) According to the
statement
of Appian v.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - b
Lucullus, having in vain
refuge within the city. Here Mithridates at first tried to allnre him to the relief of Amisus, the siege
prepared to besiege him, but soon changed his in- of which he continued throughout the winter, on
tention, and moved with his whole army to Cyzicus, the approach of spring (B. C. 72) advanced into the
to which important city he proceeded to lay siege, interior, and took up a position opposite to him at
both by sea and land. His military engines and Cabeira Mithridates was superior in cavalry, on
works were managed by a Greek named Niconides, which account the Roman general avoided an
who displayed the utmost skill and science in this action in the plains, and the campaign was chiefly
department; while the attacks of the besieging occupied with mutual attempts to cut off each
forces were unremitting. But the Roman general other's convoys of provisions, which led to repeated
Lucullus, who had advanced from Phrygia to the partial engagements, with various vicissitudes of
relief of Cotta, and followed Mithridates to Cyzicus, fortune. At length a large detachment of the
had been allowed, by the negligence of the king, king's army was entirely cut off, and Mithridates
or the treachery, as it was said, of the Roman L. hereupon determined to remove his camp: but the
Magius, who enjoyed a high place in his confidence, orders to this effect by some mismanagement gave
to occupy an advantageous position near the camp rise to a panic in the undisciplined multitudes
of Mithridates, where he almost entirely cut him which composed his army; great confusion arose,
off from receiving supplies by land, while the and Lucullus having sent his cavalry to take ad-
storms of the winter prevented him from depending vantage of this, a general rout was the consequence.
on those by sea. Hence it was not long before Mithridates himself with difficulty made his way
famine began to make itself felt in the camp of through the tumult, and must have fallen into
Mithridates, and all his assaults upon the city the hands of the Romans, had not the cupidity
having been foiled by the courage and resolution of some of his pursuers, who stopped to plunder
of the besieged, he was at length compelled (early a mule laden with gold, given him time to effect
## p. 1101 (#1117) ##########################################
MITHRIDATES.
1101
MITHRIDATES:
!
his escape. He led to. Comana, wbere he was farther advance of the Roman general, who tumed
ayain able to assemble a body of 2000 horse, aside into Mesopotamia Here Mithridates left
but he despaired of opposing the farther progress him to lay siege to the fortress of Nisibis, which
of Lucullus, and accordingly sent his faithful was supposed impregnable, while he himself took
eunuch Bacchides to put to death his wives and advantage of his absence to invade Pontus, at the
sisters whom he had left at Pharnacia, while he head of a large army, and endeavour to regain pos
himself took refuge in the dominions of his son-in- session of his former dominions The defence of
law Tigranes. It appears that these events took Pontus was confided to Fabius, one of the lieute-
place before the close of the year B. c. 72. (Plut nants of. Lucullus ; but the oppressions of the Ro
Lucull. 14—18; Appian, Mithr. 78-82 ; Mem- mans had excited a general spirit of disaffection,
non, 43, 44 ; concerning the chronology seo Lue and the people crowded around the standard of
CULLUS, VOL II. p. 834, note. )
Mithridates Even the Thracian mercenaries in
Tigranes was at this moment the most powerful the army of Fabius turned against their general,
monarch of Asia (TIGRANES); but though he had who was totally defeated by Mithridates, and com-
previously promised assistance to Mithridates, he pelled to shut himself up in the fortress of Cabeira
appears to have been unwilling to engage openly in Triarius, another of the Roman generals, now ad-
war with Rome; and on this account, while he re vanced to his support with a fresh army, and the
ceived the fugitive monarch in a friendly manner, king retreated before this new adversary, and
and assigned him all that was requisite for main- withdrew to Comana, where he took up his winter-
taining his royal dignity, he refused to admit him quarters. But the following spring (B. C. 67) hos-
to his presence, and showed no disposition to tilities were resumed on both sides ; and Triarius,
attempt his restoration. But the arrogance of the who was anxious to engage Mithridates before
Ror ns brought about a change in his policy ; and Lucullus himself should arrive, allowed himself to
Tigranes, offended at the haughty conduct of Appius be attacked at disadvantage, and was totally de.
Claudius, whom Lucullus had sent to demand the feated. The destruction of the Roman army would
surrender of Mithridates, not only refused this have been complete had not the king himself been
request, but determined at once to prepare for war wounded in the pursuit, which was in consequence
with the Romans. Community of interests now checked for a time ; but even thus the blow was
led to a complete reconciliation between the two one of the severest which the Roman arms had sug-
monarchs; and Mithridates, who had spent a year tained for a long period : 7000 of their troops fell,
and eight months in the dominions of his son-in- among which was an unprecedented number of
law without being admitted to a personal interview, officers ; and their camp itself was taken. . - (Dion
was now made to participate in all the councils of Cass. xxxv. 4–6, 8-13; Appian, Mithr. 87-
Tigranes, and appointed to levy an army to unite 89; Plut. Lucull. 31, 32, 35; Cic. pro Leg. Manila
in the war. But it was in vain that in the ensuing 9. )
campaign (B. C. 69) he urged upon his son-in-law The advance of Lucullus himself from Mesopo-
the lessons of his own experience, and advised him tamia prevented Mithridates from following up his
to shun a regular action with Lucullus : Tigranes, advantage, and be withdrew into Lesser Armenia,
confident in the multitude of his forces, gave battle where he took up a strong position near Talaura
at Tigranocerta and was defeated, before Mithri- to await the approach of Tigranes. He doubtless
dates had been able to join him. But this disaster, expected that the Roman general would quickly
so precisely in accordance with the warnings of resume the offensive ; but the farther proceedings
Mithridates, served to raise the latter so high in of Lucullus were paralysed by the mutinous and
the estimation of Tigranes, that from this time for- disaffected spirit of his own soldiers ; and on the
ward the whole conduct of the war was entrusted arrival of Tigranes the two monarchs found them-
to the direction of the king of Pontus.
selves able to overrun almost the whole of Pontus
During the ensuing winter both monarchs were and Cappadocia without opposition. Before the
busily engaged in raising a fresh army, into which close of the year 67 Mithridates saw himself once
Mithridates endeavoured to introduce some dis- more in possession of the greater part of his here
cipline, as well as to arm a large body of them ditary dominions. (Plut. Lucull. 35; Appian,
after the Roman fashion. They at the same time Mithr. 90; Dion Cass. xxxv. 14,17; Cic. pro Ley.
