To which Mgi were not to add, nor to
diminish
ought from them, Z)«rf.
Rehearsal - v1 - 1750
How it was determin'd as to every individual, who should belong to -which nation, and governor.
3. Deut. xxxii. 8. particularly explained. Where in 4. Of God's great regard to his church. And 5. Of the theocrasie of the Jews. That it nvas net a commonwealth, or popular government? but the
strict and absolute monarchy. 6. The gross mistake of the desence of the natural rights of man kind upon this head. Wherein of the true notion of liberty. And of conscience towards government-
7. His objections against Deut. . xxxii. 8. as an ob scure text.
I. Coun. ' I ^O begin where we left off last Saturday I
X have been thinking, master, of this di- viston of the world into nations. Ifit had been done by
the vote of the people, of every individual, according to. ". Mr. Lock, I cannot imagine, how they wou'd have all agreed. Some wou'd have lik'd one governor better than another. And one country better than another. Who wou'd have gone into the worst countries, when it was in their choice to stay in the best ? There must have been some bustling work, before all this cou'd have been.
quiet1- and peaceably decided.
(2. ) But how was it determin'd, master, who shou'd be
long to who ? Who should belong to this prince, and who to that ?
R. Upon the dhiston oftongues, every one naturally sorted with those of his own language, where he might
understand, and be understood when he or they spoke . Thus the 70 hngueges made 70 divistons of people. And then Cod set a ruler over every one of them. Ail whose aams, are set down, Gen. x. As it is faid, Eccluf. xvii.
t7-
394
most
.
C. What the meaning of that Are there but 70
angels
R. The word angels apply'd to governors and rul
ers. As the bishops are call'd the angels of the churches,, Rev. 20. And no wonder they are caU'd angels, when,, as told you before, they are call'd Gods. -
' These angels then, according to whose number the nations were divided, are the 70 rulers nam'd Gen. x.
C. But what the meaning of their being divided ac cording to the number of the children of Israel He had but sons. Were there then but nations
R. The number of the children of Israel here meant, the number of those who went down into Egypt. All
whose names you have set down, Gen xlvi. The sons of Leah, 33. ver. 15. Thesons os Zilpah 16. ver. 18. Of Rachel 14. ver. 22. Of Bilhah, ver. 25. in all 70. To which you add the two sons of Joseph born in E-
The REHEARSAL.
395 1J. For in the divifion of the nations of the whole earths
be (God) set a ruler over every people. C. But this is apocrypha.
R. But it is ancienter, and of more authority than any thing can be produc'd on the whig side, for the
popular original ofgovernment. And it shews what was the current notion and tradition of the Jews in this matter.
(3. ) But I bring it only as a comment upon the text of holy scripture. It is repeating almost in the fame words, what is faid, Deut. xxxii. 8. " When the most high di vided to the nations their inheritance, when he separat ed the sons of Æam, he set the bounds of the people ac cording to the number of the children of Israel" The Greek reads according to the number of the angels.
makes 72. And some reckon the sons of Shcm,. Ham, and Japheth to be 72. As some but" because'
gypt,
of doubt about two names in that
(4. ) C. This very observable. Bat master, can you1
help me to reason, why the divifion of nations fhou'd. have respect to the number of the children ' Israel, who* were many ages afterwanL
R. Godi
chapter.
S. ? 6-
7.
is
so it 12 i. ?
of
7
? ?
a
I
is it,
a if is
is
1 2
?
is
The REHEARS AL.
396
R. God forefaw, that the only visible church he was to
have upon earth, shou'd be, for a long time, even to the coming of the Messiah, in the children of Israel. And this was out of respect to his church. Nor will it seem strange, that God shou'd have such regard to his church,
in the divifion of nations, when we sind that the whole creation was made with respect to her, and for her fake. And does sympathize with her both in her state of humili
ation and exaltation. As the apofile speaks Rom. viii. 19, ao, 21, 22. " For the earnest expectation ofthe crea ture waiteth for the manisestation of the sons of God—
Because the creature it self also shall be deliver'd from
the bondage of corruption, into the glorious liberty of the children of God. For we know that the whole cre ation groaneth and travelleth in pain together until now. "
And Isaiah describeth the restoration of the church
new heavens, and a new earth, chap, lxv. 17. Angels axe
given to her for ministering spirits. Heb. i. 14. . And
God hath made Christ, head over all things to the church ; txhich is his body, the fulness of him that filleth all in- all. Eph. i. 22, 23. And the apostle fays, to the church, 1 Cor. iii. 22, 23, Allthings areyours Whethee things present, or things to come, all are yours. Andyr are Christ's, and Christ is Gods. We are faid to be heirs of God, and.
joint heirs with Christ. Rom. viii. 17. For as much then as the church is heir of all things, both present and to
come, as well of heaven, as of earth, it is but consonant to this, that a special regard to her shou'd appear 'Sn all the dispenfations of God. As it did remeakahly in
this fignal and wonderful divifion of the world.
And to shew you, that this is the right expedition of
that text, God himself gives the fame. For immedi ately after the words before quoted, Dent, xxxii. 8. That God divided the nations, after the number of the children of Israel, it is added, as the reason, ver. 9. For
the Lord' s portion is his people ; Jacob it the lot of his in- heritance. And the fame is likewise mentioned in what i call'd a comment upon this text, Ecclnf. xvii. 17. For
in the division of the nations of the whole earth, be set a ruler
by
ynler
S97 over every people : but Israel is the Lord's por
answer.
The REHEARSAL.
tion.
(5. ) C. This wou'd seem as if Godhad not set a ruler,
or an angel over Israel, but kept them for bis own por tion.
