The
Performance
of Self in Student Writing.
The Public Work of Rhetoric_nodrm
MLA, "Focus.
"
4. Berlin, Rhetoric and Reality, 4.
5. "Times and Iraq. "
6. National Coalition for the Homeless, "Feeding Intolerance," para. 13. 7. Pew Project, "State. "
8. Berlin, Rhetoric.
9. See Trimbur, "Review Essay"; Mathieu, Tactics of Hope.
10. Glenn, Lyday, and Sharer, Rhetorical Education, viii.
11. Cornish and Russwurm, Freedom's Journal, March 16, 1827. 12. Glenn, Lyday, and Sharer, Rhetorical Education, ix.
13. Kushner, "Design," 220-21.
14. Berlin, Rhetoric, 5.
15. Kessler, Dissident Press.
16. Ibid. , 155.
17. Ibid. , 14.
18. Streitmatter, Voices of Revolution, x. 19. Young, Inclusion and Democracy, 7.
20. Masses, October 1913.
21. Crowley and Hawhee, Ancient Rhetorics.
22. See Trimbur, "Review Essay. "
23. Warner, Publics and Counterpublics, 56.
24. Ibid. , 90.
25. For more information, see www. streetnewsservice. com. 26. Warner, Publics and Counterpublics.
27. Adrian, "World We Shall Win. "
28. "Hobo" News, November 1916.
29. Ibid.
30. De Pastino, Citizen Hobo.
31. Ibid. , 17.
32. Ibid. , 4.
33. Ibid.
34. How, "First Letter. "
35. "End of an Idealist. "
36. "Millionaire Hobo. "
37. Ibid.
38. Adrian, "World," 105.
39. "Editor's Statement," "Hobo" News 1, no. 1 (1915): 2.
40. O'Brien, "Light," 5.
264 Diana George and Paula Mathieu
41. Quoted in "Millionaire Hobo. "
42. Adrian, "World," 111.
43. See, for example, "Hard to Get"; Sayer, "Art and Politics," 42-78.
44. See, in particular, London, People of the Abyss; Riis, How the Other Half Lives. 45. How, "First Letter. "
46. London, People of the Abyss, 78.
47. Riis, How the Other Half Lives, 1.
48. Ibid.
49. How, "First Letter. "
50. Kushner, "Design," 221.
51. This is a rhetorical strategy used, for example, by Catholic Worker cofounder Peter Maurin in what he called his "easy essays. " In them, he offered straightforward chal- lenges for change:
Better Or Better Off
The world would be better off, if people tried
to become better.
And people would
become better
if they stopped trying
to be better off.
For when everybody tries to become better off, nobody is better off.
But when everybody tries to become better, everybody is better off. Everybody would be rich
if nobody tried
to be richer.
And nobody would be poor if everybody tried
to be the poorest.
And everybody would be what he ought to be
if everybody tried to be what he wants
the other fellow to be.
52. See Newkirk, Performance of Self. In it, he argues that writing teachers by and large share a tacit aesthetic about what constitutes good writing, which includes writ- ing that takes tentative or exploratory stances and which is not overly emotional or sentimental.
53. See, for example, Bawarshi, Genre; Devitt, "Generalizing about Genre"; Miller, "Genre as Social Action. "
54. Ohmann, "Kinder, Gentler Nation," 230.
The Dissident Press in a Rhetorical Education 265
Works Cited
Adrian, Lynne M. "The World We Shall Win for Labor: Early 20th Century Hobo Self- Publication. " In Print Culture in a Diverse America, edited by James P. Danky and Wayne A. Wiegand, 101-27. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998.
Bawarshi, Anis. Genre and the Invention of the Writer: Reconsidering the Place of Invention in Composition. Logan: Utah State University Press, 2003.
Berlin, James. Rhetoric and Reality: Writing Instruction in American Colleges, 1900-1985. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987.
Cornish, Samuel, and John Russwurm. Freedom's Journal, March 16, 1827.
Crowley, Shanon, and Deborah Hawhee. Ancient Rhetorics for Contemporary Students. 3rd
ed. Boston: Pearson, 2004.
De Pastino, Todd. Citizen Hobo: How a Century of Homelessness Shaped America. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2005.
Devitt, Amy. "Generalizing about Genre: New Conceptions of an Old Concept. " College
Composition and Communication 44 (1993): 573-86.
"End of an Idealist. " Time, August 4, 1930. http://www. time. com/time/magazine/article/
0,9171,740008,00. html (accessed March 22, 2009).
Glenn, Cheryl, Margaret M. Lyday, and Wendy B. Sharer, eds. Rhetorical Education in
America. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2004.
"Hard to Get Jury for 'Masses' Trial," New York Times, April 16, 1918.
How, James. "The First Letter. " "Hobo" News, 1, no. 1, April 1915.
Kessler, Lauren. The Dissident Press: Alternative Journalism in American History. London:
Sage, 1984.
Kushner, Tony. "The Design of Dissent. " In The Design of Dissent, edited by Milton
Glaser and Mirko Ilic , 220-23. Gloucester, Mass. : Rockport, 2005.
London, Jack. People of the Abyss. London: Echo Library, 2007.
Mathieu, Paula. Tactics of Hope: The Public Turn in Composition. Portsmouth, N. H. : Boyn-
ton, Cook, Heinemann, 2005.
Maurin, Peter. "Easy Essays. " Catholic Worker Movement. Catholicworker. org. http://
www. catholicworker. org/roundtable/easyessays. cfm#%3CSTRONG%3ENo%20Re
course%3C/STRONG%3E (accessed March 22, 2009).