endeavoured to procure the important assistance of Manil. 3. )
the Parthian king, to whom Mithridates addressed But early in the following year (66) the conduct
a letter, urging him to consult his true interest by of the war was entrusted by the Romans to the
espousing their cause before it was too late, and general whose fame was at this moment eclipsing
not to wait until the Romans attacked him his all others—the illustrious Pompey, and one of the
turn. Whether the epistle to this effect preserved first measures of the new commander was to secure
among the fragments of Sallust really bears any the friendship and alliance of the Parthian king
resemblance to that composed by the king of Phraates III. , a step by which he not only de
Pontus we have unfortunately no means of deter- prived Mithridates of all hopes of the co-operation
mining. (Plut. Lucull. 19, 21–23, 25—30; Ap of that monarch, but precluded him from the sup:
pian, Mithr. 84-87; Memnon, 46, 55— 58; Dion port of Tigranes also, by compelling the Armenian
Cass. Fr. 178, xxxv. 1-3; Liv. Epit. xcviii. ; Oros. king to look to the defence of his own dominions
vi. 3 ; Eutrop. vi. 8, 9; Epist. Mithr. ad Arsacem, against the Parthian. Thus thrown back upon his
ap. Sall. Hist. iv. p. 238, ed. Gerlach. )
own resources, Mithridates made overtures for
But the Parthian king still wavered, and in the peace ; but Pompey would listen to no terms ex. ,
following summer (B. C. 68), Lucullus crossed the cept those of unqualified submission and the sur-
Taurus, penetrated into the heart of Armenia, and render of all Roman deserters, and these conditions
again defeated the allied monarchs near the city of the king of Pontus rejected with scorn. He still
Artaxate. But the early severity of the season, found himself at the head of an army of 30,000
and the discontent of his own troops, checked the foot and 2000 horse, with which, however, he did
.
## p. 1102 (#1118) ##########################################
1102
MITHRIDATES.
MITHRIDATES.
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not venture to meet the enemy in the field, and by his generals Neoptolemus and Diophantns, and
avoided an action with Pompey, while he pro- having gathered around his standard all these
tracted the campaign, and gradually withdrew barbarian nations, of whose hostility towards Rome
towards the frontiers of Armenia. But he was no there could be no question, to throw himself
match for the generalship of his adversary, who with these accumulated masses upon the frontiers
attacked him during a night march through a nar- of the Roman state, and perhaps penetrate even
row pass which had been previously occupied by into Italy itself. With these views, he was busily
the Roman troops: the greater part of the army of engnged in assembling such a fleet and army as
Mithridates was cut to pieces, and the king him would be sufficient for an enterprise of this mag-
self escaped with only a few horsemen and his nitude. But his proceedings were much delayed
concubine Hypsicratea, the faithful companion of at first by a violent earthquake, which overthrew
all his fortunes, to the frontier fortress of Synoria. whole towns and villages, and subsequently by a
Here he once more assembled a considerable force, long and painful illness, which incapacitated him
with which he prepared to withdraw into Armenia; for any personal exertion. At length, however,
but Tigranes, who suspected him of fomenting the his preparations were completed, and he found
intrigues of his son against him, now refused to himself at the head of an army of 36,000 men and
admit him into his dominions, and no choice re- a considerable fleet. But during his illness, while
mained for Mithridates but to plunge with his he lived in complete seclusion, visible to none but
small army into the heart of Colchis, and thence a few chosen eunuchs, disaffection had made rapid
make his way to the Palus Maeotis and the Cim- progress among his followers. The fiull extent of
merian Bosporus. Arduong as this enterprise his schemes was probably communicated to few ;
appeared it was successfully accomplished. After but enough had transpired to alarm the multitude,
crossing the Phasis he deemed himself secure from and neither the soldiers nor their leaders were dis-
the pursuit of Pompey, and took up his quarters posed to follow their aged monarch on an enterprise
for the winter at Dioscurias (the extreme eastern which they might well regard as little less than
limit of the Greek settlements in this part of the desperate. In this state of things an act of private
Euxine), where he levied additional troops and also revenge led to the revolt of the important town of
assembled a small fleet. With these combined Fhanagoria. where the sons of Mithridates, who
forces he resumed his progress in the following held the citadel, were compelled to surrender to the
year (65), and succeeded in effecting his passage, insurgents, and the fame of insurrection quickly
partly by force, partly by persuasion, through all spread to several other cities of the Tauric Cher-
the various barbarian tribes that occupied the sonese. Still the spirit of the old king was un-
country between the Caucasus and the Euxine, broken: he endeavoured to renew his alliances
and reached in safety the city of Phanagoria on the with the neighbouring Scythian chieftains, and
Bosporus. His son Machares, to whom he had sent some of his daughters to them as brides, under
confided the government of these regions, but who the escort of some confidential eunuchs, who, how-
had long before made his submission to Luculluis, ever, followed the general example, and betrayed
fled on learning his approach, and soon after put their charge into the hands of the Romans. A
an end to his own life. Mithridates, in consequence, more formidable conspiracy was now organised by
established himself without opposition at Pantica- Pharnaces, the favourite son of Mithridates, and
paeum, the capital of the kingdom of Bosporus. whom he had declared heir to his crown. The
(Appian, Mithr. 97-102, 107 ; Dion Cass. xxxvi. designs of the young man were discovered, and his
28—33; Plut. Pomp. 32, 34, 35 ; Liv. Epit. ci. ; | accomplices put to death, but Mithridates was per-
Oros. vi. 4 ; Strab. xi. pp. 496, 497, xii. p. 555. ) suaded to spare his son's life, and Phamnaces im-
He had now nothing to fear from the pursuit of mediately availed himself of his impunity to break
Pompey, who appears to have at once abandoned out into open insurrection. He was quickly joined
all thoughts of following the fugitive monarch into both by the whole army and the citizens of Pan-
the wild and inaccessible regions beyond the ticapaeum, who unanimously proclaimed him king ;
Phasis, and turned his arms first against Tigranes, and Mithridates, who had taken refuge in a strong
and afterwards against Syria. It was probably tower, after many fruitless messages and embassies
this sense of security that emboldened him in the to his son, saw that no choice remained to him but
year 64 to send ambassadors to Pompey to sue for death or captivity. Hereupon he took poison,
peace, offering to submit on terms similar to those which he constantly carried with him ; but his
which had been lately granted to Tigranes, namely, constitution had been so long inured to antidotes,
that he should be allowed to retain possession of that it did not produce the desired effect, and he
his hereditary dominions, as a tributary to Rome. was compelled to call in the assistance of one of
Pompey, however, insisted that the king should his Gaulish mercenaries to despatch him with his
come in person to make his submission, and this sword. (Appian, Mithr. 107–111; Dion Cass.
