She was
unfaithful
to him.
Adorno-T-Authoritarian-Personality-Harper-Bros-1950
Often little attempt is made to disguise the resulting crude form of opportunism.
As in the attitude toward parents, the focus seems to be on "getting things," on utilizing people for obtaining the necessary supplies and the help to overcome obstacles.
The inclination to conceive of the world as a "jungle" seems to reveal a panic lest supply may run short and one may be helpless in view of dangers which are all too readily anticipated.
It is easy to understand that in persons possessed by such fearfulness, the approach to people will tend to be manipulative and exploitive.
Similarly externalized is the relationship to work, as manifested in indif- ference toward its content and in the emphasis on work as a mere means to success and power. To succeed in the struggle of competition by roughness and by "outsmarting" the competitor seems often an important component of the ego-ideal of the prejudiced men (see the next section).
Since unprejudiced individuals are less apt to be anxiety-ridden than are the prejudiced, they are free to search in their friendships for affectionate companionship, enjoyment, and common interests such as intellectuality, social values, appreciation of art. As they did with their parents, they tend to form comparatively internalized and affectionate relations with people in general, focusing more on the specific characteristics of the other person. The greater capacity for such libidinization is closely related to a permissive
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 42I
and trusting attitude toward others. There is a tendency to conceive of the environment as congenial rather than as dangerous. Dependence on people thus tends to become focal and love-seeking rather than diffuse and ego- alien.
Often this search seems to be unrealistic and insatiable. This can be seen in the expression of longings for total acceptance and forgiveness for all one's faults as found in some of the low scorers. Such a high level of aspiration seems often the source of dissatisfactions with, and ambivalence toward, the object of love or of friendship.
Work seems likewise more libidinized in the low scorer than it is in the high scorer. There is often a persistent striving for intellectual achievement or for realization of productive social values. There is often concern with, and depression about, the possibility of failure along those lines rather than with respect to personal success. This is far from saying that the typical low scorer is indifferent toward success. But in him these tendencies are more often in conflict with, and partly inhibited by, a longing to be loved- a longing frequently crippled in the high scorer during early childhood.
At the same time there is more capacity for relaxation, passive enjoyment, and pleasure in general, as apparently due to the less rigid character of the defenses. Such values take the place of the external, conventional standards of the high scorers. ?
The tendency to focus on internal and intrinsic values of the individual must be seen as being directly connected with lack of prejudice. Rather than taking a stereotyped view of people and judging them on the basis of their place in the social hierarchy, low scorers are, in the manner described, more open to immediate experience and to an evaluation of people on the basis of individual and intrinsic merits.
C. A TTITUDE TOW ARD PRESENT SELF
1. DEFINITION OF RA TING CA TEGORIES AND QUANTITATIVE RESULTS
The attitudes prejudiced and unprejuaiced subjects assume toward them- selves seem to be consistent with their attitudes toward family, sex, and people, as discussed in the foregoing pages. Thus the prejudiced tend toward self-glorification, conventionality of ego-ideal, and lack of insight; and at the same time they exhibit self-contempt which is not faced as such and which they try to deny. First, attitudes toward the "present self" will be discussed, followed by the conceptions of our subjects concerning their childhood personalities. The categories dealing with the first of these topics were defined as follows:
?
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
INTERVIEW SCORING MANUAL: A TTITUDE TOW ARD PRESENT SELF
(to Table 3(XI))
34a.
34b.
a.
b.
a. b.
Self-glorification. Positive traits mentioned, negative traits rationalized; has overcome weakness, hand- icaps, victimization, perse- cution; self-estimate and ego-ideal tend to be the same
Ego-alien self-contempt
which is moralistic-au- thoritarian and semi-exter- nalized. (Do not score un- less there are some specific signs of self-rejection be- yond compensatory self- glorification, etc. )
34a.
PREsUMABLY "HIGH" VARIANT
PREsUMABLY " L o w " VARIANT Critical self-appraisal. Self- estimate and ego-ideal sep- arate; occasional morbid self-accusations
35M. Self-estimate traits, Men:
Pseudo-masculinity. De- a. termination, energy, in- dustry, independence, de- cisivenes, will power. No admission of passivity Conventionally moralistic. b. Ideal of honesty, self- control; any violations re- garded as essentially unex- plained "break-through"
Ego-accepted of passtvtty, weakness, etc.
admission
sofmess,
35W. Self-estimate traits, Women:
Pseudo-femininity a.
Conventionallymoralistic. b. Propriety, poise, self-con-
trol, unselfishness
Self as "average" and therefore all right. At- tempted denial or "forget- ting" of deviations, past and present
Ego-accepted admission of nonfemininity Admitted fallibility of control, not merely unex- plained "break-through. " Admission of selfishness, etc.
Self as "different," indi- vidualized, or unconven- tional
"W orld identification,"
equalitarian- brotherhood ideal
Admitted fallibility of control, not merely unex- plained "break-through"
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 423 37M-W. Ego-ideal: Same as self- 37M-W. Ego-ideal: Liberal values.
39?
Property as means to end
estimate traits
Denial of psychological 38. causes: Explanations of
self in terms of heredity, physical factors, acciden-
tal factors, etc. ; or denial in effect of any casualty (e. g. , of symptoms)
Property as extension of 39? self
Achievement, understand- ing, nurturance, affilia- tion; work for humani- tarian values, to improve social relations, to im- prove self, etc.