R. Thus far you are in the right, that God did govern the Israelites in a different manner from any other na tion. He executed the office of king himself. He gave them the miraculous urim and thummim,
whereby they might consult him, upon all emergencies, and receive his
He gave them Moses and Joshua, and after that he rais'd them up judges and captains, U>save thent in times of danger. Therefore this was call'd a theo-
that the government of God himself. And therefore was not successive or hereditary, because God their king did not •//>. But they grew weary of this theo-
and wou'd have /? 'Ȥ. , after the manner of the nations round about. Therefore God faid to Samuel, who was then judge over them, they have not rejected thee, but they have rejected ME, that should not reign over them. And this was not change of the species of their go vernment, from monarchy to commonwealth, for they asked king. And there was no king then in the world,. but what was absolute. . No other government was then known, but absolute monarchy. But they only sought to change their &agy from the invisible God, to mortal
whom they might have always in their eye to go in and out before them, andfight their battles, whenever
they thought there was occasion for as they faw in. Other nations. They would trust no longer in miracles, and the way in which they had all along been preserv'd. They thought that God was now tardy. But Samuel un dertook to justify God, against whom they complain'd, and faid to them, Sam. xii. &c. " the Lord
that advanc'd Moses and Aaron, and that brought your fathers up out of the land of Egypt. Now therefore stand still that may reason with you before the Lord, of all the righteous acts of the Lord, which he did to you and to your fathers. " Then Samuel goes on, and
repeats
crafie,
crafie:
I
1a
is,
6,
it,
It is
a ;
it
a
I a
a
398
The REHEARSAL.
repeats the many deliverances which God had wrought for them, from their coming out of Egypt to that day, by the several captains he had given them. And why then they shou'd mistrust him now ! But all wou'd not do : they were bent upon it : and their faith quite saiPai them, as Samuel tells them, ver. 12. " When ye faw that Nahash the king of the children of Ammon earner against you, ye faid unto me, nay, but a king shall reign OTer us, when the Lord your God was your king. " They wou'd not trust to God's sending them a captain, as he had formerly done, in all their emergencies ; but they wou'd have a king, like other nations, constantly in view
before them, to whom they might apply. And they thought that other nations had the advantage over them in this. In short they were weary of the theocraste, of being the Lord's portion, to whom he gave laws imme diately from heaven : who led them by a pillar of cloud
by day, and of fire by night. . Who sent them captains and judges to deliver them out of the hand of their ene mies, round about, by great and many miracles. But they came at last to loath this manna, which raind upon them from heaven ; and to long after the leeks and onions of Egypt ; to be like other people, under a constant angel
or ruler, and not immediately in the hands of God him self. But Moses thought far otherwise of this matter. For when God threatned Exod. xxxiii. 3. That he wou'd
not go up himselfin the midst of the people, because they were stiff-neck'd, only send an angel with them ; Moses cried and made supplication, ver. 15. Ifthy presence go not with me, carry us not up hence.
I have been the longer upon this, because some bring this state of the Jews, before Saul, as a pattern for the commonwealth government. And their asking a king, as an argument against monarchy : as ifthe theocrafit, or the immediate government of God himself were not the
most perfect and absolute monarchy. Besides that those captains and judges whom God sent, did all exercise, dur
ing their time, an absolute and despotick peitier oflife and death &c. But some will have even Moses chosen by the
petple.
The REHEARS AL.
399
people. And that they gave laws to him, and prescrib'd the rules of his government .
C, Moses gave laws to /A«h : and gave them all their laws, from the mouth of God himself.
To which Mgi were not to add, nor to diminish ought from them, Z)«rf. sv. 2. So that the people were wholly precluded. Thus much I can understand. And popular government is hard put to when they bring this for an instance
(6. ) There hook preparing for the press, intituled,. A defence the natural rights of mankind, to be in two •volumes, consisting of forty sheets. Of which proposals are printed for subscriptions, wkh two-specimens, as
tast of the performance. In which the author exprefly battles these principles you have laid down.
He writes against book call'd Cassandra. And would put upon that author, as he thought the Jews, before they had kingsT to have been free people (which; that author neither thought nor said. ) But thence he
wou'd inser, that popular government was the institution of God to his own people. But that afterwards as he
fays, " God gave them kings as punishment for their wickedness. And to rob them of that liberty and
equality, which nature they might enjoy. And which he fays they did enjoy 400 years after their leaving Egypt. And that was dispenfation from the univerfal law of the rest of mankind. " Tho' he denies this p. 9.
and fays, that other people were free as well as the
Jews.
R. When he can shew, that ever any people were free
from government, he will be the great Apollo of the whigs And that the Jews did enjoy that liberty and equality he supposes in nature for 400 years after their
which he fays the author of Cassandra cou'd not deny, do absolutely deny for him, or that he ever faid any such thing. Pray did the Jews choose Moses? St. Stephen fays otherwise, Act. vii 35. This
Moses whom they refus7d, saying, who made thee a full er and a judge The same did God send to be a ruler.
So. that this was putting him upon the people, against their
leaving Egypt,
?
is Iitby a
it
if a
! p. 8.
it, it of
a
a
a
a
!
REHEARSAL;
their own inclinations. Imposing the very man to be their ruler, whom they refused. And when he was their ruler, did he ask their consent to the laws that he gave them ?