Mithridates resolutely refused. The negotiations xxxvii. 3, 11-13; Plut. Pomp. 41 ; Oros. vi. 5 ;
were in consequence broken off ; and while Pompey Eutrop. vi. 12 ; Liv. Epit. cii. ; Flor. iii. 6; Joseph.
regulated the affairs of Pontus, which he reduced Ant. xiv. 3. § 4; Val. Max. ix. 2, ext. 3; Gell.
to the condition of a Roman province, Mithridates xvii. 16; Aur. Vict. de Vir. Ilust. 76, 77 ; Vell.
on his part commenced the most extensive pre- Pat. ii. 40. )
parations for a renewal of the contest. Far from The death of Mithridates took place in the year
contenting himself with the possession of the re-63 B. C. (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 10. ) The dread that
mote province of the Bosporus, in which, from its his name still inspired at Rome is strongly dis-
inaccessible position, he might defy the arms of played in a passage of Cicero's speech on the
Rome, he now conceived the daring project of Agrarian laws, delivered early in that very year
marching round the north and west coasts of the (De Leg. Agrar. ii. 19), and we may thus readily
Euxine, through the wild tribes of the Sarmatians credit the statement of Plutarch, that his death was
and Getae, which had been in part already visited regarded by the army as equal to a great victory.
the
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L
da
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1
## p. 1103 (#1119) ##########################################
MITHRIDATES.
1103
MITHRIDATES.
3
cure.
His body was sent by Pharnaces to Pompey at vast treasures accumulated in his treasuries at
Amisus, as a token of his submission ; but the Cabeira and elsewhere were many valuable pictures
conqueror caused it to be interred with regal and statues, and a splendid collection of engraved
honours in the sepulchre of his forefathers at Sinope. gems or precious stones. (Strab. xii. p. 556; Plin.
(Plut. Pomp. 42; App. Mithr. 113; Dion Cass. xxxiii. 12. § 54, xxxvii. 2. & 5; Manil. Astron.
xxxvii. 14.
) According to the statement of Appian v. 510. )
already cited, he was sixty-eight or sixty-nine Of his numerous wives or concubines, the names
years old at the time of his death, and bad reigned of a few only have been preserved to us : among
fifty-seven years, of which twenty-five had been the most conspicuous of which are: Laodice, put
occupied, with only a few brief intervals, in one to death early in his reign ; Berenice and Monima,
continued struggle against the Roman power. The both of whom were put to death at Pharnacia
estimation in which he was held by his adversaries (Monima), STRATONice and Hypsicrates, the
is the etrongest testimony to his great abilities : last of whom is said to have accompanied him on
Cicero calls him the greatest of all kings after all bis campaigns, and shared with him every
Alexander ( Acad. pr. ii. 1), and in another passage danger and privation. (Plut. Pomp. 32; Val. Max.
Bays that he was a more formidable opponent than iv. 6. ext. $ 2. ) By these various wives he was
any other monarch whom the Roman arms had yet the father of a numerous progeny, many of whom,
encountered (pro Vuren. 15; see also Vell
. Pat. however, perished before him. Of his song, Arca-
ii. 18). Nor can we doubt the truth of these thias died in Greece, Mithridates and Xiphares
eulogiums, when we contemplate the circumstances were put to death by his orders, and Machares
in which he was placed, and the instruments with only escaped the same fate by a voluntary death ;
which he had to work. The numerous defeats of five others, named Artaphernes, Cyrus, Darcius,
Mithridates are a proof not so much of his own Xerxes, and Oxathres, had fallen into the hands of
deficiency as a general, as of the inferiority of his Pompey, and served to adorn his triumph (App.
troops to those which were opposed to him. This Mithr. 117); while Pharnaces succeeded to the
was the radical defect, which be was unable to throne of the Bosporus. Of his daughters the fol-
After the unsuccessful issue of his war lowing are mentioned in history : 1. Cleopatra,
with Sulla, all his efforts were directed, as we have married to Tigranes, king of Armenia ; 2. Drype-
already seen, to the training up a disciplined army, tine, put to death by the eunuch Menophilus ;
capable of contending with the Roman legions ; | 3. Another Cleopatra, present with her father at
and even after the failure of this first experiment the Bosporus (App. Mithr. 108); 4. Mithridatis ;
he still seems to have formed armies, comparatively and 5. Nyssa, who poisoned themselves at the same
small in numbers, but well organised, instead of time with their father (ib. iii. ); and 6 and 7.
the unwieldy and undisciplined multitudes of Ti- Orsabaris and Eupatra, who were taken prisoners
granes.
But he latterly became convinced of the by Pompey (ib. 117).
impossibility of coping with the Romans in the The portrait of Mithridates which appears on his
field, and on all occasions sought to avoid a pitched coins is remarkable for the fire and energy of his
battle, and draw his enemies into positions where countenance, which accords well with all we know
he might cut them off from their supplies, or take of his character ; while the beautiful execution of
advantage of the rugged and difficult nature of the the coins themselves, both in gold and silver, bears
country in which he had involved them. If he testimony to his patronage of the arts. They
was frequently foiled in these projects, we must usually bear a date, which refers to an era com-
remember that he was opposed to generals such as mencing with the year B. C. 297, and which con.
Lucullus and Pompey. But whatever opinion may tinued to be used by the kings of Bosporus long
be entertained of the skill and ability of Mithri- afterwards, though its origin is unknown
dates as a general in conducting his campaigns,
there can be no question as to the undaunted spirit
and energy with which he rose superior to all his
defeats, and was ever ready to recommence the
unequal contest
What little we know of his character in other
MISAATOY
respects is far from favourable ; and notwithstand-
ing his Greek education and habits, presents all
the characteristics of a genuine Eastern despot.