Quantitative results concerning these categories are shown in Table 3(XI). 2. SELF-GLORIFICA TION VS. OBJECTIVE APPRAISAL
The trend toward self-glorification in the prejudiced becomes evident in their tendency to ascribe to themselves predominantly positive traits and to rationalize whatever negative traits they are unable to deny. They are given to emphasizing that they have successfully overcome weakness, obstacles, and victimization. The opposite alternative, namely objective self-appraisal, is more common in low scorers. The difference between high- and low- scoring subjects, both men and women, is statistically significant at the I per cent level (Category 34a). R~sults already presented have indicated that prejudiced subjects tend to repress what may be unpleasant to face, and thus to narrow the scope of consciousness. One cause of these repressions may lie in the type of discipline to which these subjects were exposed, a discipline which required immediate submission. Apparently in a fearful attempt to please the parents, a "good" fa~ade was presented and anything which did not fit in with this fa~ade, such as, especially, resentment against the parents, was repressed and denied. This process very probably leads to self-deception, which may be of such crudeness that it seems obvious to anyone but the subject himself.
The following example illustrates the. self-deception of a prejudiced man with respect to his will power and independence. He takes pride in certain decisions and actions of self-control which are obviously engineered by the father (see also Chapter II).
Mz3: "I grew up quickly. My father has allowed me to do as I pleased, although he forced some decisions upon me. About smoking, he said I must do it in front of him, if I must. He also provided wines and liquors in the ice chest. I soon tired of smoking and never took much to drinking. I have a stubborn nature, and if he had
Sociopsy chological nations o f self
expla-
? TABLE 3 (XI)
INTERVIEW RATINGS ON ATIITUDE TOWARD PRESENT SELF
FOR 80 SUBJECTS SOORING E:XTREMELY "HIGH" OR "LOW" ON THE ETHNIC PREJUDICE QUESTIONNAIRE SCALE
35? Self-estimates of traits: aM. Pseudo-masculinity(R) vs, ?
admission of passivity(L)
aw. Pseudo-femininity(H) vs, ad-
mission of nonfemininity(L)
b. Conventional moralism( H) vs. admitted fallibility of
of control(L)
36a. Self as "average"(H) vs. self as "different"(L)
MenQ1 2! i273 1 Women 1 2 1 1 ! i 3
Men . ll. 1 213263 1 Women! ! ! 2 3~ ~ 5 1
Men145 214287 1 Women . ! 5 01:. ! . . ! 5
36b. "World identification," equali- tarian-brotherhood ideal(L) Women
37? Ego-ideal:
aM. Pseudo-masculinity(H) vs. Men
achievement(L)
aW. Pseudo-femininity (H) vs.
0
~ 1 4 ! 1 ~ 5 1
achievement(L)
b. Conventional morality(H) vs. Men
humanitarianism(L)
38? Denial of genuine causality (H)vs. socio- Men
Number o f "High"(H) and "Low"ILl rat1n~s received b~
Interview ratin~ cate~ories (abbreviated from Manual)
34a. Self-glorification(H) vs, ob- jective self-appraisal(L)
34bo Ego-alien self-contempt(H) Men
Women :m: 2102
. . ? . ll. ! . .
Sums of instances
Level of statistical
a:> men and 25 women high scorers"
20 men and 15 women
11 low scorers"
"positive" "negative" significance reached
(percentage)
HLHL
Men 12 3 3 15 27 6 1 Womenll4 112 2s 5 1
10 1
10 1
Men 2 04
552
:! :r Women~51! ! . ! ! ! 6 2
14 3 Women 16 5
4 15 29 2 IT 27"
71 71
ll4 114 25 5 1 psychological explanations of self(L) Women ~ 2 0 IT 2s 2 1
39. Property as: extension of Men
self(H) vs. means to end(L) Women 11 7 0 ! ] ~ 7 1
14 2 3 15
29 5 1
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 425
tried to stop me, I probably would have taken it up. . . . I have always tried to live according to His Ten Commandments. . . . (What disagreements have you had with your father? ) There haven't been any to any great extent. I had a mind of my own at a very early age. He has too. We've had arguments but I can't remember any lickings by him. . . . ''
A general satisfaction with one's self is expressed by the following high scorer:
Ms8: "Well, I'm the head operator-shift foreman-rotating schedules . . . (sub- ject emphasizes 'head' position)-small department . . . five in department . . . five in shift . . . I get personal satisfaction that I have five people working for me, who come to me for advice in handling the production that we make, and that the ultimate decision is mine, and in fact that in that ultimate decision, I should be right-and am usually, and the knowledge that I am correct gives me personal satisfaction. "
As previously mentioned, high-scoring subjects; especially men, tend to succumb to the temptation of displaying independence, ability for decisions, and leadership qualities, probably as a defense against a possible "break- through" of their underlying passivity and anxiety. In general, prejudiced subjects, in pointing out how well they overcame handicaps, sickness, and calamities, are prone to emphasize the use of will power. The tendency to cling to the belief that "will power and cheerfulness" can solve all problems seems of special importance.
Examples from the records of high-scoring women follow:
F7z: "Child-nervous because of mastoid operations . . . terrible time getting started in school . . . afraid of kids . . . this in first half of kindergarten . . . by second half I was a leader. Think one of my best assets is my poise-learned from moving around so much. Remember hospital clearly at 3 years old. "
F38, in telling how she conquered infantile paralysis by will power, continues: "I've always had a happy disposition, and I've always been honest with my family. I appreciate what they did for me. I've always tried to find a way so that I wouldn't be a burden to them. I've never wanted to be a cripple. I was always dependable in a pinch. I've always been cheerful and I'm sure I've never made anyone feel bad be- cause of my handicap. Maybe one of the reasons I have been cheerful is because of my handicap. I wore a cast on my leg until I was 4 years old. . . . He (husband) com- pares me with his first wife.