Miller, Carolyn. "Genre as Social Action. " Quarterly Journal of Speech 70 (1984): 151-67. "Millionaire Hobo Seeks Cure for Jobless Men. " New York Times, May 14, 1911.
Modern Language Association (MLA). "The Focus of First-Year Composition: Academic
or Public Writing? " Modern Language Association Roundtable sponsored by the
Council of Writing Program Administrators, December 30, 2007.
National Coalition for the Homeless. "Feeding Intolerance: Prohibitions on Sharing Food with People Experiencing Homelessness. " http://www. nationalhomeless. org/
publications/foodsharing/intro. html#4 (accessed January 7, 2008).
Newkirk, Thomas.
The Performance of Self in Student Writing. Portsmouth, N. H. : Heine-
mann, 1997.
O'Brien, Dan. "Light on the Hobo Problem. " "Hobo" News, 5, no. 5, March 1920. Ohmann, Richard. "A Kinder, Gentler Nation: Education and Rhetoric in the Bush Era. "
JAC 10, no. 2 (1990): 215-30.
Pew Project for Excellence in Journalism. "The State of the News Media 2007. "
http://www. stateofthenewsmedia. com/2007/ (accessed January 7, 2008).
266 Diana George and Paula Mathieu
Riis, Jacob. How the Other Half Lives: Studies among the Tenements of New York. 1901. Reprint, New York: Digireads, 2005.
Sayer, John. "Art and Politics, Dissent and Repression: The Masses Magazine versus the Government, 1917-1918. " American Journal of Legal History 32, no. 1 (January 1988): 42-78.
Streitmatter, Rodger. Voices of Revolution: The Dissident Press in America. New York: Colum- bia University Press, 2001.
"The Times and Iraq. " New York Times, May 26, 2004.
Trimbur, John. "Review Essay: Taking the Social Turn: Teaching Writing Post-Process. "
Review of Academic Discourse and Critical Consciousness by Patricia Bizzell, Critical Teaching and the Idea of Literacy by C. H. Knoblauch and Lil Brannon, and Common Ground: Dialogue, Understanding, and the Teaching of Composition by Kurt Spellmeyer. CCC 1 (1994): 108-18.
Warner, Michael. Publics and Counterpublics. New York: Zone Books, 2002.
Young, Iris Marion. Inclusion and Democracy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.
? The Community Literacy Advocacy Project
Civic Revival through Rhetorical Activity in Rural Arkansas
David A. Jolliffe
This essay analyzes an interesting, yet thorny, case in the public work of rhet- oric. It tells the story of an academic office at a public, research university supporting the public, rhetorical work of a small town in eastern Arkansas. All corners of the town are striving to craft a new statement about it. Its citi- zens are making Herculean efforts to reshape the rhetoric that they employ with one another when they talk about civic survival and, ideally, economic turnaround. Its leaders are offering a whole new perspective when they char- acterize the town's current status and its potential to prospective citizens and employers. Confronting what many observers would characterize as the hall- marks of civic decay, Augusta, Arkansas--population 2,390, county seat of Woodruff County, population around 7,900--working in collaboration with the Office of the Brown Chair in English Literacy at the University of Arkansas, is announcing to its citizens, to the state, and to others who care to listen that it is the town that reads and writes together, the town where literacy makes a difference.
The thorny aspect of the case emerges from the new message itself. Sitting at the center of Augusta's rhetorical activity is a hotly contested term, literacy, and the rhetorical campaign to promote more and better reading and writing in the town has developed without much attention to the historical roots of the issues being addressed and the political and social implications of the work. So what should an academic collaborator in this civic campaign do? As I explain below, my path has been to help the movement grow in the direc- tion it wants to grow and then to use the project as a teaching opportunity to help University of Arkansas students and the citizens involved to under- stand the deeper ideological issues involved and eventually, I hope, to act in responsible, productive ways about those issues.
In what follows I describe in some detail the rhetorical/revival campaign that Augusta has undertaken since 2005, document its successes in its first
268 David A. Jolliffe
year, and unpack several problematic issues that the project raises, issues that will eventually need to be addressed as part of an effort to teach an inclusive definition of literacy. To start, however, let me set out three perspectives that build a foundation for explaining how municipalities (and community literacy programs within them) craft rhetorical statements and how those statements can influence social change and, ideally, economic and material progress.
How Do Towns, Cities, and Literacy Programs Make a Rhetorical Statement?
Both ancient and contemporary rhetorical theories provide explanations about how towns and cities craft rhetorical statements about themselves. The clas- sical perspective is thoroughly Aristotelian; one contemporary perspective de- rives from social form theory; another contemporary theory examines the tropes underlying community literacy programs and, by extension, commu- nity-building efforts.
An Aristotelian rhetorician (which I unabashedly characterize myself as)1 would contend that towns and cities make rhetorical statements about them- selves in essentially the same way any text or any graphic--a picture, a car- toon, a chart, a graph, an advertisement, a billboard, and so on--does: by developing an argument that, in Stephen Toulmin's neo-Aristotelian terms, incorporates "data" and makes a claim, with the data and the claim con- nected by warrants: generally unspoken "because" statements, assumptions that the author/creator of the text hopes its readers/listeners/consumers share with him or her. 2 A verbal text manifests organizational patterns, choices of diction and syntax, imagistic and figurative language that fleshes out its cen- tral argument, appealing to the writer's character and credibility and the audi- ences' emotions and life states all the while. A graphic text does the same thing, only incorporating actual images--sights and sounds--as well as imag- istic language.