4oo
The
And were the Israelites less absolutely under the com mand of God their king, and of Moses his vicegerent, than other nations were under their kings ? Was God a more limited king than they ? And did the people limit him? It seems so, for at last they abdicated him ? And who
then can please them ? If a tbeacrafie will not please the y»»s of Belial or liberty, what human governor can satis fy them ? Who can be free from their complaints ? Whom
neither the government of Gorf in heaven, nor the fame
upon rar/£, cou'd s»« of their rebellious and mutinous temper !
And now they quote this very theocrasie, the absolute and unlimited government of the great God, as a pre
cedent against monarchy, and in favour of popular and mob-no-government, the invention of Belial, under the
theocrafie
of liberty !
shew I
Which is such a as Ged liberty
claim a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to thesword, to the pestilence, and to the famine. This is the true mean ing, and natural effect of that liberty these fins of Belial
contend for, in placing the root and source of govern ment in the people ; it is a liberty to destruction, to devour and destroy one another, without end or remedy. By loos ing the foundation of all government whatsoever ; and making all settlement impracticable, upon their popular
scheme: for there is no decifion of popular contests but the sword, when one party of the people have thoroughly fubdu d and conquer d the And then every other party have as free liberty when they are able to attempt
it, to appeal to the fiaord again, and subdue the conque rors. Here is no obligation of conscience on either side,
but every thing govem'd by pure and might: which is a liberty, to nothing else indeed but to the
sword. But we call it the liberty of the /
And
to the
nate and rebellious Jews, Jer. xxxiv. 1 7. Behold pro
proclaimed
obsti
The REHEARSAL.
401
And it is a sure fign of God's indignation against any people, and of his purpose to destroy them, when he suf
fers Belial to take pofl'effion of them, and sill them with
this senseless as well as wickcd and pernicious notion of
liberty. When they are deas to demonstration : and tho' they cannot answer a word, yet still perfist, with the
greater obstinacy ! According to the old faying.
££uos perdcrc vult Jupiter, prius dement at. That when God has determin'd to destroy a people, he sirst takes away their sense and understanding. Or, in the scripture phrase, he hides their eyes, that they may not fee the things that
belong unto their peace.
Anil what can be more thus, than, first, to take away
all obligation of conscience to any government whatsoever,
as I have often heard them own in express terms ?
And indeed, there can be no obligation of conscience, upon the soot of the people, because every man is equally/w, and
equally the people ! I am as much the people as you, eve ry man may fay to another. You may knock me down indeed, or I you, if I can ; and so govern one another, as long as we can hold it. But where's the conscience on either side ? That's mere priest-crast ! And brought in to enslave us, by fixing, or settling us under any fort of
government! Whereas we hate settlement ! And would
be always at liberty to unhinge and overturn any govern ment, whenever we please ! Else there's an end of the liberty andfreedom of the people ! There's an utter end, if there be any thing of conscience in the case ! For then we are ty'd up, past any remedy.
And as for your Rom. xiii. 5. of being subject not only
for wrath, but also for conscience sake : 1 have read in some of our late whig pamphlets, that this was only be
cause the Christians then at Rome were not able to rebel, and so it was against their conscience to restst. But that if St. Paul were alive now, he would alter his command, and give all full liberty of conscience to restst, ifthey had power sufficient. This is persect burlesquing of the holy
scripture : and leaves no more of conscience in submiffion
to government, than in. a lesser army to fight a greater! So
1
402
The REHEARSAL.
So that these men have laid aside all conscience in the matter of government : which is the only band and secu rity ofgovernment. For where this is not, there all laws
and constitution will prove too weak to support any govern ment, as we have seen by woful experience.
And as this of taking away the obligation of consci ence from government, is a directly hiding our eyes from
the things that belong to our peace ; so, secondly, there can not be a greateryTj» of infatuation, than, as our author
here does, to bring the theocrafee, and most absolute mo narchy of God over the Jews, when he named their
I fay to bring this as a. pattern for limited government, and the power of the people in choofing their own govern
captains and their judges, the proper office of a king ;
ors, and making their own knoe! When this is the strongest instance against it that ever was, or can be in the world; is not this infatuation to the degree of
madness ?
(7. ) C. But to go on with our author. He objects,
in the fame p. 8. against him whom he opposes, l* that
he had recourse to an obscure text of canonical
scrip ture join'd with an apocryphal, nothing to his purpose. '*
These are the two texts you have quoted of Deut. xxxii.
8. And Eccluf. xvii. 17. which were quoted in that boot
he pretends to answer, call'd Ca£andra.
R. There were more quoted in that book than these tina
texts, even what we have been speaking of, the di
vifion of nations, brought to pass by the divifion of lan
guages.
And this is not only spoke of in one text; but
the whole history of it is particularly related in several
chapters, expresly upon that subject. To which these
two texts he mentions do reser.
In the next place, these are not obscure texts : but
their meaning very plain and easy. And I believe it will trouble all his skill, to put any other meaning up on them than what I have given. And moreover that text, Deut. xxxii. 8. is part of Moses's song, which was commande"d to be taught the children of Israel, Deut.
xxxi. 19. Now therefore (says God) write ye this song
The REHEARSAL.
403 for you and teach it the children of Israel, put it in their mouth that this song may be a witness for me against the children of Israel. " And ver. z1. " It shall not be
forgotten out of the mouth of their seed. " So that of
all the whole law, this song was most known to the -peo ple. And the sirst instance therein given of God's great regard to that people, is in the fame ver. 8. And it is
introdue'd with a preface, commanding great attention:
and fhewing, that what it spoke of was a constant, and rwell-known tradition, that had descended from father to son among the 'Jews. Thus it ver. " Remem- fcer the days of old, consider the years of many genera tions ask thy father, and he will shew thee, thy elders, and they will tell thee; when the most High divided to the nations their inheritance—"and so forth, as before quoted, ver. 8. So that was the most unlucky thing cou'd be to put off this text as obscure or primate text
For as this song ef Moses was the most conspicuous and best- known part of the law, being put in every body's mouth and to remain witness to God for ever. So this ver. was the most remarkable part of that song, being the be
ginning of and the greatest instance of God's high re gard andfavour to that people, above all others upon the
face of the earth.