She was unfaithful to him. I'm not like that. She was a drinker. I've never done that. I've never done things behind people's backs. I've always done things in the open. . . . (Habits? ) I didn't have any bad habits as a child, no nightmares. I rarely dream even now, night or day. (Q) My mother was the chief disciplinarian. I always got along well with my brothers and sisters. I was always honest with them and let them know where I stood. I believe that all the relations between my brothers and sisters and myself were better than average. I think I'm the favorite of the whole family. I know I'm the favorite niece of all my aunts and uncles. . . . "
Similar is this passage in the record of a high-scoring man who had been told, after having gone through infantile paralysis, that he would never walk again:
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
M4: "But you see, I can get around, because I made up my mind to. If I made up my mind, I can be in the upper crust too. "
Low-scoring subjects, on the other hand, do not as a rule attempt to hide their feelings of insecurity, their shyness, and their dependence. For example:
M49 says about himself: "Well, I think social contact bothers me most. I could always talk with one person, but where there are several persons, I'll just stand there and not say 'boo. ' I think that might have been due to our not having enough social contacts. "
Or a low-scoring woman, F63: "I work best by myself-have difficulty working with other people. I get along with them all right, but it's a strain on me. I'm rather shy, don't like competition. ''
The fact that low-scoring men tend more often to admit their softness and their dependence on their mother is exemplified by the following quotation:
M so: "I don't mean I am in love with my mother, but I have a dependency com- plex . . . married a woman older than myself . . . and always depend on others . . . leave responsibility to others. . . . It seems on looking back that I have always done that . . . simply transferred my dependency on my mother and my wife and onto the (prison) authorities . . . now and in the future. . . . "
As was pointed out above, the dual phenomenon of surface admiration and underlying contempt revealed by the high scorers in their attitude toward the other sex, can sometimes be found in their attitude toward themselves as well. Statements of self-glorification are then followed by statements of self-contempt not faced as such. Such combinations indicate the profound doubt these subjects have about themselves, a doubt which they seem able to bear only by disclaiming responsibility for their own failures, projectively blaming instead other people, external circumstances, uncontrollable forces within oneself, or heredity. The trend of high scorers toward such an ego- alien self-contempt which is moralistic-authoritarian and semi-externalized (Category 34b) is distinct in both men (10 positive instances as compared with I negative) and women ( I o positive vs. 2 negative instances). The dif- ference between high scorers and low scorers, however, does not reach statistical significance on account of the large number of Neutral classifica- tions in this category.
From ego-alien self-contempt there is a gradual transition to the self- condemnation of the typical low scorer. The latter is often characterized by a sober appraisal of intrinsic personality dynamics whereas the former is often warded off in thinly disguised attempts at self-justification in terms of factors beyond the control of the individual which are sometimes real, more often imaginary.
Examples of the type of self-rejection characteristic of high-scoring men follow. Although there is self-criticism in terms of conventional standards, the blame is being put on such factors outside of personality proper as heredity, other people, or external circumstances:
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 427
M4o: "All the inheritance is all from the male side of the family for some reason or other. Except for my industriousness. That just doesn't exist. (Q) I guess I just got that from the other side of the family . . . just a black horse. . . . The whole trouble with me is I didn't grow up. I thought it was a big game of cops and robbers. I don't think any of . . . were malicious about it. We heard about others getting caught, but couldn't believe we would. "
M57: "I'm kind of ashamed, I'm the only black sheep in the family . . . and I've made more money than all the others put together. Yes, a man of my intelligence let some damn broad put me behind bars. "
In the following examples a weak ego is seen as possessed by alien forces within the personality, such as the "carnal self" or "weak flesh":
M p: "I've often stopped and more or less took an inventory of myself. I have let myself slip, let my carnal self get away from me. . . . "
Ms8: "Well, I'm a bad example-! don't live what I believe, possibly because the flesh is weak-don't have the stamina to stand up and live it-try not to harm some- body else. . . . "
Examples from the records of high-scoring women are:
F7z: "I'm inclined to be nervous; haven't the confidence in myself. . . . I'm the clinging vine type and my sister is. My parents have always felt that I'm the back- ward one-need guidance. They gave me dancing lessons in grade school-knew I needed it. I made all B's in high school. " ?
F77 says about the girl to whom she has a sexual attachment: "She is always the boss; although she's younger, she's mean, hurts my feelings awfully bad. I can't understand why I love a wicked girl so much. "
The foregoing record of an otherwise conventional girl reflects rejection of an ego-alien part of herself, a part she is prone to link with an external temptation (see also Chapter XXII).
F79 is a good example of how derogatory the opinion about oneself can become: "I wanted to finish school after I got out of the SPARS, and I went to _ _ _ _ Junior College although mother and father couldn't afford it. I didn't do m~ch. I just ate and got fat and mother and father hit the ceiling. I was already neurotic, I guess. I didn't go out. I was in a rut and I got fatter. Mother and father made me do calisthenics by force. Then I went to College summer school and was scared of the boys. Then I went to business school. I hated it; it was so boring just to sit and type. I could go to the University of if I lost weight. My brother was going. I couldn't because I was too heavy. I felt out of place working in a jewelry store. I hated it and was awfully uncomfortable. I kept on eating; it was the only thing I could turn to, and mother and father got furious. Mother would get these terrific anger spurts. She would yell and I would yell, and then I would feel disgusted. "
This is the same girl who at another place in her interview reported that she could get a sense of personal worth by reminding herself of her family background. The existing cleavage between pretense and reality is also re- vealed by her finding it a matter "of course" that her mother is "wonder-
? THE AUTHORITARIA~ PERSONALITY
ful" (see the passages, quoted in Chapter X, concerning idealization of
parents and other contexts).