Cities and towns take advantage of verbal and nonverbal texts in both offi- cial and unofficial documents to make a statement--that is, to offer an argu- ment about what kind of city or town it is, why people live there, why people might visit or move there, and so on. Consider this example of an official document making a rhetorical statement for a city: if one searches for "Little Rock" on the Internet, one quickly finds a link titled "Little Rock City Limit- less. " (Notice, even from the outset, that the title's punning intertextuality with the phrase "city limits" creates a kind of "in" joke between the creator and the viewer, thus strengthening the former's ethos. ) By clicking on the link, one gets to www. littlerock. com, the homepage of the Little Rock Convention and Visitors' Bureau. This homepage is dominated by a beautiful photograph of the Arkansas River as it flows past downtown Little Rock, with the words "River Magic" superimposed on it. The text on the page describes in detail the cultural and recreational activities happening in the near future in Little Rock,
The Community Literacy Advocacy Project 269
and it lists the two dozen or so organizations that are holding conventions in Little Rock over the coming months. Here is the enthymeme, cast in the Toul- min's terms:
Data: Little Rock has abundant cultural events and recreational possibilities available at all times.
Claim: Little Rock is a "magical" city, with "limitless" possibilities. Warrant: The greater number and variety of recreational and cultural events that a city makes available to tourists and other visitors, the more attrac-
tive, "magical," and "limitless" it becomes to them.
As one processes this enthymeme, one glances at the portrait of President William Clinton over the link to the Clinton Library and Museum, at the graphic representations of local and touring Broadway shows that are coming to theaters in the city, at the announcements of upcoming concerts by the Arkansas Symphony, and the advertisement for the Arkansas Water Sports Association. The ethos of the city is strong: it is goodwilled; it is on your side. The pathos of the city is strong: it appeals to your sense of adventure, fun, excitement. Little Rock is apparently quite a hip place.
Unofficial "texts" about a town or city also make rhetorical statements. Consider Chicagoans' frequent invocation of the phrase "city of big shoul- ders," taken from Carl Sandburg's poem about the city. Here is the claim: Chi- cago is, despite its many cultural and commercial amenities, still a simple, solid, working-class city. Here are the "data": the famous cuisine is deep-dish pizza and hot dogs; the football team is the Bears (da Bares), "the monsters of the Midway"; the mayor (da mare) for much of the past half-century has been a plainspoken Irish American named Daley who talks tough with the media and makes sure the garbage is picked up. The ethos of the "city of big shoul- ders" and the pathos that its images conjure up work together to establish the warrant that the best American city is the down-to-earth, unpretentious one, where the work ethic that made America great remains at the center of civic life. The implicit claim is that Chicago is that city.
A second perspective on how cities and towns make rhetorical statements about themselves comes from the work of the contemporary communication theorist David Procter, who studies "how rural communities--read as small towns--communicate in a pattern that enhances their chances to survive and thrive. "3 Maintaining that that "language is a fundamental component in creating a sense of community," Procter explores "the ways citizens in a small town instill a sense of interdependence, fulfillment, and concern for one another" via "symbolic forms and cultural performances used to create those feelings of interdependence, fulfillment, and concern. "4 He explains: "As peo- ple talk about their town, they are doing more than expressing their indi- vidual support or disgust for their locality"; instead, "citizen rhetoric about locality-oriented events and acts is the materialization of a larger synthesis of
270 David A. Jolliffe
community sociopolitical beliefs and values. " And, Procter notes further, "this citizen rhetoric functions to create community belief and motivation. Com- munity rhetors . . . enact community by organizing experiences and then naming those experiences, thereby feeling communal with one another. "5
Central to Procter's analysis is his concept of "civic communions": "spe- cific and significant moments of community interaction directed toward civic issues. " Civic communions embody "rhetorical processes and cultural perform- ances that function to build community"; moreover, "they are fundamentally a rhetorical and performative civic sacrament functioning to bond citizenry around the social and political structures--local ways of life, community goals, and political operations--of a specific people. "6 Procter's analogy comparing religious and civic communions is instructive: "Just as church leaders recall important texts and parables that function to connect the faith community and guide religious behavior," Procter explains, "civic leaders recall important historic texts, people, and events that ultimately serve to solidify community identity and offer guides to appropriate civic values and practices. " As a re- sult, he argues, "organizers and citizens celebrate some features of commu- nity while devaluing others. "7
Yet another contemporary perspective examines the rhetorical activity specifically of community literacy programs. Since the remainder of this essay describes how Augusta, Arkansas, has placed its Community Literacy Advo- cacy Project at the forefront of its civic revitalization project, this perspective is relevant to the analytic task at hand. In Community Literacy and the Rheto- ric of Local Publics, Eleanor Long analyzes community literacy programs in terms of their dominant tropes, their rhetorical situations, their discursive features, and what might be termed their perlocutionary effects--the impli- cations of their rhetorical work. Arguing that community literacy programs represent "symbolic constructs enacted in time and place around shared exi- gencies"--constructs that Long labels "local publics"--she explains that peo- ple develop community literacy programs "around distinct rhetorical agendas that range from socializing children into appropriate language use . . . to eliciting stakeholders' perspectives on a shared problem . . . to demand- ing respect under conditions that yield little of it. "8 In other words, when a community literacy program has an agenda, as it does in Augusta, Arkansas, to revitalize the community and support economic growth, then that agenda is purposefully rhetorical.
