Abu Sa'i? d Abaq Ibn Jama? l ad-Din Muhammad. They swore solemn oaths of loyalty and obedience, faithful service and counsel. Thus the matter was settled. The city had an effective government, all discord ceased, and confusion was replaced by calm, so that after a time of unrest men's spirits were once more tranquil.
When the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din learnt of Jama? l ad-Din's death he brought his troops up close to the city, in the hope that on their leader's death disunity among the military commanders would give him the opportunity to realize some of his ambitions. But things did not go as he had anticipated: he found the civil and military authorities of Damascus firm in their decision to fight it out and to continue their resistance and opposition to him. He returned to camp discouraged and furious. At this point the Franks agreed to give Damascus support and help in driving Zangi back and prevent his getting what he wanted. The agreement was sealed with a solemn oath, and each side gave guarantees that it would
1 The ancient Coelesyria, between Lebanon and Antilebanon.
2 The nephew and fourth successor of Tughtiki? n to the amirate of Damascus. 3The place of (public) prayer.
1 Bab al-Faradi? s, one of the gates of Damascus.
28 Arab Historians of the Crusades
honour its obligations. The Franks asked for a certain sum of money for them to use on any operations that they undertook, and also for hostages, for their own peace of mind. This was agreed, and money and hostages--relatives of the army commanders--were handed over. Then the Franks began their preparations for assisting Damascus, and messages passed between them in which it was agreed that the Franks should concentrate their resources on the other forts and towns in the area, to drive off Zangi and prevent his achieving his ambition of taking Damascus, before he became so powerful and well-equipped that he could break through the Frankish lines and attack their own territories.
When Zangi heard what was afoot, and that the Frankish troops were assembling ready to move at the same time as the army from Damascus, he left his camp, and on Sunday 5 ramada? n moved off toward Haura? n to confront the Franks if that was what they wanted, or to follow them if they moved off. After using these tactics for a while he turned aside at the Ghuta1 of Damascus and camped at 'Adhra? ' on Wednesday 24 shawwa? l/12 June. He burnt some villages in the Marj and the Ghuta as far as Harasta? at-Tin, and on the following Saturday left for the north on the receipt of definite information that the Franks were encamped in force at al-Mada? n. One of the conditions of the Franco-Damascene agreement was that the Muslims should hand over Baniya? s, which was held by Ibrahi? m ibn Turghu? t. This man, you will understand, had taken his men on a raiding mission in the region of Tyre and there crossed the path. of Raymond of Antioch,2 who was on his way to reinforce the Franks at Damascus. In the battle Ibrahi? m was defeated and killed, together with a few of his men. The rest returned to Baniya? s and mustered reinforcements from the tribes of the Wadi t-Taim and elsewhere in sufficient numbers to defend the fortress. Then the ami? r Mu'i? n ad-Din1 attacked and besieged the fort with the army from Damascus, using catapults and various other methods. He had a large Frankish contingent with him, and the siege continued throughout shawwa? l (May-June 1140). Then came the news that in shawwa? l the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din, from his camp at Baalbek, had summoned the Turcomans to attack Baniya? s and drive off the besiegers. This was the situation at the end of dhu l-hijja of that year. . . . Baniya? s was beleaguered until all its stores were gone and there was no food for the defenders, then it surrendered to Mu'i? n ad-Din. The governor was recompensed with other fiefs and benefices, and Mu'i? n ad-Din handed the city over to the Franks as he had agreed, and returned in triumph to Damascus at the end of shawwa? l.
On the morning of Saturday 7 dhu l-hijja/22 June the Atabeg 'Ima? d ad-Din appeared with his army outside Damascus. At the Musalla he had attacked the city wall unnoticed, for the citizens were all deep in the final hours of sleep. As dawn broke they realized what was happening and a great cry of anguish went up as they rushed to their posts on the walls. The gates opened and the citizen cavalry and infantry came out. Zangi had sent his own men out on raiding missions in Haura? n, the Ghuta, the Marj and other places, and confronted the army from Damascus with his guards, to prevent their pursuing their raiding parties. The two sides came to blows and a large number of troops were involved
The Ghuta is the fertile belt of gardens and orchards around Damascus; all the place-names in this passage refer to places in and around Damascus.
Raymond of Poitiers.
1
2
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 29
in the fighting on both sides, but Zangi withdrew his men, for his main concern was to act as cover for the raiders. These rounded up vast numbers of horses and cattle, sheep, lambs, oxen, and household goods, for their action had taken the city completely by surprise. That night Zangi camped at Marj Rahit, so that his men could reassemble with their booty, and then left by the northern route, taking a vast quantity of booty with him.
Mu'i? n ad-Din Unur (the Aynard of the Frankish sources) was an old Turkish general and the real
1
ruler of Damascus during these years, on behalf of the young ami? r Abaq.
CHAPTER SIX
After his setback at Damascus Zangi recovered his position by conquering Edessa (1144) and breaking up the county, the first of the four Christian states born of the First Crusade to disappear. We give versions of the story by Ibn al-Qala? nisi and Ibn al-Athi? r. The latter, as usual, covers the wider field, giving in anecdotal form both the local events and their effect on the whole struggle between Christianity and Isla? m. Barely two years after this triumph his hero was assassinated while fighting other Muslims. He bequeathed his political and military ambitions to his son Nur ad-Din (Norandin), Sultan of Aleppo. Ibn al-Athi? r's eulogy of Zangi, with due allowance made for its emotional bias, reveals traits of character of which we have independent confirmation.