His unreasonable suspicions of those around him,
which lost him the province of Galatia and the
services of Archelaus ; the reliance placed on MITHRIDATES, a son of the preceding, who
eunuchs for all confidential purposes ; the barbarous was appointed by his father to take the command
execution of several of his numerous sons for vari- of the army which he opposed to the Ronian
ous and often trivial causes ; and the truly Oriental general, Fimbria, in B. c. 85. Though supported
jealousy which led him to order the death of his by Taxiles, Diophantus, and Menander, three of
wives and sisters, when he found himself compelled the ablest generals of Mithridates, he was totally
to fly from his kingdom-not to speak of the severe defeated by Fimbria, who surprised his camp, and
punishment inflicted on the people of Chios for a cut to pieces the greater part of his forces ; he him-
billing and apparently involuntary offence (App. self made his escape to Pergamus, where he joined
Mithr. 47); and the general massacre of the Roman his father. (Memnon, 34; Appian, Mithr. 52. )
citizens throughout Asia-are sufficient evidence After the termination of the war with Sulla, he was
that neither his great abilities nor his superior appointed by his father to the government of Col-
education had produced in him any tendency to chis, with the title of king. The Colchians, who
real enlightenment or humanity. Yet he was not were previously in a state of revolt, immediately
without a love of the fine arts ; and among the submitted to the young prince, and received him
4
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## p. 1104 (#1120) ##########################################
1104
MNASALCAS.
MNASEAS.
1
:
a
with such demonstrations of favour as excited the Eighteen of his epigrams are given in Brunck's
jealousy of the elder Mithridates, who, in con- Anal. i. p. 190. The time when he flourished
sequence, recalled him; and after keeping him is uncertain. Reiske (Not. p. 245, &c. ) is some
some time in captivity, ultimately put him to what disposed to consider him a contemporary of
death. (App. Mithr. 64. ) (E. H. B. ) Alexander the Great Schneider (Anal. p. 6)
MITHRIDA'TIS (M10pidátis), a daughter of places him a century later. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec.
Mithridates the Great, who had been at one time vol. iv. p. 483; Athen. iv. p. 163. ) (C. P. M. )
betrothed to Ptolemy, king of Egypt ; but the mar- MNA'SEAS (Mvaséas). 1. A Phocian, who,
riage never took place, and she shared the fortunes on the death of Phayllus, B. C. 353, was appointed
of her father to the last. She and her sister Nyssa guardian to the young Phalaecus, the son of Ono
were present with Mithridates just before his marchus, and the successor of Phayllus in the
death, and voluntarily took poison, that they might supreme command of the Phocians in the Sacred
share his fate. (Appian, Mithr, 111. ) [E. H. B. ] War. Mnaseas was soon after slain in a night-
MITHRI'NES. (MITHRENES. )
battle with the Thebang. He was perhaps the
MITHROBARZA'NES (M. Opolapſávns). 1. same person whose private quarrel with one Euthy-
Father-in-law of Datames, with whom he joined crates about an heiress had, according to Aristotle,
in his revolt from the Persian king [DATAMES]; given occasion to the war. (Diod. xvi. 38 ; comp.
but afterwards despairing of his cause, went over Paus. x. 2 ; Arist. Polit. v. 4, ed. Bekk. )
to Artabazus, the Persian general, with all the 2. An Argive, mentioned by Demosthenes (de
cavalry under his command. Datames, however, Cor. p. 324) as one of those who betrayed their
on learning his desertion, followed him so closely country to Philip. . Polybius (arii. 14) blames
that he attacked the enemy at the very moment Demosthenes for what he calls his reckless and
that Mithrobarzanes had joined them. The Per- sweeping accusation against so many distinguished
sians in consequence distrusted their new confe- men. (Comp. Dem. de Cor. p. 245, de Chers. p.
Jerate, and refused to receive them, so that Mithro- | 105 ; Diod. xvi. 38, 69. )
[E. E. )
barzanes and his followers found themselves hemmed MNA’SEAS (Mvaséas), literary. 1. Of Pa-
in between two armies, and were quickly cut to TARA, in Lycia, the most celebrated literary person
pieces. (Diod. xv. 91 ; Corn. Nep. Datam. 6; of this name. He is sometimes called o Tarapeús,
comp. Polyaen. vii. 21. $ 7. )
and at other times ó Natpeus: the former would
2. General of the Cappadocian forces, which make bim a native of Patara in Lycia ; the latter, of
formed part of the Persian army at the passage of Patrae in Achaia Clinton calls him (F. H. vol.
the Granicus : he was killed in the battle (Arrian, iii. p. 534) Mnaseas of Patrae ; but it appears
Anab. i. 16. & 5; Diod. xvii. 21). His name is more probable that latpeus is a corruption of
written in many of the MSS. both of Diodorus Harapeús than the contrary ; and we kuow that
and Arrian, Mithrobuzanes, but analogy is certainly Asia Minor produced many literary persons from
in favour of the other form.
the time that literature flourished at Alexandria.
3. King or ruler of the district of Sophene, in From a passage in Suidas (s. r. 'Epatoobévns),
the possession of which he was established by Vossius, Clinton, and others have supposed that
Ariarathes V. , king of Cappadocia, notwithstanding Mnaseas was a disciple of Aristarchus ; but the
the opposition of Artaxias, king of Armenia, who words may also mean that he was a pupil of Era-
in vain endeavoured to induce Ariarathes to put tosthenes ; and that this is their real meaning,
the young prince to death, and divide his dominions Preller has shown, from another source, in the
between them. (Diod. xxxi. Exc. Vales. p. 584. ) essay referred to below. (Comp. Epimerism. Hom.
4. A general of Tigranes I. , king of Armenia, p. 277, 29 ; Welcker, Epische Cyclus, p. 459. )
who was the first of the king's friends and courtiers Mnaseas belonged to the period when the school
that ventured to apprise him of the near approach of Callimachus and Eratosthenes was prosecuting
of Lucullus. Hereupon he was despatched by that literary and grammatical studies ; but when like
monarch with a force of 3000 horse and a numerous wise a very large number were devoting themselves
body of infantry, with orders to crush the Roman to a description of lands and places, with an ac-
army, and bring the general away prisoner. Mithro count of their local traditions, monuments, and
barzanes, though he does not seem to have shared antiquities. Such were Polemon of Ilion, Nean-
in this foolish confidence, advanced to meet Lucullus, thes of Cyzicus, Philostephanus of Cyrene, and
but was encountered by the advanced guard of the many others, who were contemporary with Mna-
Romans under Sextilius, and cut to pieces, with seas, and who were called by the general name of
the greater part of his troops. (Plut. Lucull. 25 ; Periegetae (Ilepinyntai). To these Mnaseas be
Appian, Mithr. 84. )
[E. H. B.