To analyze the rhetoric of community literacy programs, Long creates a five-element "point-of-comparison" model. For any program, Long maintains, one can name its "guiding metaphor," or "the image that describes the discur- sive space where ordinary people go public"; the "context," or the "location, as well as other context-specific features that give public literacies their mean- ing"; the "tenor of the discourse," or the "register--the affective quality of the discourse"; the "literacy," or the "key practices that comprise the discourse"
The Community Literacy Advocacy Project 271
or "how people use writing and words to carry out their purposes for going public"; and the "rhetorical invention," or the "the generative processes by which people respond to the exigencies that call the local public into being. "9
All three perspectives can be used, as I do below, to analyze the new rhetor- ical work that is ongoing in Augusta--new rhetorical activity that stands in contrast to the tacit, unpromising message that Augusta was communicating about itself in the first years of the new millennium. The work of the Augusta Community Literacy Advocacy Project, a collaborative effort of the White River Rural Health Center and the Office of the Brown Chair in English Literacy at the University of Arkansas, has yielded a sustained and continuing project of rhetorical activity and civic communions designed to promote community literacy and revive the dying town.
Augusta on Life Support
Sitting as it does on U. S. 64, the "old highway" to Memphis for motorists who do not want to fight the truck traffic on Interstate 40, most of Augusta is hidden from the casual driver-through. Entering the town from the west, one crosses over the White River and sees the river port, the Bunge Corporation grain elevator, the liquor store and gas station, a supermarket and two general- merchandise stores, and a branch of the bank. Off the main road where the passer-by does not see them are the turn-of-the-century courthouse, the half- dozen churches, the lovely old homes that overlook the river, and the Ameri- can Legion hut where civic events are held. The casual motorist also does not see the nearly deserted downtown or the elementary and high school where classes have been getting smaller and smaller.
By all demographic measures,10 Augusta is in decline. In 2007, 2,390 peo- ple lived there, but the town lost 10. 32 percent of its population between 2000 and 2007. In 2007, the unemployment rate in Augusta was 8. 4 percent, compared to 4. 6 percent nationally. In the twelve months between October 2006 and October 2007, Augusta lost 5. 5 percent of its jobs, while jobs in the U. S. grew 1. 4 percent during the same period. Augusta's per capita income in 2007 was $13,500, compared to $24,200 nationally; the average household income was $24,260, compared to $44,080 nationally. Nearly 82 percent of the households had an income of less than $50,000, whereas nationally 52 percent of the households brought in less than $50,000. In the 2000 census, 23. 6 percent of all Augusta families lived below the federal poverty level, as compared to 9. 2 percent nationally, and 28. 9 percent of all individuals in the town lived in poverty, compared to 12. 4 percent nationally. Nearly 22 percent of the population over the age of twenty-five lacked a high school diploma; about half of that number had eighth grade as their highest level of educa- tional attainment. Only 6. 4 percent of the population had a four-year college degree. In 2007 the Augusta public schools spent $4,804 per student, as com- pared to a national average of $6,058 per student.
272 David A. Jolliffe
This was the scenario that confronted a brave group of folks in 2005 who chose to begin reshaping Augusta's statement to the region, the state, the na- tion, and the world.
The Augusta Recovery Initiative and the Community Literacy Advocacy Project
One poignant aspect of the Augusta story is the work of the Augusta Recov- ery Initiative, a citizens' group that assembled to find ways to save the town from decay and death. The group was convened by Dr. Steven Collier, execu- tive director of the White River Rural Health Center, which has its central headquarters in Augusta. Beginning early in 2005, the group met regularly for a year, operating under the assumption that since the consequences of Augusta's decline were economic, the causes must be economic as well. The following notes from a meeting during the first year of operation demon- strate this economic focus: "Today we worked on an action plan, which was for Existing Business and Industry. . . . Economic development will drive everything. It is mandatory to follow action plans. In following an action plan, you will fill in the problems, like workforce availability and capability. "11
Nine months later the focus of the Augusta Recovery Initiative had shifted. As Dr. Collier told me--and as he repeats regularly in presentations about Augusta--"we realized our problem wasn't economic--it was educational. " This shift of emphasis is evident in the Initiative's meeting notes from Octo- ber 2006: "Last year we started an Augusta improvement plan with brain- storming sessions. The topic of education kept coming up. We are now putting it on the front burner. "
I had been introduced to Dr. Collier in September 2006 at a meeting of a group called the Crossroads Coalition, devoted to improving health care in the region. He and I talked at some length about how a community literacy project might provide a center of gravity for the Initiative's new focus on "education. " Collier invited me to the Initiative's November 2006 meeting. Seated around the table was an amazing collection of dedicated citizens. Here is the roster of attendees, with my notes about each of them:
Raymond Bowen: Taught at Augusta High School for 35 years. Now retired but teaching algebra II and advanced math part-time.
Katina Biscoe: Nurse practitioner for White River Rural Health. Graduated from Augusta High School in 1991 and has children there now. Mem- ber of the Augusta School Board and serves on the Woodruff County Literacy Council.
Janice Turner: Recently moved to Augusta, her husband's hometown, after he retired. An ordained minister, she runs "The J Spot," a Chris- tian book store, and is the new president of the Woodruff County Lit- eracy Council. Has been the principal and administrator of a private school.
The Community Literacy Advocacy Project 273
Danny Shields: The postmaster in Augusta. Wife and son teach in Augusta; daughter teaches in McCrory, ten miles to the east of Augusta.
Evelyn Coles: Farm owner, mother, and grandmother. Husband was on the School Board for many years. One son graduated from college and is in farming. Two other sons still in college.
Brenda Collins: Longtime resident of Augusta. Two children graduated from Augusta High School and two grandchildren still in the Augusta schools. Member of the city council and the Woodruff County Literacy Council.
Jimmy Rhodes: Lifetime resident of Augusta. Graduated from Augusta High School in 1992 and went to Arkansas State in Mountain Home for a degree in funeral science. As funeral director, he notes that "I'm bury- ing too many young people. " Serves on city council and plans to run for mayor.
Craig Meredith: Graduated from Augusta High School and joined the Navy, serving for four years, where he had the highest security clearance. Now working as a computer technician for White River Rural Health.