3. MASCULINITY AND FEMININITY
We turn now to the more specific aspects of the self-image of the high- scoring subjects as contrasted with that of the low scorers. In line with previ- ous discussion, especially in Section A of this chapter, one might expect high- scoring men to think of themselves as very masculine, and that this claim would be the more insistent the greater the underlying feelings of weakness. Low-scoring men, on the other hand, having actually more personal and masculine identity-perhaps by virtue of having had less threatening parental figures-can afford to admit failures and doubts along these lines.
In fact, there seems to be, in the high-scoring men, more of what may be called pseudo-masculinity-as defined by boastfulness about such traits as determination, energy, industry, independence, decisiveness, and will power -and less admission of passivity. An ego-accepted admission of passivity, softness, and weakness, on the other hand, is found predominantly in low- scoring men. The difference is significant at the 1 per cent level (Category 35a). Examples of these two different attitudes in the realm of sex have been quoted in Section A of this chapter.
Similar attitudes can be found in the vocational sphere and in the approach to life in general. Thus, one high-scoring man discussed his successful tech- niques of "driving sharp bargains. " "Certain ordinary ways of doing busi- ness," he said, "are too damn slow for me. " Being successful by outsmarting others in the competitive struggle is part of the ego-ideal of the prejudiced man. Low-scoring men, on the other hand, more often refer to their depend- ence, to their liking of cooking and to other tastes usually considered as feminine. They are, furthermore, more often described by the interviewer as "~entle," "mild," "soft-spoken. "
An analogous trend-although statistically not significant-toward what may be called pseudo-femininity is found in evaluating the self-estimates given by high-scoring women. These women tend to think of themselves as feminine and soft; no masculine trends are being admitted ("being a house- wife is definitely my career"). As is not surprising, a rather crude aggression, directed especially against men, seems to go with this attitude, as revealed indirectly in the interviews and directly in the Thematic Apperception Test stories.
Low-scoring women, on the other hand-as was mentioned . in Section A - often profess to have a real conflict over their femininity. They sometimes show envy of men rather directly and often engage in so-called masculine activities. At the same time a certain real fondness for men and the wish to be with them and to participate in their activities is revealed. Extreme exam-
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 429
ples of openly expressed rejection of the feminine? role in low-scoring women are:
F62: "My mother always said that I would make a better boy than a girl. I was always hammering, building, and constructing something. In my adolescence, I was always wearing overalls. Today still when I am in despair, I build things-work it out physically. "
F23: Subject wished very much that she were a boy and elaborated on the prej- udice against women in her profession. She does not like to cook or sew. "If I were a man I could have a wife-that's what I really need, someone to cook and sew and take care of me. " She feels that she is really quite dependent in this respect. There- fore, she will either not marry, or else will continue to work after she is married. Even if she had children she would want to go back to work and get someone else to bring them up after the first year. "I don't think I could bring children up very well anyway. . . . I liked everything the boys did and disliked everything the girls did. I wanted to play baseball with the boys and I did go out and play baseball with them. (What do girls do? ) They sit around and talk about boys-and nothing bores me more. "
4. CONVENTIONALISM AND MORALISM
Likewise in line with some of the findings reported earlier is the tendency of high-scoring men and women to think of themselves as basically highly moral and controlled and to consider any conduct which contradicts this norm as a "break-through" of tendencies which cannot be explained or influenced. The above quotations illustrate the tendency these individuals have to describe themselves as honest and as possessing high ideals and self- control in the sense of a conventional moralism. Low-scoring subjects, on the other hand, more readily admit fallibility of self-control without trying to explain it away as a break-through of something foreign to their basic nature. This difference is significant at the r per cent level for both men and women (Category 35b). In the case of high-scoring women, the more de- tailed definition of the category, as given in the passages of the Scoring Manual accompanying the table, indicates special emphasis on such traits as propriety, poise, self-control, and unselfishness; these are contrasted with
admission of selfishness in low-scoring women. ?
The importance of conventional traits in the self-image of high-scoring subjects may be considered as one of the aspects of their strong desire to belong to the powerful majority. There is reason to believe that a certain lack of personal identity is compensated for by a wish to "belong," and to conceive of oneself as average and therefore all right, with attempted denial or "forgetting" of deviations, may these deviations be past or present (Cate- gory 36a). A great deal of protection and security must be assumed to derive from the feeling of being, in this sense, part of a group. However, as has been mentioned before, this kind of belonging to a group is something quite dif- ferent from genuine identification with other individuals and society. For prejudiced subjects, then, the greater the deviation, the more stress must be
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
43?
laid on denying its existence. This is especially marked in our prison sample, from which the following quotations are taken.
Msz: Subject says he robbed just once and blamed this on drinking. "I still don't consider myself antisocial. . . . "He emphasizes that he doesn't consider himself per- verted. He remarks that a while back he took some glandular treatments and feels that these have made him more masculine.
M57: Subject expresses the superficial desire to understand why he had gotten in so much trouble when his brothers have not, and to straighten out. He sponta- neously denies "that there is anything the matter with me. "
These passages from the interviews of high-scoring deviates illustrate at the same time the tendency of high-scoring subjects in general to see their deviations and lack of control as a break-through in the sense defined in the discussion of the preceding category.
In contrast to this, low-scoring subjects tend to see themselves as different, individualized, or unconventional (Category 36a, continued). This can be seen from records quoted in previous sections. The difference for the entire category is significant for men at the I per cent level; for women there is a trend in the same direction (I I positive vs. 5 negative instances).