From
it,
a
8,; !
a
is, 7.
it
;
4Q4
The REHEARSAL.
From &at. Oct. 13, to IBeD. Oct. 17, 1705. N° 65.
Another play day. 1 . The deer- stealerV last plea of sea sonable! k. z'A& his threat to withdraw his money, 2.
Just suspicion of his joining with the common adverfary, if he lays any stress upon his threat, or his plea. 3. Hi joined with this adverfary once before. 4. The advei
fary more a friend to the deer-stealer than to the park- keeper, against whom both combine, as they always hai/e done. 5 . By seasonable is meant never. And the
grossness of thinking otherwise in the present case. 6. Comprehension turns the park into a common. 7. The
persecution of turning pigs out of the corn ! 8. The old whig plot new vamp'd by a churchman. 9. Tie snare by which some churchmen ha•ve been drawn in. With the master-reason against the occasional bill. And
the design of making the church the catVfoot again I
\J
Coun. f~\ N E more play-day, pray master, I have not
yet quite done with my park-keeper and deer-
I must not make the deer-stealer more unreasonable
stealer,
than he was. He made this offer more to the park-keeper ; That he would let him set up the pales of his park again, only desired that he might not do it now, not at thisjunc ture of time, for 'twas not seasonable ! '
R. Why not seasonable? And why not at this junc ture ?
C. Because the park-keeper was then engaged in a trou blesome lawsuit with a potent neighbour. The deer- slealer was equally engag'd in the fame suit, for it was against them both, as to ajoint concern they had in the
country ; and the deer-stealer did contribute his share in the expences of the suit. Now, faid he, why should we
have hinder'd you to do you know three or four times,
quarrel at this time ? and it will be a certain quarrel
already) if you ofser to set up the pales of your park again, at this time, to take this advantage of me, after
it
it,
I
(as
is
The REHEARSAL.
405 and if you attempt it any more, I will withdraw my mo
ney, and contribute no more to the expences of ourjoint-
suit.
R. Did the park-keeper allow him any interest or confix
deration for what money he advanc'd towards carrying on
the suit?
C. Tho' the cteer-stealer paid but his proportion accord
ing to the share he had in the land; yet the park-keeper paid him more than double interest for and gave him greater advantages than he could have made any other
way ofhis money.
R. Then he need not be asraid of him for tho' a
deer-stealer be true to nothing else, he'll never be false to
himself, that to his interest.
Besides, can any one think that he would be content to
lose his own share of the land meerly out ofspite to the park-keeper? These are but vain threats.
(2. ) And there be anything in the world in them,
gives justsuspicion, that the dter-stealer deals underhand with their joint adversary, and will take care to secure his own stake, whatever becomes of the park-keeper. No body
can put better construction upon therefore the park- keeper had need to be more upon his guard, and take
good heed how he entrusts the deer-stealer with the ma
nagement of the suit.
But however that goes, he certainly destgns to worm
out the park-keeper, and then manage thesuit wholly for himself, which he knows well enough how to compound, when he's once got rid of the park-keeper, and then alfa
his own!
(3. ) C. prosess, master, there must be something in this for well remember that in a former suit betwixt
this park-keeper and deer-stealer, this fame deer-stealer call'd in this fame adversarys^his aid against the park- ketper, and was detected in and the very letters taken
which he wrote to the now plaintiff-adversary, craving his assistance to oust the park-keeper. And this fame plaintiffs assistance did at last, and got the whole park
to himself. And they fay, forewarnd fore-arm 'd, and
i
it
it,
by
!
II
a
if
is,
it,
it
it, ;
406
The REHEARSAL.
he's a fool that's cheated twice by the fame hand! at least by the fame trick !
{4. } R. The plaintiff has ten times more/pi te against
the park-keeper than the decr-stealtr, and ever has had ; for the park-keeper knows the law, and is vers''d in it much more than the deer-stealer, and has all along wor-
Jled the plaintiff at law, while the deer-stealer only
ters at him, and calls him ill names ; but he's afraid of
thepark-keeper, knowing he has substantial skill, and has
often made use of the felly and boisterous deer-stealer, to plague and torment the park-keeper, and hopes some time or other to ruin him by it. Thisplaintiffand the deer- stealer never fail'd to take each other's afpstance, when
they needed against the park-keeper, who equally danger from them both, he's the eye-fore of both, and he willsecure himself against both, he must trust neither.
(5. ) But the deer-stealer fays not seasonable for the park-keeper to mend his pales now, when does he lay
will be seasonable
C. He fays he'll tell the park-keeper that! and bids him
stay till he tells him
Æ. Then he may stay long enough but hear some
of his pretended friends would have him stay till the
law-suit be over, and let the deer-stealer get power and grow great in the mean time.
C. Then this his only time to get Intopower, and d'ye think, master, that when he has more power, he will be more willing to part with than now when he has not so much
R. Now ifthis be the only time for the deer-stealer to get into power, the only time for the park-keeper to keep him from Nor would the deer-stealer reckon those to be hisfriends who should vote for letting him into power now, he thought they meant only to trick
him by that they might take from him more curely afterwards. He too sagacious to court andfiat ter these men as he does, if he were not well ajfurd that
they mean something else than they fay, and that sea sonable they mean never.