Regina Burkett: Community Development Coordinator for White River Rural Health and a licensed practical nurse.
Steven Collier: CEO of White River Rural Health Center. Graduated from Augusta High School. Went to Baylor University and took a degree in history. Got his medical degree from University of Arkansas for the Medical Sciences and did his residency in Pine Bluff. Was a practicing physician in central Arkansas for 20 years before "getting into the busi- ness side" and becoming CEO. White River Rural Health now has clin- ics in 17 towns in the area.
A thought occurred to me: seated around this table were representatives of all sorts of "constituencies" in this small town: education, health care, small business, government, religion, agriculture. Each was interested in helping to save Augusta. Each had bought into the notion that improving "education" could play a central role in the recovery initiative. Each was completely open to my argument that improving literacy--improving all citizens' abilities to read and write to the extent that they can live a rich, fulfilling personal life and participate in a changing economy--was the most vital aspect of the edu- cational improvement plan.
To make this plan work, I argued, we could not simply focus solely on the schools and hope that they "fix" the literacy problem. Without wanting to endorse any political candidate, I argued that "it takes a village" to raise the profile of reading and writing and to improve education. Consider, I asked them, all the organizations and entities in Augusta that might say, if asked, that they were interested in helping folks read and write more fully and effec- tively: not only the schools but also the churches, the library, the local literacy
274 David A.
4. Berlin, Rhetoric and Reality, 4.
5. "Times and Iraq. "
6. National Coalition for the Homeless, "Feeding Intolerance," para. 13. 7. Pew Project, "State. "
8. Berlin, Rhetoric.
9. See Trimbur, "Review Essay"; Mathieu, Tactics of Hope.
10. Glenn, Lyday, and Sharer, Rhetorical Education, viii.
11. Cornish and Russwurm, Freedom's Journal, March 16, 1827. 12. Glenn, Lyday, and Sharer, Rhetorical Education, ix.
13. Kushner, "Design," 220-21.
14. Berlin, Rhetoric, 5.
15. Kessler, Dissident Press.
16. Ibid. , 155.
17. Ibid. , 14.
18. Streitmatter, Voices of Revolution, x. 19. Young, Inclusion and Democracy, 7.
20. Masses, October 1913.
21. Crowley and Hawhee, Ancient Rhetorics.
22. See Trimbur, "Review Essay. "
23. Warner, Publics and Counterpublics, 56.
24. Ibid. , 90.
25. For more information, see www. streetnewsservice. com. 26. Warner, Publics and Counterpublics.
27. Adrian, "World We Shall Win. "
28. "Hobo" News, November 1916.
29. Ibid.
30. De Pastino, Citizen Hobo.
31. Ibid. , 17.
32. Ibid. , 4.
33. Ibid.
34. How, "First Letter. "
35. "End of an Idealist. "
36. "Millionaire Hobo. "
37. Ibid.
38. Adrian, "World," 105.
39. "Editor's Statement," "Hobo" News 1, no. 1 (1915): 2.
40. O'Brien, "Light," 5.
264 Diana George and Paula Mathieu
41. Quoted in "Millionaire Hobo. "
42. Adrian, "World," 111.
43. See, for example, "Hard to Get"; Sayer, "Art and Politics," 42-78.
44. See, in particular, London, People of the Abyss; Riis, How the Other Half Lives. 45. How, "First Letter. "
46. London, People of the Abyss, 78.
47. Riis, How the Other Half Lives, 1.
48. Ibid.
49. How, "First Letter. "
50. Kushner, "Design," 221.
51. This is a rhetorical strategy used, for example, by Catholic Worker cofounder Peter Maurin in what he called his "easy essays. " In them, he offered straightforward chal- lenges for change:
Better Or Better Off
The world would be better off, if people tried
to become better.
And people would
become better
if they stopped trying
to be better off.
For when everybody tries to become better off, nobody is better off.
But when everybody tries to become better, everybody is better off. Everybody would be rich
if nobody tried
to be richer.
And nobody would be poor if everybody tried
to be the poorest.
And everybody would be what he ought to be
if everybody tried to be what he wants
the other fellow to be.
52. See Newkirk, Performance of Self. In it, he argues that writing teachers by and large share a tacit aesthetic about what constitutes good writing, which includes writ- ing that takes tentative or exploratory stances and which is not overly emotional or sentimental.
53. See, for example, Bawarshi, Genre; Devitt, "Generalizing about Genre"; Miller, "Genre as Social Action. "
54. Ohmann, "Kinder, Gentler Nation," 230.
The Dissident Press in a Rhetorical Education 265
Works Cited
Adrian, Lynne M. "The World We Shall Win for Labor: Early 20th Century Hobo Self- Publication. " In Print Culture in a Diverse America, edited by James P. Danky and Wayne A. Wiegand, 101-27. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998.
Bawarshi, Anis. Genre and the Invention of the Writer: Reconsidering the Place of Invention in Composition. Logan: Utah State University Press, 2003.
Berlin, James. Rhetoric and Reality: Writing Instruction in American Colleges, 1900-1985. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987.
Cornish, Samuel, and John Russwurm. Freedom's Journal, March 16, 1827.
Crowley, Shanon, and Deborah Hawhee. Ancient Rhetorics for Contemporary Students. 3rd
ed. Boston: Pearson, 2004.
De Pastino, Todd. Citizen Hobo: How a Century of Homelessness Shaped America. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2005.
Devitt, Amy. "Generalizing about Genre: New Conceptions of an Old Concept. " College
Composition and Communication 44 (1993): 573-86.