refuge within the city. Here Mithridates at first tried to allnre him to the relief of Amisus, the siege
prepared to besiege him, but soon changed his in- of which he continued throughout the winter, on
tention, and moved with his whole army to Cyzicus, the approach of spring (B. C. 72) advanced into the
to which important city he proceeded to lay siege, interior, and took up a position opposite to him at
both by sea and land. His military engines and Cabeira Mithridates was superior in cavalry, on
works were managed by a Greek named Niconides, which account the Roman general avoided an
who displayed the utmost skill and science in this action in the plains, and the campaign was chiefly
department; while the attacks of the besieging occupied with mutual attempts to cut off each
forces were unremitting. But the Roman general other's convoys of provisions, which led to repeated
Lucullus, who had advanced from Phrygia to the partial engagements, with various vicissitudes of
relief of Cotta, and followed Mithridates to Cyzicus, fortune. At length a large detachment of the
had been allowed, by the negligence of the king, king's army was entirely cut off, and Mithridates
or the treachery, as it was said, of the Roman L. hereupon determined to remove his camp: but the
Magius, who enjoyed a high place in his confidence, orders to this effect by some mismanagement gave
to occupy an advantageous position near the camp rise to a panic in the undisciplined multitudes
of Mithridates, where he almost entirely cut him which composed his army; great confusion arose,
off from receiving supplies by land, while the and Lucullus having sent his cavalry to take ad-
storms of the winter prevented him from depending vantage of this, a general rout was the consequence.
on those by sea. Hence it was not long before Mithridates himself with difficulty made his way
famine began to make itself felt in the camp of through the tumult, and must have fallen into
Mithridates, and all his assaults upon the city the hands of the Romans, had not the cupidity
having been foiled by the courage and resolution of some of his pursuers, who stopped to plunder
of the besieged, he was at length compelled (early a mule laden with gold, given him time to effect
## p. 1101 (#1117) ##########################################
MITHRIDATES.
1101
MITHRIDATES:
!
his escape. He led to. Comana, wbere he was farther advance of the Roman general, who tumed
ayain able to assemble a body of 2000 horse, aside into Mesopotamia Here Mithridates left
but he despaired of opposing the farther progress him to lay siege to the fortress of Nisibis, which
of Lucullus, and accordingly sent his faithful was supposed impregnable, while he himself took
eunuch Bacchides to put to death his wives and advantage of his absence to invade Pontus, at the
sisters whom he had left at Pharnacia, while he head of a large army, and endeavour to regain pos
himself took refuge in the dominions of his son-in- session of his former dominions The defence of
law Tigranes. It appears that these events took Pontus was confided to Fabius, one of the lieute-
place before the close of the year B. c. 72. (Plut nants of. Lucullus ; but the oppressions of the Ro
Lucull. 14—18; Appian, Mithr. 78-82 ; Mem- mans had excited a general spirit of disaffection,
non, 43, 44 ; concerning the chronology seo Lue and the people crowded around the standard of
CULLUS, VOL II. p. 834, note. )
Mithridates Even the Thracian mercenaries in
Tigranes was at this moment the most powerful the army of Fabius turned against their general,
monarch of Asia (TIGRANES); but though he had who was totally defeated by Mithridates, and com-
previously promised assistance to Mithridates, he pelled to shut himself up in the fortress of Cabeira
appears to have been unwilling to engage openly in Triarius, another of the Roman generals, now ad-
war with Rome; and on this account, while he re vanced to his support with a fresh army, and the
ceived the fugitive monarch in a friendly manner, king retreated before this new adversary, and
and assigned him all that was requisite for main- withdrew to Comana, where he took up his winter-
taining his royal dignity, he refused to admit him quarters. But the following spring (B. C. 67) hos-
to his presence, and showed no disposition to tilities were resumed on both sides ; and Triarius,
attempt his restoration. But the arrogance of the who was anxious to engage Mithridates before
Ror ns brought about a change in his policy ; and Lucullus himself should arrive, allowed himself to
Tigranes, offended at the haughty conduct of Appius be attacked at disadvantage, and was totally de.
Claudius, whom Lucullus had sent to demand the feated. The destruction of the Roman army would
surrender of Mithridates, not only refused this have been complete had not the king himself been
request, but determined at once to prepare for war wounded in the pursuit, which was in consequence
with the Romans. Community of interests now checked for a time ; but even thus the blow was
led to a complete reconciliation between the two one of the severest which the Roman arms had sug-
monarchs; and Mithridates, who had spent a year tained for a long period : 7000 of their troops fell,
and eight months in the dominions of his son-in- among which was an unprecedented number of
law without being admitted to a personal interview, officers ; and their camp itself was taken. . - (Dion
was now made to participate in all the councils of Cass. xxxv. 4–6, 8-13; Appian, Mithr. 87-
Tigranes, and appointed to levy an army to unite 89; Plut. Lucull. 31, 32, 35; Cic. pro Leg. Manila
in the war. But it was in vain that in the ensuing 9. )
campaign (B. C. 69) he urged upon his son-in-law The advance of Lucullus himself from Mesopo-
the lessons of his own experience, and advised him tamia prevented Mithridates from following up his
to shun a regular action with Lucullus : Tigranes, advantage, and be withdrew into Lesser Armenia,
confident in the multitude of his forces, gave battle where he took up a strong position near Talaura
at Tigranocerta and was defeated, before Mithri- to await the approach of Tigranes. He doubtless
dates had been able to join him. But this disaster, expected that the Roman general would quickly
so precisely in accordance with the warnings of resume the offensive ; but the farther proceedings
Mithridates, served to raise the latter so high in of Lucullus were paralysed by the mutinous and
the estimation of Tigranes, that from this time for- disaffected spirit of his own soldiers ; and on the
ward the whole conduct of the war was entrusted arrival of Tigranes the two monarchs found them-
to the direction of the king of Pontus.
selves able to overrun almost the whole of Pontus
During the ensuing winter both monarchs were and Cappadocia without opposition. Before the
busily engaged in raising a fresh army, into which close of the year 67 Mithridates saw himself once
Mithridates endeavoured to introduce some dis- more in possession of the greater part of his here
cipline, as well as to arm a large body of them ditary dominions. (Plut. Lucull. 35; Appian,
after the Roman fashion. They at the same time Mithr. 90; Dion Cass. xxxv. 14,17; Cic. pro Ley.