3. Deut. xxxii. 8. particularly explained. Where in 4. Of God's great regard to his church. And 5. Of the theocrasie of the Jews. That it nvas net a commonwealth, or popular government? but the
strict and absolute monarchy. 6. The gross mistake of the desence of the natural rights of man kind upon this head. Wherein of the true notion of liberty. And of conscience towards government-
7. His objections against Deut. . xxxii. 8. as an ob scure text.
I. Coun. ' I ^O begin where we left off last Saturday I
X have been thinking, master, of this di- viston of the world into nations. Ifit had been done by
the vote of the people, of every individual, according to. ". Mr. Lock, I cannot imagine, how they wou'd have all agreed. Some wou'd have lik'd one governor better than another. And one country better than another. Who wou'd have gone into the worst countries, when it was in their choice to stay in the best ? There must have been some bustling work, before all this cou'd have been.
quiet1- and peaceably decided.
(2. ) But how was it determin'd, master, who shou'd be
long to who ? Who should belong to this prince, and who to that ?
R. Upon the dhiston oftongues, every one naturally sorted with those of his own language, where he might
understand, and be understood when he or they spoke . Thus the 70 hngueges made 70 divistons of people. And then Cod set a ruler over every one of them. Ail whose aams, are set down, Gen. x. As it is faid, Eccluf. xvii.
t7-
394
most
.
C. What the meaning of that Are there but 70
angels
R. The word angels apply'd to governors and rul
ers. As the bishops are call'd the angels of the churches,, Rev. 20. And no wonder they are caU'd angels, when,, as told you before, they are call'd Gods. -
' These angels then, according to whose number the nations were divided, are the 70 rulers nam'd Gen. x.
C. But what the meaning of their being divided ac cording to the number of the children of Israel He had but sons. Were there then but nations
R. The number of the children of Israel here meant, the number of those who went down into Egypt. All
whose names you have set down, Gen xlvi. The sons of Leah, 33. ver. 15. Thesons os Zilpah 16. ver. 18. Of Rachel 14. ver. 22. Of Bilhah, ver. 25. in all 70. To which you add the two sons of Joseph born in E-
The REHEARSAL.
395 1J. For in the divifion of the nations of the whole earths
be (God) set a ruler over every people. C. But this is apocrypha.
R. But it is ancienter, and of more authority than any thing can be produc'd on the whig side, for the
popular original ofgovernment. And it shews what was the current notion and tradition of the Jews in this matter.
(3. ) But I bring it only as a comment upon the text of holy scripture. It is repeating almost in the fame words, what is faid, Deut. xxxii. 8. " When the most high di vided to the nations their inheritance, when he separat ed the sons of Æam, he set the bounds of the people ac cording to the number of the children of Israel" The Greek reads according to the number of the angels.
makes 72. And some reckon the sons of Shcm,. Ham, and Japheth to be 72. As some but" because'
gypt,
of doubt about two names in that
(4. ) C. This very observable. Bat master, can you1
help me to reason, why the divifion of nations fhou'd. have respect to the number of the children ' Israel, who* were many ages afterwanL
R. Godi
chapter.
S. ? 6-
7.
is
so it 12 i. ?
of
7
? ?
a
I
is it,
a if is
is
1 2
?
is
The REHEARS AL.
396
R. God forefaw, that the only visible church he was to
have upon earth, shou'd be, for a long time, even to the coming of the Messiah, in the children of Israel. And this was out of respect to his church. Nor will it seem strange, that God shou'd have such regard to his church,
in the divifion of nations, when we sind that the whole creation was made with respect to her, and for her fake. And does sympathize with her both in her state of humili
ation and exaltation. As the apofile speaks Rom. viii. 19, ao, 21, 22. " For the earnest expectation ofthe crea ture waiteth for the manisestation of the sons of God—
Because the creature it self also shall be deliver'd from
the bondage of corruption, into the glorious liberty of the children of God. For we know that the whole cre ation groaneth and travelleth in pain together until now. "
And Isaiah describeth the restoration of the church
new heavens, and a new earth, chap, lxv. 17. Angels axe
given to her for ministering spirits. Heb. i. 14. . And
God hath made Christ, head over all things to the church ; txhich is his body, the fulness of him that filleth all in- all. Eph. i. 22, 23. And the apostle fays, to the church, 1 Cor. iii. 22, 23, Allthings areyours Whethee things present, or things to come, all are yours. Andyr are Christ's, and Christ is Gods. We are faid to be heirs of God, and.
joint heirs with Christ. Rom. viii. 17. For as much then as the church is heir of all things, both present and to
come, as well of heaven, as of earth, it is but consonant to this, that a special regard to her shou'd appear 'Sn all the dispenfations of God. As it did remeakahly in
this fignal and wonderful divifion of the world.
And to shew you, that this is the right expedition of
that text, God himself gives the fame. For immedi ately after the words before quoted, Dent, xxxii. 8. That God divided the nations, after the number of the children of Israel, it is added, as the reason, ver. 9. For
the Lord' s portion is his people ; Jacob it the lot of his in- heritance. And the fame is likewise mentioned in what i call'd a comment upon this text, Ecclnf. xvii. 17. For
in the division of the nations of the whole earth, be set a ruler
by
ynler
S97 over every people : but Israel is the Lord's por
answer.
The REHEARSAL.
tion.
(5. ) C. This wou'd seem as if Godhad not set a ruler,
or an angel over Israel, but kept them for bis own por tion.