"End of an Idealist. " Time, August 4, 1930. http://www. time. com/time/magazine/article/
0,9171,740008,00. html (accessed March 22, 2009).
Glenn, Cheryl, Margaret M. Lyday, and Wendy B. Sharer, eds. Rhetorical Education in
America. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2004.
"Hard to Get Jury for 'Masses' Trial," New York Times, April 16, 1918.
How, James. "The First Letter. " "Hobo" News, 1, no. 1, April 1915.
Kessler, Lauren. The Dissident Press: Alternative Journalism in American History. London:
Sage, 1984.
Kushner, Tony. "The Design of Dissent. " In The Design of Dissent, edited by Milton
Glaser and Mirko Ilic , 220-23. Gloucester, Mass. : Rockport, 2005.
London, Jack. People of the Abyss. London: Echo Library, 2007.
Mathieu, Paula. Tactics of Hope: The Public Turn in Composition. Portsmouth, N. H. : Boyn-
ton, Cook, Heinemann, 2005.
Maurin, Peter. "Easy Essays. " Catholic Worker Movement. Catholicworker. org. http://
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? The Community Literacy Advocacy Project
Civic Revival through Rhetorical Activity in Rural Arkansas
David A. Jolliffe
This essay analyzes an interesting, yet thorny, case in the public work of rhet- oric. It tells the story of an academic office at a public, research university supporting the public, rhetorical work of a small town in eastern Arkansas. All corners of the town are striving to craft a new statement about it. Its citi- zens are making Herculean efforts to reshape the rhetoric that they employ with one another when they talk about civic survival and, ideally, economic turnaround. Its leaders are offering a whole new perspective when they char- acterize the town's current status and its potential to prospective citizens and employers. Confronting what many observers would characterize as the hall- marks of civic decay, Augusta, Arkansas--population 2,390, county seat of Woodruff County, population around 7,900--working in collaboration with the Office of the Brown Chair in English Literacy at the University of Arkansas, is announcing to its citizens, to the state, and to others who care to listen that it is the town that reads and writes together, the town where literacy makes a difference.
The thorny aspect of the case emerges from the new message itself. Sitting at the center of Augusta's rhetorical activity is a hotly contested term, literacy, and the rhetorical campaign to promote more and better reading and writing in the town has developed without much attention to the historical roots of the issues being addressed and the political and social implications of the work. So what should an academic collaborator in this civic campaign do? As I explain below, my path has been to help the movement grow in the direc- tion it wants to grow and then to use the project as a teaching opportunity to help University of Arkansas students and the citizens involved to under- stand the deeper ideological issues involved and eventually, I hope, to act in responsible, productive ways about those issues.
In what follows I describe in some detail the rhetorical/revival campaign that Augusta has undertaken since 2005, document its successes in its first
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year, and unpack several problematic issues that the project raises, issues that will eventually need to be addressed as part of an effort to teach an inclusive definition of literacy. To start, however, let me set out three perspectives that build a foundation for explaining how municipalities (and community literacy programs within them) craft rhetorical statements and how those statements can influence social change and, ideally, economic and material progress.
How Do Towns, Cities, and Literacy Programs Make a Rhetorical Statement?
Both ancient and contemporary rhetorical theories provide explanations about how towns and cities craft rhetorical statements about themselves. The clas- sical perspective is thoroughly Aristotelian; one contemporary perspective de- rives from social form theory; another contemporary theory examines the tropes underlying community literacy programs and, by extension, commu- nity-building efforts.
An Aristotelian rhetorician (which I unabashedly characterize myself as)1 would contend that towns and cities make rhetorical statements about them- selves in essentially the same way any text or any graphic--a picture, a car- toon, a chart, a graph, an advertisement, a billboard, and so on--does: by developing an argument that, in Stephen Toulmin's neo-Aristotelian terms, incorporates "data" and makes a claim, with the data and the claim con- nected by warrants: generally unspoken "because" statements, assumptions that the author/creator of the text hopes its readers/listeners/consumers share with him or her. 2 A verbal text manifests organizational patterns, choices of diction and syntax, imagistic and figurative language that fleshes out its cen- tral argument, appealing to the writer's character and credibility and the audi- ences' emotions and life states all the while. A graphic text does the same thing, only incorporating actual images--sights and sounds--as well as imag- istic language.
Cities and towns take advantage of verbal and nonverbal texts in both offi- cial and unofficial documents to make a statement--that is, to offer an argu- ment about what kind of city or town it is, why people live there, why people might visit or move there, and so on. Consider this example of an official document making a rhetorical statement for a city: if one searches for "Little Rock" on the Internet, one quickly finds a link titled "Little Rock City Limit- less. " (Notice, even from the outset, that the title's punning intertextuality with the phrase "city limits" creates a kind of "in" joke between the creator and the viewer, thus strengthening the former's ethos. ) By clicking on the link, one gets to www. littlerock. com, the homepage of the Little Rock Convention and Visitors' Bureau. This homepage is dominated by a beautiful photograph of the Arkansas River as it flows past downtown Little Rock, with the words "River Magic" superimposed on it. The text on the page describes in detail the cultural and recreational activities happening in the near future in Little Rock,
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and it lists the two dozen or so organizations that are holding conventions in Little Rock over the coming months. Here is the enthymeme, cast in the Toul- min's terms:
Data: Little Rock has abundant cultural events and recreational possibilities available at all times.
Claim: Little Rock is a "magical" city, with "limitless" possibilities. Warrant: The greater number and variety of recreational and cultural events that a city makes available to tourists and other visitors, the more attrac-
tive, "magical," and "limitless" it becomes to them.