Apparently, the greater "personal identity" of the low scorers facilitates establishment of genuine object relationships. In the few cases in which low scorers referred to identification in the present sense of "belonging" it tended to be in terms of mankind in general, that is, as a form of "world identifi- cation" with the stress on an equalitarian brotherhood ideal (Category 36b; for "humanitarianism" see the next subsection).
Similarly externalized is the relationship to work, as manifested in indif- ference toward its content and in the emphasis on work as a mere means to success and power. To succeed in the struggle of competition by roughness and by "outsmarting" the competitor seems often an important component of the ego-ideal of the prejudiced men (see the next section).
Since unprejudiced individuals are less apt to be anxiety-ridden than are the prejudiced, they are free to search in their friendships for affectionate companionship, enjoyment, and common interests such as intellectuality, social values, appreciation of art. As they did with their parents, they tend to form comparatively internalized and affectionate relations with people in general, focusing more on the specific characteristics of the other person. The greater capacity for such libidinization is closely related to a permissive
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 42I
and trusting attitude toward others. There is a tendency to conceive of the environment as congenial rather than as dangerous. Dependence on people thus tends to become focal and love-seeking rather than diffuse and ego- alien.
Often this search seems to be unrealistic and insatiable. This can be seen in the expression of longings for total acceptance and forgiveness for all one's faults as found in some of the low scorers. Such a high level of aspiration seems often the source of dissatisfactions with, and ambivalence toward, the object of love or of friendship.
Work seems likewise more libidinized in the low scorer than it is in the high scorer. There is often a persistent striving for intellectual achievement or for realization of productive social values. There is often concern with, and depression about, the possibility of failure along those lines rather than with respect to personal success. This is far from saying that the typical low scorer is indifferent toward success. But in him these tendencies are more often in conflict with, and partly inhibited by, a longing to be loved- a longing frequently crippled in the high scorer during early childhood.
At the same time there is more capacity for relaxation, passive enjoyment, and pleasure in general, as apparently due to the less rigid character of the defenses. Such values take the place of the external, conventional standards of the high scorers. ?
The tendency to focus on internal and intrinsic values of the individual must be seen as being directly connected with lack of prejudice. Rather than taking a stereotyped view of people and judging them on the basis of their place in the social hierarchy, low scorers are, in the manner described, more open to immediate experience and to an evaluation of people on the basis of individual and intrinsic merits.
C. A TTITUDE TOW ARD PRESENT SELF
1. DEFINITION OF RA TING CA TEGORIES AND QUANTITATIVE RESULTS
The attitudes prejudiced and unprejuaiced subjects assume toward them- selves seem to be consistent with their attitudes toward family, sex, and people, as discussed in the foregoing pages. Thus the prejudiced tend toward self-glorification, conventionality of ego-ideal, and lack of insight; and at the same time they exhibit self-contempt which is not faced as such and which they try to deny. First, attitudes toward the "present self" will be discussed, followed by the conceptions of our subjects concerning their childhood personalities. The categories dealing with the first of these topics were defined as follows:
?
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
INTERVIEW SCORING MANUAL: A TTITUDE TOW ARD PRESENT SELF
(to Table 3(XI))
34a.
34b.
a.
b.
a. b.
Self-glorification. Positive traits mentioned, negative traits rationalized; has overcome weakness, hand- icaps, victimization, perse- cution; self-estimate and ego-ideal tend to be the same
Ego-alien self-contempt
which is moralistic-au- thoritarian and semi-exter- nalized. (Do not score un- less there are some specific signs of self-rejection be- yond compensatory self- glorification, etc. )
34a.
PREsUMABLY "HIGH" VARIANT
PREsUMABLY " L o w " VARIANT Critical self-appraisal. Self- estimate and ego-ideal sep- arate; occasional morbid self-accusations
35M. Self-estimate traits, Men:
Pseudo-masculinity. De- a. termination, energy, in- dustry, independence, de- cisivenes, will power. No admission of passivity Conventionally moralistic. b. Ideal of honesty, self- control; any violations re- garded as essentially unex- plained "break-through"
Ego-accepted of passtvtty, weakness, etc.
admission
sofmess,
35W. Self-estimate traits, Women:
Pseudo-femininity a.
Conventionallymoralistic. b. Propriety, poise, self-con-
trol, unselfishness
Self as "average" and therefore all right. At- tempted denial or "forget- ting" of deviations, past and present
Ego-accepted admission of nonfemininity Admitted fallibility of control, not merely unex- plained "break-through. " Admission of selfishness, etc.
Self as "different," indi- vidualized, or unconven- tional
"W orld identification,"
equalitarian- brotherhood ideal
Admitted fallibility of control, not merely unex- plained "break-through"
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 423 37M-W. Ego-ideal: Same as self- 37M-W. Ego-ideal: Liberal values.
39?
Property as means to end
estimate traits
Denial of psychological 38. causes: Explanations of
self in terms of heredity, physical factors, acciden-
tal factors, etc. ; or denial in effect of any casualty (e. g. , of symptoms)
Property as extension of 39? self
Achievement, understand- ing, nurturance, affilia- tion; work for humani- tarian values, to improve social relations, to im- prove self, etc.