ZANGI TAKES EDESSA (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 279-80)
In this year (539/1144) news came from the north that Zangi had taken Edessa by storm, in spite of its strength and state of readiness to face even a powerful besieging army. Zangi had always coveted Edessa and watched for a chance to achieve his ambition. Edessa was never out of his thoughts or far from his mind. At last he heard that Joscelin (II) Prince of Edessa, with a large part of his army, the flower of his gallant company of knights, had been killed in battle far away from the city. It seemed as if it was God's will. When Zangi heard the news he hastened to besiege and blockade Edessa with a large force. He sent to summon the aid of the Turcomans, in fulfilment of their obligations in the Holy War. Large numbers answered his appeal and they completely surrounded the city, intercepting all supplies and reinforcements. It was said that even the birds dared not fly near, so absolute was the desolation made by the besiegers' weapons and so unwinking their vigilance. Catapults drawn up against the walls battered at them ceaselessly, and nothing interrupted the remorseless struggle. Special detachments of sappers from Khurasa? n and Aleppo began work at several suitable places, digging into the bowels of the earth until their tunnels, propped up with beams and special equipment, reached under the towers of the city wall. The next step was to light the fires, and they applied to Zangi for permission. This was given after he had been into the tunnels to inspect them and had admired their imposing work. The wooden supports were fired, flames spread and devoured the beams, the walls above the tunnels crumbled, and the Muslims took the city by storm. Many men of both sides were killed when the walls collapsed, and many more Franks and Armenians were killed, wounded or put to flight. The city was taken at dawn on Saturday 26 jumada II/23 December 1144. Then the looting and the killing began, the capturing and pillaging. The hands of the victors were filled with money and treasure, horses and booty enough to gladden the heart and make the soul rejoice. Then Zangi ordered that the carnage should
Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 31
come to an end, and began to rebuild the walls where they had been damaged. He appointed suitable men to govern and defend the city and to look after its interests. He reassured the inhabitants with promises of good government and universal justice. Then he left Edessa for Saru? j, to which the Franks had fled, and took it. Indeed every region and town through which he passed was immediately handed over to him.
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XI, 64-6)
On 61 jumada II of that year the Ata-beg 'Ima? d ad-Din Zangi ibn Aq Sunqu? r seized from the Franks the city of Edessa and other forts in the Jazira. 1 The Franks had penetrated far into this area, as far as Amid and Nusaibi? n, Ras al-'Ain and ar-Raqqa. Their influence extended from near Mardi? n to the Euphrates, and covered Edessa, Saru? j, al-Bira, Sinn ibn 'Utai? r, Jamli? n, al-Mu'azzar, Quradi and other cities as well. All these and other regions west of the Euphrates belonged to Joscelin, the most famous of the Franks and the leader of their army by virtue of his valour and command of strategy. Zangi knew that if he made a direct attack on Edessa the Franks would concentrate there to defend it, and it was too well fortified to be an easy conquest. He moved to Diya? r Bakr, to give the Franks the impression that his interests lay elsewhere and that he was in no position to attack their kingdom. When the Franks felt sure that he could not extract himself from the war he was fighting with the Artuqids and other princes at Diya? r Bakr, and so felt safe from him, Joscelin left Edessa and crossed the Euphrates to move westwards. As soon as Zangi's spies informed him of this, he issued orders to his army to set out the next day for Edessa. His ami? rs were summoned to his presence, and he ordered food to be served. 'No one', he said, 'shall eat with me at this table unless he is prepared to hurl his lance with me tomorrow at the gates of Edessa. ' The only ones who dared to come forward were a solitary ami? r and a youth of humble birth whose bravery and prowess were known to all, for he had no equal in battle. The ami? r said to him; 'What are you doing here? ' but the Ata-beg intervened: 'Leave him, for his, I can see, is not a face that will be lagging behind me in battle. '
The army set out and reached the walls of Edessa. Zangi was the first to charge the Franks, but the young man was at his side. A Frankish knight lunged at Zangi from the side, but the ami? r faced him and transfixed him with his lance,2 and Zangi was saved.
They besieged the city and attacked it for three weeks. Zangi made several assaults on it, and used sappers to mine the walls. He was straining every nerve in the struggle, for fear that the Franks should marshal their forces and march on him to relieve the" fortress. Then the sappers undermined the wall and it collapsed, and Zangi took the city and besieged the citadel. The citizens and their goods were seized, the young taken captive, the men killed. But when Zangi inspected the city he liked it and realized that it would not be sound policy to reduce such a place to ruins. He therefore gave the order that his men should return every man, woman and child to his home together with the goods and chattels looted from them. This was done in all but a very few cases, in which the captor had already left the camp. The city was restored to its former state, and Zangi installed a garrison to defend it. Then he
A '2' must have fallen out here; the real date is that given by Ibn al-Qala? nisi. Northern Mesopotamia.
Could also mean 'fell, struck by him'.
1 1 2
32 Arab Historians of the Crusades
received the surrender of Saru? j and other cities west of the Euphrates. The only exception was al-Bira, a strongly defended fort on the bank of the Euphrates. 1 So he marched on it and besieged it, but it was well stocked and well guarded, and so after some time, as by God's will we shall describe, he lifted the siege.
It is said that a great authority on genealogies and biographies tells the following story: the King of Sicily sent a naval expedition that ravaged Tripoli in North Africa. Now there was in Sicily a learned, God-fearing Muslim whom the King held in great respect, relying on his advice rather than that of his own priests and monks; so much so that the people used to say that the King was really a Muslim. One day, as the King was standing at a window overlooking the sea, he saw a small boat come into the harbour.