R. Thus far you are in the right, that God did govern the Israelites in a different manner from any other na tion. He executed the office of king himself. He gave them the miraculous urim and thummim,
whereby they might consult him, upon all emergencies, and receive his
He gave them Moses and Joshua, and after that he rais'd them up judges and captains, U>save thent in times of danger. Therefore this was call'd a theo-
that the government of God himself. And therefore was not successive or hereditary, because God their king did not •//>. But they grew weary of this theo-
and wou'd have /? 'Ȥ. , after the manner of the nations round about. Therefore God faid to Samuel, who was then judge over them, they have not rejected thee, but they have rejected ME, that should not reign over them. And this was not change of the species of their go vernment, from monarchy to commonwealth, for they asked king. And there was no king then in the world,. but what was absolute. . No other government was then known, but absolute monarchy. But they only sought to change their &agy from the invisible God, to mortal
whom they might have always in their eye to go in and out before them, andfight their battles, whenever
they thought there was occasion for as they faw in. Other nations. They would trust no longer in miracles, and the way in which they had all along been preserv'd. They thought that God was now tardy. But Samuel un dertook to justify God, against whom they complain'd, and faid to them, Sam. xii. &c. " the Lord
that advanc'd Moses and Aaron, and that brought your fathers up out of the land of Egypt. Now therefore stand still that may reason with you before the Lord, of all the righteous acts of the Lord, which he did to you and to your fathers. " Then Samuel goes on, and
repeats
crafie,
crafie:
I
1a
is,
6,
it,
It is
a ;
it
a
I a
a
398
The REHEARSAL.
repeats the many deliverances which God had wrought for them, from their coming out of Egypt to that day, by the several captains he had given them. And why then they shou'd mistrust him now ! But all wou'd not do : they were bent upon it : and their faith quite saiPai them, as Samuel tells them, ver. 12. " When ye faw that Nahash the king of the children of Ammon earner against you, ye faid unto me, nay, but a king shall reign OTer us, when the Lord your God was your king. " They wou'd not trust to God's sending them a captain, as he had formerly done, in all their emergencies ; but they wou'd have a king, like other nations, constantly in view
before them, to whom they might apply. And they thought that other nations had the advantage over them in this. In short they were weary of the theocraste, of being the Lord's portion, to whom he gave laws imme diately from heaven : who led them by a pillar of cloud
by day, and of fire by night. . Who sent them captains and judges to deliver them out of the hand of their ene mies, round about, by great and many miracles. But they came at last to loath this manna, which raind upon them from heaven ; and to long after the leeks and onions of Egypt ; to be like other people, under a constant angel
or ruler, and not immediately in the hands of God him self. But Moses thought far otherwise of this matter. For when God threatned Exod. xxxiii. 3. That he wou'd
not go up himselfin the midst of the people, because they were stiff-neck'd, only send an angel with them ; Moses cried and made supplication, ver. 15. Ifthy presence go not with me, carry us not up hence.
I have been the longer upon this, because some bring this state of the Jews, before Saul, as a pattern for the commonwealth government. And their asking a king, as an argument against monarchy : as ifthe theocrafit, or the immediate government of God himself were not the
most perfect and absolute monarchy. Besides that those captains and judges whom God sent, did all exercise, dur
ing their time, an absolute and despotick peitier oflife and death &c. But some will have even Moses chosen by the
petple.
The REHEARS AL.
399
people. And that they gave laws to him, and prescrib'd the rules of his government .
C, Moses gave laws to /A«h : and gave them all their laws, from the mouth of God himself.
To which Mgi were not to add, nor to diminish ought from them, Z)«rf. sv. 2. So that the people were wholly precluded. Thus much I can understand. And popular government is hard put to when they bring this for an instance
(6. ) There hook preparing for the press, intituled,. A defence the natural rights of mankind, to be in two •volumes, consisting of forty sheets. Of which proposals are printed for subscriptions, wkh two-specimens, as
tast of the performance. In which the author exprefly battles these principles you have laid down.
He writes against book call'd Cassandra. And would put upon that author, as he thought the Jews, before they had kingsT to have been free people (which; that author neither thought nor said. ) But thence he
wou'd inser, that popular government was the institution of God to his own people. But that afterwards as he
fays, " God gave them kings as punishment for their wickedness. And to rob them of that liberty and
equality, which nature they might enjoy. And which he fays they did enjoy 400 years after their leaving Egypt. And that was dispenfation from the univerfal law of the rest of mankind. " Tho' he denies this p. 9.
and fays, that other people were free as well as the
Jews.
R. When he can shew, that ever any people were free
from government, he will be the great Apollo of the whigs And that the Jews did enjoy that liberty and equality he supposes in nature for 400 years after their
which he fays the author of Cassandra cou'd not deny, do absolutely deny for him, or that he ever faid any such thing. Pray did the Jews choose Moses? St. Stephen fays otherwise, Act. vii 35. This
Moses whom they refus7d, saying, who made thee a full er and a judge The same did God send to be a ruler.
So. that this was putting him upon the people, against their
leaving Egypt,
?
is Iitby a
it
if a
! p. 8.
it, it of
a
a
a
a
!
REHEARSAL;
their own inclinations. Imposing the very man to be their ruler, whom they refused. And when he was their ruler, did he ask their consent to the laws that he gave them ?
4oo
The
And were the Israelites less absolutely under the com mand of God their king, and of Moses his vicegerent, than other nations were under their kings ? Was God a more limited king than they ? And did the people limit him? It seems so, for at last they abdicated him ? And who
then can please them ? If a tbeacrafie will not please the y»»s of Belial or liberty, what human governor can satis fy them ? Who can be free from their complaints ? Whom
neither the government of Gorf in heaven, nor the fame
upon rar/£, cou'd s»« of their rebellious and mutinous temper !