endeavoured to procure the important assistance of Manil. 3. )
the Parthian king, to whom Mithridates addressed But early in the following year (66) the conduct
a letter, urging him to consult his true interest by of the war was entrusted by the Romans to the
espousing their cause before it was too late, and general whose fame was at this moment eclipsing
not to wait until the Romans attacked him his all others—the illustrious Pompey, and one of the
turn. Whether the epistle to this effect preserved first measures of the new commander was to secure
among the fragments of Sallust really bears any the friendship and alliance of the Parthian king
resemblance to that composed by the king of Phraates III. , a step by which he not only de
Pontus we have unfortunately no means of deter- prived Mithridates of all hopes of the co-operation
mining. (Plut. Lucull. 19, 21–23, 25—30; Ap of that monarch, but precluded him from the sup:
pian, Mithr. 84-87; Memnon, 46, 55— 58; Dion port of Tigranes also, by compelling the Armenian
Cass. Fr. 178, xxxv. 1-3; Liv. Epit. xcviii. ; Oros. king to look to the defence of his own dominions
vi. 3 ; Eutrop. vi. 8, 9; Epist. Mithr. ad Arsacem, against the Parthian. Thus thrown back upon his
ap. Sall. Hist. iv. p. 238, ed. Gerlach. )
own resources, Mithridates made overtures for
But the Parthian king still wavered, and in the peace ; but Pompey would listen to no terms ex. ,
following summer (B. C. 68), Lucullus crossed the cept those of unqualified submission and the sur-
Taurus, penetrated into the heart of Armenia, and render of all Roman deserters, and these conditions
again defeated the allied monarchs near the city of the king of Pontus rejected with scorn. He still
Artaxate. But the early severity of the season, found himself at the head of an army of 30,000
and the discontent of his own troops, checked the foot and 2000 horse, with which, however, he did
.
## p. 1102 (#1118) ##########################################
1102
MITHRIDATES.
MITHRIDATES.
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not venture to meet the enemy in the field, and by his generals Neoptolemus and Diophantns, and
avoided an action with Pompey, while he pro- having gathered around his standard all these
tracted the campaign, and gradually withdrew barbarian nations, of whose hostility towards Rome
towards the frontiers of Armenia. But he was no there could be no question, to throw himself
match for the generalship of his adversary, who with these accumulated masses upon the frontiers
attacked him during a night march through a nar- of the Roman state, and perhaps penetrate even
row pass which had been previously occupied by into Italy itself. With these views, he was busily
the Roman troops: the greater part of the army of engnged in assembling such a fleet and army as
Mithridates was cut to pieces, and the king him would be sufficient for an enterprise of this mag-
self escaped with only a few horsemen and his nitude. But his proceedings were much delayed
concubine Hypsicratea, the faithful companion of at first by a violent earthquake, which overthrew
all his fortunes, to the frontier fortress of Synoria. whole towns and villages, and subsequently by a
Here he once more assembled a considerable force, long and painful illness, which incapacitated him
with which he prepared to withdraw into Armenia; for any personal exertion. At length, however,
but Tigranes, who suspected him of fomenting the his preparations were completed, and he found
intrigues of his son against him, now refused to himself at the head of an army of 36,000 men and
admit him into his dominions, and no choice re- a considerable fleet. But during his illness, while
mained for Mithridates but to plunge with his he lived in complete seclusion, visible to none but
small army into the heart of Colchis, and thence a few chosen eunuchs, disaffection had made rapid
make his way to the Palus Maeotis and the Cim- progress among his followers. The fiull extent of
merian Bosporus. Arduong as this enterprise his schemes was probably communicated to few ;
appeared it was successfully accomplished. After but enough had transpired to alarm the multitude,
crossing the Phasis he deemed himself secure from and neither the soldiers nor their leaders were dis-
the pursuit of Pompey, and took up his quarters posed to follow their aged monarch on an enterprise
for the winter at Dioscurias (the extreme eastern which they might well regard as little less than
limit of the Greek settlements in this part of the desperate. In this state of things an act of private
Euxine), where he levied additional troops and also revenge led to the revolt of the important town of
assembled a small fleet. With these combined Fhanagoria. where the sons of Mithridates, who
forces he resumed his progress in the following held the citadel, were compelled to surrender to the
year (65), and succeeded in effecting his passage, insurgents, and the fame of insurrection quickly
partly by force, partly by persuasion, through all spread to several other cities of the Tauric Cher-
the various barbarian tribes that occupied the sonese. Still the spirit of the old king was un-
country between the Caucasus and the Euxine, broken: he endeavoured to renew his alliances
and reached in safety the city of Phanagoria on the with the neighbouring Scythian chieftains, and
Bosporus. His son Machares, to whom he had sent some of his daughters to them as brides, under
confided the government of these regions, but who the escort of some confidential eunuchs, who, how-
had long before made his submission to Luculluis, ever, followed the general example, and betrayed
fled on learning his approach, and soon after put their charge into the hands of the Romans. A
an end to his own life. Mithridates, in consequence, more formidable conspiracy was now organised by
established himself without opposition at Pantica- Pharnaces, the favourite son of Mithridates, and
paeum, the capital of the kingdom of Bosporus. whom he had declared heir to his crown. The
(Appian, Mithr. 97-102, 107 ; Dion Cass. xxxvi. designs of the young man were discovered, and his
28—33; Plut. Pomp. 32, 34, 35 ; Liv. Epit. ci. ; | accomplices put to death, but Mithridates was per-
Oros. vi. 4 ; Strab. xi. pp. 496, 497, xii. p. 555. ) suaded to spare his son's life, and Phamnaces im-
He had now nothing to fear from the pursuit of mediately availed himself of his impunity to break
Pompey, who appears to have at once abandoned out into open insurrection. He was quickly joined
all thoughts of following the fugitive monarch into both by the whole army and the citizens of Pan-
the wild and inaccessible regions beyond the ticapaeum, who unanimously proclaimed him king ;
Phasis, and turned his arms first against Tigranes, and Mithridates, who had taken refuge in a strong
and afterwards against Syria. It was probably tower, after many fruitless messages and embassies
this sense of security that emboldened him in the to his son, saw that no choice remained to him but
year 64 to send ambassadors to Pompey to sue for death or captivity. Hereupon he took poison,
peace, offering to submit on terms similar to those which he constantly carried with him ; but his
which had been lately granted to Tigranes, namely, constitution had been so long inured to antidotes,
that he should be allowed to retain possession of that it did not produce the desired effect, and he
his hereditary dominions, as a tributary to Rome. was compelled to call in the assistance of one of
Pompey, however, insisted that the king should his Gaulish mercenaries to despatch him with his
come in person to make his submission, and this sword. (Appian, Mithr. 107–111; Dion Cass.