As one processes this enthymeme, one glances at the portrait of President William Clinton over the link to the Clinton Library and Museum, at the graphic representations of local and touring Broadway shows that are coming to theaters in the city, at the announcements of upcoming concerts by the Arkansas Symphony, and the advertisement for the Arkansas Water Sports Association. The ethos of the city is strong: it is goodwilled; it is on your side. The pathos of the city is strong: it appeals to your sense of adventure, fun, excitement. Little Rock is apparently quite a hip place.
Unofficial "texts" about a town or city also make rhetorical statements. Consider Chicagoans' frequent invocation of the phrase "city of big shoul- ders," taken from Carl Sandburg's poem about the city. Here is the claim: Chi- cago is, despite its many cultural and commercial amenities, still a simple, solid, working-class city. Here are the "data": the famous cuisine is deep-dish pizza and hot dogs; the football team is the Bears (da Bares), "the monsters of the Midway"; the mayor (da mare) for much of the past half-century has been a plainspoken Irish American named Daley who talks tough with the media and makes sure the garbage is picked up. The ethos of the "city of big shoul- ders" and the pathos that its images conjure up work together to establish the warrant that the best American city is the down-to-earth, unpretentious one, where the work ethic that made America great remains at the center of civic life. The implicit claim is that Chicago is that city.
A second perspective on how cities and towns make rhetorical statements about themselves comes from the work of the contemporary communication theorist David Procter, who studies "how rural communities--read as small towns--communicate in a pattern that enhances their chances to survive and thrive. "3 Maintaining that that "language is a fundamental component in creating a sense of community," Procter explores "the ways citizens in a small town instill a sense of interdependence, fulfillment, and concern for one another" via "symbolic forms and cultural performances used to create those feelings of interdependence, fulfillment, and concern. "4 He explains: "As peo- ple talk about their town, they are doing more than expressing their indi- vidual support or disgust for their locality"; instead, "citizen rhetoric about locality-oriented events and acts is the materialization of a larger synthesis of
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community sociopolitical beliefs and values. " And, Procter notes further, "this citizen rhetoric functions to create community belief and motivation. Com- munity rhetors . . . enact community by organizing experiences and then naming those experiences, thereby feeling communal with one another. "5
Central to Procter's analysis is his concept of "civic communions": "spe- cific and significant moments of community interaction directed toward civic issues. " Civic communions embody "rhetorical processes and cultural perform- ances that function to build community"; moreover, "they are fundamentally a rhetorical and performative civic sacrament functioning to bond citizenry around the social and political structures--local ways of life, community goals, and political operations--of a specific people. "6 Procter's analogy comparing religious and civic communions is instructive: "Just as church leaders recall important texts and parables that function to connect the faith community and guide religious behavior," Procter explains, "civic leaders recall important historic texts, people, and events that ultimately serve to solidify community identity and offer guides to appropriate civic values and practices. " As a re- sult, he argues, "organizers and citizens celebrate some features of commu- nity while devaluing others. "7
Yet another contemporary perspective examines the rhetorical activity specifically of community literacy programs. Since the remainder of this essay describes how Augusta, Arkansas, has placed its Community Literacy Advo- cacy Project at the forefront of its civic revitalization project, this perspective is relevant to the analytic task at hand. In Community Literacy and the Rheto- ric of Local Publics, Eleanor Long analyzes community literacy programs in terms of their dominant tropes, their rhetorical situations, their discursive features, and what might be termed their perlocutionary effects--the impli- cations of their rhetorical work. Arguing that community literacy programs represent "symbolic constructs enacted in time and place around shared exi- gencies"--constructs that Long labels "local publics"--she explains that peo- ple develop community literacy programs "around distinct rhetorical agendas that range from socializing children into appropriate language use . . . to eliciting stakeholders' perspectives on a shared problem . . . to demand- ing respect under conditions that yield little of it. "8 In other words, when a community literacy program has an agenda, as it does in Augusta, Arkansas, to revitalize the community and support economic growth, then that agenda is purposefully rhetorical.
To analyze the rhetoric of community literacy programs, Long creates a five-element "point-of-comparison" model. For any program, Long maintains, one can name its "guiding metaphor," or "the image that describes the discur- sive space where ordinary people go public"; the "context," or the "location, as well as other context-specific features that give public literacies their mean- ing"; the "tenor of the discourse," or the "register--the affective quality of the discourse"; the "literacy," or the "key practices that comprise the discourse"
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or "how people use writing and words to carry out their purposes for going public"; and the "rhetorical invention," or the "the generative processes by which people respond to the exigencies that call the local public into being. "9
All three perspectives can be used, as I do below, to analyze the new rhetor- ical work that is ongoing in Augusta--new rhetorical activity that stands in contrast to the tacit, unpromising message that Augusta was communicating about itself in the first years of the new millennium. The work of the Augusta Community Literacy Advocacy Project, a collaborative effort of the White River Rural Health Center and the Office of the Brown Chair in English Literacy at the University of Arkansas, has yielded a sustained and continuing project of rhetorical activity and civic communions designed to promote community literacy and revive the dying town.
Augusta on Life Support
Sitting as it does on U. S. 64, the "old highway" to Memphis for motorists who do not want to fight the truck traffic on Interstate 40, most of Augusta is hidden from the casual driver-through. Entering the town from the west, one crosses over the White River and sees the river port, the Bunge Corporation grain elevator, the liquor store and gas station, a supermarket and two general- merchandise stores, and a branch of the bank. Off the main road where the passer-by does not see them are the turn-of-the-century courthouse, the half- dozen churches, the lovely old homes that overlook the river, and the Ameri- can Legion hut where civic events are held. The casual motorist also does not see the nearly deserted downtown or the elementary and high school where classes have been getting smaller and smaller.