Quantitative results concerning these categories are shown in Table 3(XI). 2. SELF-GLORIFICA TION VS. OBJECTIVE APPRAISAL
The trend toward self-glorification in the prejudiced becomes evident in their tendency to ascribe to themselves predominantly positive traits and to rationalize whatever negative traits they are unable to deny. They are given to emphasizing that they have successfully overcome weakness, obstacles, and victimization. The opposite alternative, namely objective self-appraisal, is more common in low scorers. The difference between high- and low- scoring subjects, both men and women, is statistically significant at the I per cent level (Category 34a). R~sults already presented have indicated that prejudiced subjects tend to repress what may be unpleasant to face, and thus to narrow the scope of consciousness. One cause of these repressions may lie in the type of discipline to which these subjects were exposed, a discipline which required immediate submission. Apparently in a fearful attempt to please the parents, a "good" fa~ade was presented and anything which did not fit in with this fa~ade, such as, especially, resentment against the parents, was repressed and denied. This process very probably leads to self-deception, which may be of such crudeness that it seems obvious to anyone but the subject himself.
The following example illustrates the. self-deception of a prejudiced man with respect to his will power and independence. He takes pride in certain decisions and actions of self-control which are obviously engineered by the father (see also Chapter II).
Mz3: "I grew up quickly. My father has allowed me to do as I pleased, although he forced some decisions upon me. About smoking, he said I must do it in front of him, if I must. He also provided wines and liquors in the ice chest. I soon tired of smoking and never took much to drinking. I have a stubborn nature, and if he had
Sociopsy chological nations o f self
expla-
? TABLE 3 (XI)
INTERVIEW RATINGS ON ATIITUDE TOWARD PRESENT SELF
FOR 80 SUBJECTS SOORING E:XTREMELY "HIGH" OR "LOW" ON THE ETHNIC PREJUDICE QUESTIONNAIRE SCALE
35? Self-estimates of traits: aM. Pseudo-masculinity(R) vs, ?
admission of passivity(L)
aw. Pseudo-femininity(H) vs, ad-
mission of nonfemininity(L)
b. Conventional moralism( H) vs. admitted fallibility of
of control(L)
36a. Self as "average"(H) vs. self as "different"(L)
MenQ1 2! i273 1 Women 1 2 1 1 ! i 3
Men . ll. 1 213263 1 Women! ! ! 2 3~ ~ 5 1
Men145 214287 1 Women . ! 5 01:. ! . . ! 5
36b. "World identification," equali- tarian-brotherhood ideal(L) Women
37? Ego-ideal:
aM. Pseudo-masculinity(H) vs. Men
achievement(L)
aW. Pseudo-femininity (H) vs.
0
~ 1 4 ! 1 ~ 5 1
achievement(L)
b. Conventional morality(H) vs. Men
humanitarianism(L)
38? Denial of genuine causality (H)vs. socio- Men
Number o f "High"(H) and "Low"ILl rat1n~s received b~
Interview ratin~ cate~ories (abbreviated from Manual)
34a. Self-glorification(H) vs, ob- jective self-appraisal(L)
34bo Ego-alien self-contempt(H) Men
Women :m: 2102
. . ? . ll. ! . .
Sums of instances
Level of statistical
a:> men and 25 women high scorers"
20 men and 15 women
11 low scorers"
"positive" "negative" significance reached
(percentage)
HLHL
Men 12 3 3 15 27 6 1 Womenll4 112 2s 5 1
10 1
10 1
Men 2 04
552
:! :r Women~51! ! . ! ! ! 6 2
14 3 Women 16 5
4 15 29 2 IT 27"
71 71
ll4 114 25 5 1 psychological explanations of self(L) Women ~ 2 0 IT 2s 2 1
39. Property as: extension of Men
self(H) vs. means to end(L) Women 11 7 0 ! ] ~ 7 1
14 2 3 15
29 5 1
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 425
tried to stop me, I probably would have taken it up. . . . I have always tried to live according to His Ten Commandments. . . . (What disagreements have you had with your father? ) There haven't been any to any great extent. I had a mind of my own at a very early age. He has too. We've had arguments but I can't remember any lickings by him. . . . ''
A general satisfaction with one's self is expressed by the following high scorer:
Ms8: "Well, I'm the head operator-shift foreman-rotating schedules . . . (sub- ject emphasizes 'head' position)-small department . . . five in department . . . five in shift . . . I get personal satisfaction that I have five people working for me, who come to me for advice in handling the production that we make, and that the ultimate decision is mine, and in fact that in that ultimate decision, I should be right-and am usually, and the knowledge that I am correct gives me personal satisfaction. "
As previously mentioned, high-scoring subjects; especially men, tend to succumb to the temptation of displaying independence, ability for decisions, and leadership qualities, probably as a defense against a possible "break- through" of their underlying passivity and anxiety. In general, prejudiced subjects, in pointing out how well they overcame handicaps, sickness, and calamities, are prone to emphasize the use of will power. The tendency to cling to the belief that "will power and cheerfulness" can solve all problems seems of special importance.
Examples from the records of high-scoring women follow:
F7z: "Child-nervous because of mastoid operations . . . terrible time getting started in school . . . afraid of kids . . . this in first half of kindergarten . . . by second half I was a leader. Think one of my best assets is my poise-learned from moving around so much. Remember hospital clearly at 3 years old. "
F38, in telling how she conquered infantile paralysis by will power, continues: "I've always had a happy disposition, and I've always been honest with my family. I appreciate what they did for me. I've always tried to find a way so that I wouldn't be a burden to them. I've never wanted to be a cripple. I was always dependable in a pinch. I've always been cheerful and I'm sure I've never made anyone feel bad be- cause of my handicap. Maybe one of the reasons I have been cheerful is because of my handicap. I wore a cast on my leg until I was 4 years old. . . . He (husband) com- pares me with his first wife.