Mithridates resolutely refused. The negotiations xxxvii. 3, 11-13; Plut. Pomp. 41 ; Oros. vi. 5 ;
were in consequence broken off ; and while Pompey Eutrop. vi. 12 ; Liv. Epit. cii. ; Flor. iii. 6; Joseph.
regulated the affairs of Pontus, which he reduced Ant. xiv. 3. § 4; Val. Max. ix. 2, ext. 3; Gell.
to the condition of a Roman province, Mithridates xvii. 16; Aur. Vict. de Vir. Ilust. 76, 77 ; Vell.
on his part commenced the most extensive pre- Pat. ii. 40. )
parations for a renewal of the contest. Far from The death of Mithridates took place in the year
contenting himself with the possession of the re-63 B. C. (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 10. ) The dread that
mote province of the Bosporus, in which, from its his name still inspired at Rome is strongly dis-
inaccessible position, he might defy the arms of played in a passage of Cicero's speech on the
Rome, he now conceived the daring project of Agrarian laws, delivered early in that very year
marching round the north and west coasts of the (De Leg. Agrar. ii. 19), and we may thus readily
Euxine, through the wild tribes of the Sarmatians credit the statement of Plutarch, that his death was
and Getae, which had been in part already visited regarded by the army as equal to a great victory.
the
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## p. 1103 (#1119) ##########################################
MITHRIDATES.
1103
MITHRIDATES.
3
cure.
His body was sent by Pharnaces to Pompey at vast treasures accumulated in his treasuries at
Amisus, as a token of his submission ; but the Cabeira and elsewhere were many valuable pictures
conqueror caused it to be interred with regal and statues, and a splendid collection of engraved
honours in the sepulchre of his forefathers at Sinope. gems or precious stones. (Strab. xii. p. 556; Plin.
(Plut. Pomp. 42; App. Mithr. 113; Dion Cass. xxxiii. 12. § 54, xxxvii. 2. & 5; Manil. Astron.
xxxvii. 14.
) According to the statement of Appian v. 510. )
already cited, he was sixty-eight or sixty-nine Of his numerous wives or concubines, the names
years old at the time of his death, and bad reigned of a few only have been preserved to us : among
fifty-seven years, of which twenty-five had been the most conspicuous of which are: Laodice, put
occupied, with only a few brief intervals, in one to death early in his reign ; Berenice and Monima,
continued struggle against the Roman power. The both of whom were put to death at Pharnacia
estimation in which he was held by his adversaries (Monima), STRATONice and Hypsicrates, the
is the etrongest testimony to his great abilities : last of whom is said to have accompanied him on
Cicero calls him the greatest of all kings after all bis campaigns, and shared with him every
Alexander ( Acad. pr. ii. 1), and in another passage danger and privation. (Plut. Pomp. 32; Val. Max.
Bays that he was a more formidable opponent than iv. 6. ext. $ 2. ) By these various wives he was
any other monarch whom the Roman arms had yet the father of a numerous progeny, many of whom,
encountered (pro Vuren. 15; see also Vell
. Pat. however, perished before him. Of his song, Arca-
ii. 18). Nor can we doubt the truth of these thias died in Greece, Mithridates and Xiphares
eulogiums, when we contemplate the circumstances were put to death by his orders, and Machares
in which he was placed, and the instruments with only escaped the same fate by a voluntary death ;
which he had to work. The numerous defeats of five others, named Artaphernes, Cyrus, Darcius,
Mithridates are a proof not so much of his own Xerxes, and Oxathres, had fallen into the hands of
deficiency as a general, as of the inferiority of his Pompey, and served to adorn his triumph (App.
troops to those which were opposed to him. This Mithr. 117); while Pharnaces succeeded to the
was the radical defect, which be was unable to throne of the Bosporus. Of his daughters the fol-
After the unsuccessful issue of his war lowing are mentioned in history : 1. Cleopatra,
with Sulla, all his efforts were directed, as we have married to Tigranes, king of Armenia ; 2. Drype-
already seen, to the training up a disciplined army, tine, put to death by the eunuch Menophilus ;
capable of contending with the Roman legions ; | 3. Another Cleopatra, present with her father at
and even after the failure of this first experiment the Bosporus (App. Mithr. 108); 4. Mithridatis ;
he still seems to have formed armies, comparatively and 5. Nyssa, who poisoned themselves at the same
small in numbers, but well organised, instead of time with their father (ib. iii. ); and 6 and 7.
the unwieldy and undisciplined multitudes of Ti- Orsabaris and Eupatra, who were taken prisoners
granes.
But he latterly became convinced of the by Pompey (ib. 117).
impossibility of coping with the Romans in the The portrait of Mithridates which appears on his
field, and on all occasions sought to avoid a pitched coins is remarkable for the fire and energy of his
battle, and draw his enemies into positions where countenance, which accords well with all we know
he might cut them off from their supplies, or take of his character ; while the beautiful execution of
advantage of the rugged and difficult nature of the the coins themselves, both in gold and silver, bears
country in which he had involved them. If he testimony to his patronage of the arts. They
was frequently foiled in these projects, we must usually bear a date, which refers to an era com-
remember that he was opposed to generals such as mencing with the year B. C. 297, and which con.
Lucullus and Pompey. But whatever opinion may tinued to be used by the kings of Bosporus long
be entertained of the skill and ability of Mithri- afterwards, though its origin is unknown
dates as a general in conducting his campaigns,
there can be no question as to the undaunted spirit
and energy with which he rose superior to all his
defeats, and was ever ready to recommence the
unequal contest
What little we know of his character in other
MISAATOY
respects is far from favourable ; and notwithstand-
ing his Greek education and habits, presents all
the characteristics of a genuine Eastern despot.