By all demographic measures,10 Augusta is in decline. In 2007, 2,390 peo- ple lived there, but the town lost 10. 32 percent of its population between 2000 and 2007. In 2007, the unemployment rate in Augusta was 8. 4 percent, compared to 4. 6 percent nationally. In the twelve months between October 2006 and October 2007, Augusta lost 5. 5 percent of its jobs, while jobs in the U. S. grew 1. 4 percent during the same period. Augusta's per capita income in 2007 was $13,500, compared to $24,200 nationally; the average household income was $24,260, compared to $44,080 nationally. Nearly 82 percent of the households had an income of less than $50,000, whereas nationally 52 percent of the households brought in less than $50,000. In the 2000 census, 23. 6 percent of all Augusta families lived below the federal poverty level, as compared to 9. 2 percent nationally, and 28. 9 percent of all individuals in the town lived in poverty, compared to 12. 4 percent nationally. Nearly 22 percent of the population over the age of twenty-five lacked a high school diploma; about half of that number had eighth grade as their highest level of educa- tional attainment. Only 6. 4 percent of the population had a four-year college degree. In 2007 the Augusta public schools spent $4,804 per student, as com- pared to a national average of $6,058 per student.
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This was the scenario that confronted a brave group of folks in 2005 who chose to begin reshaping Augusta's statement to the region, the state, the na- tion, and the world.
The Augusta Recovery Initiative and the Community Literacy Advocacy Project
One poignant aspect of the Augusta story is the work of the Augusta Recov- ery Initiative, a citizens' group that assembled to find ways to save the town from decay and death. The group was convened by Dr. Steven Collier, execu- tive director of the White River Rural Health Center, which has its central headquarters in Augusta. Beginning early in 2005, the group met regularly for a year, operating under the assumption that since the consequences of Augusta's decline were economic, the causes must be economic as well. The following notes from a meeting during the first year of operation demon- strate this economic focus: "Today we worked on an action plan, which was for Existing Business and Industry. . . . Economic development will drive everything. It is mandatory to follow action plans. In following an action plan, you will fill in the problems, like workforce availability and capability. "11
Nine months later the focus of the Augusta Recovery Initiative had shifted. As Dr. Collier told me--and as he repeats regularly in presentations about Augusta--"we realized our problem wasn't economic--it was educational. " This shift of emphasis is evident in the Initiative's meeting notes from Octo- ber 2006: "Last year we started an Augusta improvement plan with brain- storming sessions. The topic of education kept coming up. We are now putting it on the front burner. "
I had been introduced to Dr. Collier in September 2006 at a meeting of a group called the Crossroads Coalition, devoted to improving health care in the region. He and I talked at some length about how a community literacy project might provide a center of gravity for the Initiative's new focus on "education. " Collier invited me to the Initiative's November 2006 meeting. Seated around the table was an amazing collection of dedicated citizens. Here is the roster of attendees, with my notes about each of them:
Raymond Bowen: Taught at Augusta High School for 35 years. Now retired but teaching algebra II and advanced math part-time.
Katina Biscoe: Nurse practitioner for White River Rural Health. Graduated from Augusta High School in 1991 and has children there now. Mem- ber of the Augusta School Board and serves on the Woodruff County Literacy Council.
Janice Turner: Recently moved to Augusta, her husband's hometown, after he retired. An ordained minister, she runs "The J Spot," a Chris- tian book store, and is the new president of the Woodruff County Lit- eracy Council. Has been the principal and administrator of a private school.
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Danny Shields: The postmaster in Augusta. Wife and son teach in Augusta; daughter teaches in McCrory, ten miles to the east of Augusta.
Evelyn Coles: Farm owner, mother, and grandmother. Husband was on the School Board for many years. One son graduated from college and is in farming. Two other sons still in college.
Brenda Collins: Longtime resident of Augusta. Two children graduated from Augusta High School and two grandchildren still in the Augusta schools. Member of the city council and the Woodruff County Literacy Council.
Jimmy Rhodes: Lifetime resident of Augusta. Graduated from Augusta High School in 1992 and went to Arkansas State in Mountain Home for a degree in funeral science. As funeral director, he notes that "I'm bury- ing too many young people. " Serves on city council and plans to run for mayor.
Craig Meredith: Graduated from Augusta High School and joined the Navy, serving for four years, where he had the highest security clearance. Now working as a computer technician for White River Rural Health.
Regina Burkett: Community Development Coordinator for White River Rural Health and a licensed practical nurse.
Steven Collier: CEO of White River Rural Health Center. Graduated from Augusta High School. Went to Baylor University and took a degree in history. Got his medical degree from University of Arkansas for the Medical Sciences and did his residency in Pine Bluff. Was a practicing physician in central Arkansas for 20 years before "getting into the busi- ness side" and becoming CEO. White River Rural Health now has clin- ics in 17 towns in the area.
A thought occurred to me: seated around this table were representatives of all sorts of "constituencies" in this small town: education, health care, small business, government, religion, agriculture. Each was interested in helping to save Augusta. Each had bought into the notion that improving "education" could play a central role in the recovery initiative. Each was completely open to my argument that improving literacy--improving all citizens' abilities to read and write to the extent that they can live a rich, fulfilling personal life and participate in a changing economy--was the most vital aspect of the edu- cational improvement plan.
To make this plan work, I argued, we could not simply focus solely on the schools and hope that they "fix" the literacy problem. Without wanting to endorse any political candidate, I argued that "it takes a village" to raise the profile of reading and writing and to improve education. Consider, I asked them, all the organizations and entities in Augusta that might say, if asked, that they were interested in helping folks read and write more fully and effec- tively: not only the schools but also the churches, the library, the local literacy
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