She was unfaithful to him. I'm not like that. She was a drinker. I've never done that. I've never done things behind people's backs. I've always done things in the open. . . . (Habits? ) I didn't have any bad habits as a child, no nightmares. I rarely dream even now, night or day. (Q) My mother was the chief disciplinarian. I always got along well with my brothers and sisters. I was always honest with them and let them know where I stood. I believe that all the relations between my brothers and sisters and myself were better than average. I think I'm the favorite of the whole family. I know I'm the favorite niece of all my aunts and uncles. . . . "
Similar is this passage in the record of a high-scoring man who had been told, after having gone through infantile paralysis, that he would never walk again:
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
M4: "But you see, I can get around, because I made up my mind to. If I made up my mind, I can be in the upper crust too. "
Low-scoring subjects, on the other hand, do not as a rule attempt to hide their feelings of insecurity, their shyness, and their dependence. For example:
M49 says about himself: "Well, I think social contact bothers me most. I could always talk with one person, but where there are several persons, I'll just stand there and not say 'boo. ' I think that might have been due to our not having enough social contacts. "
Or a low-scoring woman, F63: "I work best by myself-have difficulty working with other people. I get along with them all right, but it's a strain on me. I'm rather shy, don't like competition. ''
The fact that low-scoring men tend more often to admit their softness and their dependence on their mother is exemplified by the following quotation:
M so: "I don't mean I am in love with my mother, but I have a dependency com- plex . . . married a woman older than myself . . . and always depend on others . . . leave responsibility to others. . . . It seems on looking back that I have always done that . . . simply transferred my dependency on my mother and my wife and onto the (prison) authorities . . . now and in the future. . . . "
As was pointed out above, the dual phenomenon of surface admiration and underlying contempt revealed by the high scorers in their attitude toward the other sex, can sometimes be found in their attitude toward themselves as well. Statements of self-glorification are then followed by statements of self-contempt not faced as such. Such combinations indicate the profound doubt these subjects have about themselves, a doubt which they seem able to bear only by disclaiming responsibility for their own failures, projectively blaming instead other people, external circumstances, uncontrollable forces within oneself, or heredity. The trend of high scorers toward such an ego- alien self-contempt which is moralistic-authoritarian and semi-externalized (Category 34b) is distinct in both men (10 positive instances as compared with I negative) and women ( I o positive vs. 2 negative instances). The dif- ference between high scorers and low scorers, however, does not reach statistical significance on account of the large number of Neutral classifica- tions in this category.
From ego-alien self-contempt there is a gradual transition to the self- condemnation of the typical low scorer. The latter is often characterized by a sober appraisal of intrinsic personality dynamics whereas the former is often warded off in thinly disguised attempts at self-justification in terms of factors beyond the control of the individual which are sometimes real, more often imaginary.
Examples of the type of self-rejection characteristic of high-scoring men follow. Although there is self-criticism in terms of conventional standards, the blame is being put on such factors outside of personality proper as heredity, other people, or external circumstances:
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 427
M4o: "All the inheritance is all from the male side of the family for some reason or other. Except for my industriousness. That just doesn't exist. (Q) I guess I just got that from the other side of the family . . . just a black horse. . . . The whole trouble with me is I didn't grow up. I thought it was a big game of cops and robbers. I don't think any of . . . were malicious about it. We heard about others getting caught, but couldn't believe we would. "
M57: "I'm kind of ashamed, I'm the only black sheep in the family . . . and I've made more money than all the others put together. Yes, a man of my intelligence let some damn broad put me behind bars. "
In the following examples a weak ego is seen as possessed by alien forces within the personality, such as the "carnal self" or "weak flesh":
M p: "I've often stopped and more or less took an inventory of myself. I have let myself slip, let my carnal self get away from me. . . . "
Ms8: "Well, I'm a bad example-! don't live what I believe, possibly because the flesh is weak-don't have the stamina to stand up and live it-try not to harm some- body else. . . . "
Examples from the records of high-scoring women are:
F7z: "I'm inclined to be nervous; haven't the confidence in myself. . . . I'm the clinging vine type and my sister is. My parents have always felt that I'm the back- ward one-need guidance. They gave me dancing lessons in grade school-knew I needed it. I made all B's in high school. " ?
F77 says about the girl to whom she has a sexual attachment: "She is always the boss; although she's younger, she's mean, hurts my feelings awfully bad. I can't understand why I love a wicked girl so much. "
The foregoing record of an otherwise conventional girl reflects rejection of an ego-alien part of herself, a part she is prone to link with an external temptation (see also Chapter XXII).
F79 is a good example of how derogatory the opinion about oneself can become: "I wanted to finish school after I got out of the SPARS, and I went to _ _ _ _ Junior College although mother and father couldn't afford it. I didn't do m~ch. I just ate and got fat and mother and father hit the ceiling. I was already neurotic, I guess. I didn't go out. I was in a rut and I got fatter. Mother and father made me do calisthenics by force. Then I went to College summer school and was scared of the boys. Then I went to business school. I hated it; it was so boring just to sit and type. I could go to the University of if I lost weight. My brother was going. I couldn't because I was too heavy. I felt out of place working in a jewelry store. I hated it and was awfully uncomfortable. I kept on eating; it was the only thing I could turn to, and mother and father got furious. Mother would get these terrific anger spurts. She would yell and I would yell, and then I would feel disgusted. "
This is the same girl who at another place in her interview reported that she could get a sense of personal worth by reminding herself of her family background. The existing cleavage between pretense and reality is also re- vealed by her finding it a matter "of course" that her mother is "wonder-
? THE AUTHORITARIA~ PERSONALITY
ful" (see the passages, quoted in Chapter X, concerning idealization of
parents and other contexts).