And now they quote this very theocrasie, the absolute and unlimited government of the great God, as a pre
cedent against monarchy, and in favour of popular and mob-no-government, the invention of Belial, under the
theocrafie
of liberty !
shew I
Which is such a as Ged liberty
claim a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to thesword, to the pestilence, and to the famine. This is the true mean ing, and natural effect of that liberty these fins of Belial
contend for, in placing the root and source of govern ment in the people ; it is a liberty to destruction, to devour and destroy one another, without end or remedy. By loos ing the foundation of all government whatsoever ; and making all settlement impracticable, upon their popular
scheme: for there is no decifion of popular contests but the sword, when one party of the people have thoroughly fubdu d and conquer d the And then every other party have as free liberty when they are able to attempt
it, to appeal to the fiaord again, and subdue the conque rors. Here is no obligation of conscience on either side,
but every thing govem'd by pure and might: which is a liberty, to nothing else indeed but to the
sword. But we call it the liberty of the /
And
to the
nate and rebellious Jews, Jer. xxxiv. 1 7. Behold pro
proclaimed
obsti
The REHEARSAL.
401
And it is a sure fign of God's indignation against any people, and of his purpose to destroy them, when he suf
fers Belial to take pofl'effion of them, and sill them with
this senseless as well as wickcd and pernicious notion of
liberty. When they are deas to demonstration : and tho' they cannot answer a word, yet still perfist, with the
greater obstinacy ! According to the old faying.
££uos perdcrc vult Jupiter, prius dement at. That when God has determin'd to destroy a people, he sirst takes away their sense and understanding. Or, in the scripture phrase, he hides their eyes, that they may not fee the things that
belong unto their peace.
Anil what can be more thus, than, first, to take away
all obligation of conscience to any government whatsoever,
as I have often heard them own in express terms ?
And indeed, there can be no obligation of conscience, upon the soot of the people, because every man is equally/w, and
equally the people ! I am as much the people as you, eve ry man may fay to another. You may knock me down indeed, or I you, if I can ; and so govern one another, as long as we can hold it. But where's the conscience on either side ? That's mere priest-crast ! And brought in to enslave us, by fixing, or settling us under any fort of
government! Whereas we hate settlement ! And would
be always at liberty to unhinge and overturn any govern ment, whenever we please ! Else there's an end of the liberty andfreedom of the people ! There's an utter end, if there be any thing of conscience in the case ! For then we are ty'd up, past any remedy.
And as for your Rom. xiii. 5. of being subject not only
for wrath, but also for conscience sake : 1 have read in some of our late whig pamphlets, that this was only be
cause the Christians then at Rome were not able to rebel, and so it was against their conscience to restst. But that if St. Paul were alive now, he would alter his command, and give all full liberty of conscience to restst, ifthey had power sufficient. This is persect burlesquing of the holy
scripture : and leaves no more of conscience in submiffion
to government, than in. a lesser army to fight a greater! So
1
402
The REHEARSAL.
So that these men have laid aside all conscience in the matter of government : which is the only band and secu rity ofgovernment. For where this is not, there all laws
and constitution will prove too weak to support any govern ment, as we have seen by woful experience.
And as this of taking away the obligation of consci ence from government, is a directly hiding our eyes from
the things that belong to our peace ; so, secondly, there can not be a greateryTj» of infatuation, than, as our author
here does, to bring the theocrafee, and most absolute mo narchy of God over the Jews, when he named their
I fay to bring this as a. pattern for limited government, and the power of the people in choofing their own govern
captains and their judges, the proper office of a king ;
ors, and making their own knoe! When this is the strongest instance against it that ever was, or can be in the world; is not this infatuation to the degree of
madness ?
(7. ) C. But to go on with our author. He objects,
in the fame p. 8. against him whom he opposes, l* that
he had recourse to an obscure text of canonical
scrip ture join'd with an apocryphal, nothing to his purpose. '*
These are the two texts you have quoted of Deut. xxxii.
8. And Eccluf. xvii. 17. which were quoted in that boot
he pretends to answer, call'd Ca£andra.
R. There were more quoted in that book than these tina
texts, even what we have been speaking of, the di
vifion of nations, brought to pass by the divifion of lan
guages.
And this is not only spoke of in one text; but
the whole history of it is particularly related in several
chapters, expresly upon that subject. To which these
two texts he mentions do reser.
In the next place, these are not obscure texts : but
their meaning very plain and easy. And I believe it will trouble all his skill, to put any other meaning up on them than what I have given. And moreover that text, Deut. xxxii. 8. is part of Moses's song, which was commande"d to be taught the children of Israel, Deut.
xxxi. 19. Now therefore (says God) write ye this song
The REHEARSAL.
403 for you and teach it the children of Israel, put it in their mouth that this song may be a witness for me against the children of Israel. " And ver. z1. " It shall not be
forgotten out of the mouth of their seed. " So that of
all the whole law, this song was most known to the -peo ple. And the sirst instance therein given of God's great regard to that people, is in the fame ver. 8. And it is
introdue'd with a preface, commanding great attention:
and fhewing, that what it spoke of was a constant, and rwell-known tradition, that had descended from father to son among the 'Jews. Thus it ver. " Remem- fcer the days of old, consider the years of many genera tions ask thy father, and he will shew thee, thy elders, and they will tell thee; when the most High divided to the nations their inheritance—"and so forth, as before quoted, ver. 8. So that was the most unlucky thing cou'd be to put off this text as obscure or primate text
For as this song ef Moses was the most conspicuous and best- known part of the law, being put in every body's mouth and to remain witness to God for ever. So this ver. was the most remarkable part of that song, being the be
ginning of and the greatest instance of God's high re gard andfavour to that people, above all others upon the
face of the earth.