His unreasonable suspicions of those around him,
which lost him the province of Galatia and the
services of Archelaus ; the reliance placed on MITHRIDATES, a son of the preceding, who
eunuchs for all confidential purposes ; the barbarous was appointed by his father to take the command
execution of several of his numerous sons for vari- of the army which he opposed to the Ronian
ous and often trivial causes ; and the truly Oriental general, Fimbria, in B. c. 85. Though supported
jealousy which led him to order the death of his by Taxiles, Diophantus, and Menander, three of
wives and sisters, when he found himself compelled the ablest generals of Mithridates, he was totally
to fly from his kingdom-not to speak of the severe defeated by Fimbria, who surprised his camp, and
punishment inflicted on the people of Chios for a cut to pieces the greater part of his forces ; he him-
billing and apparently involuntary offence (App. self made his escape to Pergamus, where he joined
Mithr. 47); and the general massacre of the Roman his father. (Memnon, 34; Appian, Mithr. 52. )
citizens throughout Asia-are sufficient evidence After the termination of the war with Sulla, he was
that neither his great abilities nor his superior appointed by his father to the government of Col-
education had produced in him any tendency to chis, with the title of king. The Colchians, who
real enlightenment or humanity. Yet he was not were previously in a state of revolt, immediately
without a love of the fine arts ; and among the submitted to the young prince, and received him
4
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## p. 1104 (#1120) ##########################################
1104
MNASALCAS.
MNASEAS.
1
:
a
with such demonstrations of favour as excited the Eighteen of his epigrams are given in Brunck's
jealousy of the elder Mithridates, who, in con- Anal. i. p. 190. The time when he flourished
sequence, recalled him; and after keeping him is uncertain. Reiske (Not. p. 245, &c. ) is some
some time in captivity, ultimately put him to what disposed to consider him a contemporary of
death. (App. Mithr. 64. ) (E. H. B. ) Alexander the Great Schneider (Anal. p. 6)
MITHRIDA'TIS (M10pidátis), a daughter of places him a century later. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec.
Mithridates the Great, who had been at one time vol. iv. p. 483; Athen. iv. p. 163. ) (C. P. M. )
betrothed to Ptolemy, king of Egypt ; but the mar- MNA'SEAS (Mvaséas). 1. A Phocian, who,
riage never took place, and she shared the fortunes on the death of Phayllus, B. C. 353, was appointed
of her father to the last. She and her sister Nyssa guardian to the young Phalaecus, the son of Ono
were present with Mithridates just before his marchus, and the successor of Phayllus in the
death, and voluntarily took poison, that they might supreme command of the Phocians in the Sacred
share his fate. (Appian, Mithr, 111. ) [E. H. B. ] War. Mnaseas was soon after slain in a night-
MITHRI'NES. (MITHRENES. )
battle with the Thebang. He was perhaps the
MITHROBARZA'NES (M. Opolapſávns). 1. same person whose private quarrel with one Euthy-
Father-in-law of Datames, with whom he joined crates about an heiress had, according to Aristotle,
in his revolt from the Persian king [DATAMES]; given occasion to the war. (Diod. xvi. 38 ; comp.
but afterwards despairing of his cause, went over Paus. x. 2 ; Arist. Polit. v. 4, ed. Bekk. )
to Artabazus, the Persian general, with all the 2. An Argive, mentioned by Demosthenes (de
cavalry under his command. Datames, however, Cor. p. 324) as one of those who betrayed their
on learning his desertion, followed him so closely country to Philip. . Polybius (arii. 14) blames
that he attacked the enemy at the very moment Demosthenes for what he calls his reckless and
that Mithrobarzanes had joined them. The Per- sweeping accusation against so many distinguished
sians in consequence distrusted their new confe- men. (Comp. Dem. de Cor. p. 245, de Chers. p.
Jerate, and refused to receive them, so that Mithro- | 105 ; Diod. xvi. 38, 69. )
[E. E. )
barzanes and his followers found themselves hemmed MNA’SEAS (Mvaséas), literary. 1. Of Pa-
in between two armies, and were quickly cut to TARA, in Lycia, the most celebrated literary person
pieces. (Diod. xv. 91 ; Corn. Nep. Datam. 6; of this name. He is sometimes called o Tarapeús,
comp. Polyaen. vii. 21. $ 7. )
and at other times ó Natpeus: the former would
2. General of the Cappadocian forces, which make bim a native of Patara in Lycia ; the latter, of
formed part of the Persian army at the passage of Patrae in Achaia Clinton calls him (F. H. vol.
the Granicus : he was killed in the battle (Arrian, iii. p. 534) Mnaseas of Patrae ; but it appears
Anab. i. 16. & 5; Diod. xvii. 21). His name is more probable that latpeus is a corruption of
written in many of the MSS. both of Diodorus Harapeús than the contrary ; and we kuow that
and Arrian, Mithrobuzanes, but analogy is certainly Asia Minor produced many literary persons from
in favour of the other form.
the time that literature flourished at Alexandria.
3. King or ruler of the district of Sophene, in From a passage in Suidas (s. r. 'Epatoobévns),
the possession of which he was established by Vossius, Clinton, and others have supposed that
Ariarathes V. , king of Cappadocia, notwithstanding Mnaseas was a disciple of Aristarchus ; but the
the opposition of Artaxias, king of Armenia, who words may also mean that he was a pupil of Era-
in vain endeavoured to induce Ariarathes to put tosthenes ; and that this is their real meaning,
the young prince to death, and divide his dominions Preller has shown, from another source, in the
between them. (Diod. xxxi. Exc. Vales. p. 584. ) essay referred to below. (Comp. Epimerism. Hom.
4. A general of Tigranes I. , king of Armenia, p. 277, 29 ; Welcker, Epische Cyclus, p. 459. )
who was the first of the king's friends and courtiers Mnaseas belonged to the period when the school
that ventured to apprise him of the near approach of Callimachus and Eratosthenes was prosecuting
of Lucullus. Hereupon he was despatched by that literary and grammatical studies ; but when like
monarch with a force of 3000 horse and a numerous wise a very large number were devoting themselves
body of infantry, with orders to crush the Roman to a description of lands and places, with an ac-
army, and bring the general away prisoner. Mithro count of their local traditions, monuments, and
barzanes, though he does not seem to have shared antiquities. Such were Polemon of Ilion, Nean-
in this foolish confidence, advanced to meet Lucullus, thes of Cyzicus, Philostephanus of Cyrene, and
but was encountered by the advanced guard of the many others, who were contemporary with Mna-
Romans under Sextilius, and cut to pieces, with seas, and who were called by the general name of
the greater part of his troops. (Plut. Lucull. 25 ; Periegetae (Ilepinyntai). To these Mnaseas be
Appian, Mithr. 84. )
[E. H. B.