3. MASCULINITY AND FEMININITY
We turn now to the more specific aspects of the self-image of the high- scoring subjects as contrasted with that of the low scorers. In line with previ- ous discussion, especially in Section A of this chapter, one might expect high- scoring men to think of themselves as very masculine, and that this claim would be the more insistent the greater the underlying feelings of weakness. Low-scoring men, on the other hand, having actually more personal and masculine identity-perhaps by virtue of having had less threatening parental figures-can afford to admit failures and doubts along these lines.
In fact, there seems to be, in the high-scoring men, more of what may be called pseudo-masculinity-as defined by boastfulness about such traits as determination, energy, industry, independence, decisiveness, and will power -and less admission of passivity. An ego-accepted admission of passivity, softness, and weakness, on the other hand, is found predominantly in low- scoring men. The difference is significant at the 1 per cent level (Category 35a). Examples of these two different attitudes in the realm of sex have been quoted in Section A of this chapter.
Similar attitudes can be found in the vocational sphere and in the approach to life in general. Thus, one high-scoring man discussed his successful tech- niques of "driving sharp bargains. " "Certain ordinary ways of doing busi- ness," he said, "are too damn slow for me. " Being successful by outsmarting others in the competitive struggle is part of the ego-ideal of the prejudiced man. Low-scoring men, on the other hand, more often refer to their depend- ence, to their liking of cooking and to other tastes usually considered as feminine. They are, furthermore, more often described by the interviewer as "~entle," "mild," "soft-spoken. "
An analogous trend-although statistically not significant-toward what may be called pseudo-femininity is found in evaluating the self-estimates given by high-scoring women. These women tend to think of themselves as feminine and soft; no masculine trends are being admitted ("being a house- wife is definitely my career"). As is not surprising, a rather crude aggression, directed especially against men, seems to go with this attitude, as revealed indirectly in the interviews and directly in the Thematic Apperception Test stories.
Low-scoring women, on the other hand-as was mentioned . in Section A - often profess to have a real conflict over their femininity. They sometimes show envy of men rather directly and often engage in so-called masculine activities. At the same time a certain real fondness for men and the wish to be with them and to participate in their activities is revealed. Extreme exam-
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 429
ples of openly expressed rejection of the feminine? role in low-scoring women are:
F62: "My mother always said that I would make a better boy than a girl. I was always hammering, building, and constructing something. In my adolescence, I was always wearing overalls. Today still when I am in despair, I build things-work it out physically. "
F23: Subject wished very much that she were a boy and elaborated on the prej- udice against women in her profession. She does not like to cook or sew. "If I were a man I could have a wife-that's what I really need, someone to cook and sew and take care of me. " She feels that she is really quite dependent in this respect. There- fore, she will either not marry, or else will continue to work after she is married. Even if she had children she would want to go back to work and get someone else to bring them up after the first year. "I don't think I could bring children up very well anyway. . . . I liked everything the boys did and disliked everything the girls did. I wanted to play baseball with the boys and I did go out and play baseball with them. (What do girls do? ) They sit around and talk about boys-and nothing bores me more. "
4. CONVENTIONALISM AND MORALISM
Likewise in line with some of the findings reported earlier is the tendency of high-scoring men and women to think of themselves as basically highly moral and controlled and to consider any conduct which contradicts this norm as a "break-through" of tendencies which cannot be explained or influenced. The above quotations illustrate the tendency these individuals have to describe themselves as honest and as possessing high ideals and self- control in the sense of a conventional moralism. Low-scoring subjects, on the other hand, more readily admit fallibility of self-control without trying to explain it away as a break-through of something foreign to their basic nature. This difference is significant at the r per cent level for both men and women (Category 35b). In the case of high-scoring women, the more de- tailed definition of the category, as given in the passages of the Scoring Manual accompanying the table, indicates special emphasis on such traits as propriety, poise, self-control, and unselfishness; these are contrasted with
admission of selfishness in low-scoring women. ?
The importance of conventional traits in the self-image of high-scoring subjects may be considered as one of the aspects of their strong desire to belong to the powerful majority. There is reason to believe that a certain lack of personal identity is compensated for by a wish to "belong," and to conceive of oneself as average and therefore all right, with attempted denial or "forgetting" of deviations, may these deviations be past or present (Cate- gory 36a). A great deal of protection and security must be assumed to derive from the feeling of being, in this sense, part of a group. However, as has been mentioned before, this kind of belonging to a group is something quite dif- ferent from genuine identification with other individuals and society. For prejudiced subjects, then, the greater the deviation, the more stress must be
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
43?
laid on denying its existence. This is especially marked in our prison sample, from which the following quotations are taken.
Msz: Subject says he robbed just once and blamed this on drinking. "I still don't consider myself antisocial. . . . "He emphasizes that he doesn't consider himself per- verted. He remarks that a while back he took some glandular treatments and feels that these have made him more masculine.
M57: Subject expresses the superficial desire to understand why he had gotten in so much trouble when his brothers have not, and to straighten out. He sponta- neously denies "that there is anything the matter with me. "
These passages from the interviews of high-scoring deviates illustrate at the same time the tendency of high-scoring subjects in general to see their deviations and lack of control as a break-through in the sense defined in the discussion of the preceding category.
In contrast to this, low-scoring subjects tend to see themselves as different, individualized, or unconventional (Category 36a, continued). This can be seen from records quoted in previous sections. The difference for the entire category is significant for men at the I per cent level; for women there is a trend in the same direction (I I positive vs. 5 negative instances).
Apparently, the greater "personal identity" of the low scorers facilitates establishment of genuine object relationships. In the few cases in which low scorers referred to identification in the present sense of "belonging" it tended to be in terms of mankind in general, that is, as a form of "world identifi- cation" with the stress on an equalitarian brotherhood ideal (Category 36b; for "humanitarianism" see the next subsection).