From
it,
a
8,; !
a
is, 7.
it
;
4Q4
The REHEARSAL.
From &at. Oct. 13, to IBeD. Oct. 17, 1705. N° 65.
Another play day. 1 . The deer- stealerV last plea of sea sonable! k. z'A& his threat to withdraw his money, 2.
Just suspicion of his joining with the common adverfary, if he lays any stress upon his threat, or his plea. 3. Hi joined with this adverfary once before. 4. The advei
fary more a friend to the deer-stealer than to the park- keeper, against whom both combine, as they always hai/e done. 5 . By seasonable is meant never. And the
grossness of thinking otherwise in the present case. 6. Comprehension turns the park into a common. 7. The
persecution of turning pigs out of the corn ! 8. The old whig plot new vamp'd by a churchman. 9. Tie snare by which some churchmen ha•ve been drawn in. With the master-reason against the occasional bill. And
the design of making the church the catVfoot again I
\J
Coun. f~\ N E more play-day, pray master, I have not
yet quite done with my park-keeper and deer-
I must not make the deer-stealer more unreasonable
stealer,
than he was. He made this offer more to the park-keeper ; That he would let him set up the pales of his park again, only desired that he might not do it now, not at thisjunc ture of time, for 'twas not seasonable ! '
R. Why not seasonable? And why not at this junc ture ?
C. Because the park-keeper was then engaged in a trou blesome lawsuit with a potent neighbour. The deer- slealer was equally engag'd in the fame suit, for it was against them both, as to ajoint concern they had in the
country ; and the deer-stealer did contribute his share in the expences of the suit. Now, faid he, why should we
have hinder'd you to do you know three or four times,
quarrel at this time ? and it will be a certain quarrel
already) if you ofser to set up the pales of your park again, at this time, to take this advantage of me, after
it
it,
I
(as
is
The REHEARSAL.
405 and if you attempt it any more, I will withdraw my mo
ney, and contribute no more to the expences of ourjoint-
suit.
R. Did the park-keeper allow him any interest or confix
deration for what money he advanc'd towards carrying on
the suit?
C. Tho' the cteer-stealer paid but his proportion accord
ing to the share he had in the land; yet the park-keeper paid him more than double interest for and gave him greater advantages than he could have made any other
way ofhis money.
R. Then he need not be asraid of him for tho' a
deer-stealer be true to nothing else, he'll never be false to
himself, that to his interest.
Besides, can any one think that he would be content to
lose his own share of the land meerly out ofspite to the park-keeper? These are but vain threats.
(2. ) And there be anything in the world in them,
gives justsuspicion, that the dter-stealer deals underhand with their joint adversary, and will take care to secure his own stake, whatever becomes of the park-keeper. No body
can put better construction upon therefore the park- keeper had need to be more upon his guard, and take
good heed how he entrusts the deer-stealer with the ma
nagement of the suit.
But however that goes, he certainly destgns to worm
out the park-keeper, and then manage thesuit wholly for himself, which he knows well enough how to compound, when he's once got rid of the park-keeper, and then alfa
his own!
(3. ) C. prosess, master, there must be something in this for well remember that in a former suit betwixt
this park-keeper and deer-stealer, this fame deer-stealer call'd in this fame adversarys^his aid against the park- ketper, and was detected in and the very letters taken
which he wrote to the now plaintiff-adversary, craving his assistance to oust the park-keeper. And this fame plaintiffs assistance did at last, and got the whole park
to himself. And they fay, forewarnd fore-arm 'd, and
i
it
it,
by
!
II
a
if
is,
it,
it
it, ;
406
The REHEARSAL.
he's a fool that's cheated twice by the fame hand! at least by the fame trick !
{4. } R. The plaintiff has ten times more/pi te against
the park-keeper than the decr-stealtr, and ever has had ; for the park-keeper knows the law, and is vers''d in it much more than the deer-stealer, and has all along wor-
Jled the plaintiff at law, while the deer-stealer only
ters at him, and calls him ill names ; but he's afraid of
thepark-keeper, knowing he has substantial skill, and has
often made use of the felly and boisterous deer-stealer, to plague and torment the park-keeper, and hopes some time or other to ruin him by it. Thisplaintiffand the deer- stealer never fail'd to take each other's afpstance, when
they needed against the park-keeper, who equally danger from them both, he's the eye-fore of both, and he willsecure himself against both, he must trust neither.
(5. ) But the deer-stealer fays not seasonable for the park-keeper to mend his pales now, when does he lay
will be seasonable
C. He fays he'll tell the park-keeper that! and bids him
stay till he tells him
Æ. Then he may stay long enough but hear some
of his pretended friends would have him stay till the
law-suit be over, and let the deer-stealer get power and grow great in the mean time.
C. Then this his only time to get Intopower, and d'ye think, master, that when he has more power, he will be more willing to part with than now when he has not so much
R. Now ifthis be the only time for the deer-stealer to get into power, the only time for the park-keeper to keep him from Nor would the deer-stealer reckon those to be hisfriends who should vote for letting him into power now, he thought they meant only to trick
him by that they might take from him more curely afterwards. He too sagacious to court andfiat ter these men as he does, if he were not well ajfurd that
they mean something else than they fay, and that sea sonable they mean never.
