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9 2 Gramophone
"Should We Let Patients Write Down Their Own Dreams? " Karl Abraham asks in an essay of 1913 that appears to confirm Freud's au- thoritarian words with examples from the couch practice. "Against the doctor's orders," one of Abraham's patients "put writing materials next to his bed" and, following a "a very extensive, eventful, and highly charged dream," brought "two quarto pages full of notes" to the session. But to his own shame and to the delight of Abraham, he realizes "that the notes are almost completely illegible. " 163 The psychoanalyst's love of non- sensical speeches has no written or cryptographic equivalent. As is well known, only printed works of literature, not illegible commonplaces, so- licit interpretations.
But in spite of its title and its veneration of Freud, Abraham's essay does not limit itself to the old medium of writing. What brought the es- say to writing or to shock was something far more modern and "inge- nious": a phonograph in the hands of a patient.
Observation. 2d patient, who in response to his question was advised by me not to write down dreams, produces a whole series of dreams in the following nights. Upon awakening-in the middle of the night-he ingeniously tries to save from oblivion the dreams he considers important. He owns an apparatus for recording dictations and proceeds to speak the dreams into the bell-mouth. Characteristi- cally, he forgets that for the last couple of days the machine has been malfunc- tioning. As a result the dictation is difficult to understand. Patient is forced to fill in a lot from memory. The dictation had to be complemented by the dreamer's memory! The dream analysis proceeded without notable resistance, thus we can assume that in this particular case the dream would have been retained even with- out any recording.
The patient, however, was not convinced by this experience and instead repeated the experiment one more time. Following a dream-filled night, the machine, which in the meantime had been repaired, delivered a clearly audible dictation. But according to the patient its content was so confused that he had dif- ficulties enforcing some kind of order. As the succeeding nights furnished a bounty of dreams which centered on the same complexes and could be repro- duced without artificial aid, this case, too, proved the uselessness of immediate recording. 164
In terms of deposition psychology, a patient who no longer writes down but phonographically records his dreams is on the same level as his psy- choanalyst. No writing material or filter interposes itself between the un- conscious and its storage, no consciousness making the "selections" dis- dained by Freud creates order. Reason enough to bring along the repaired machine to the session and set it up next to the couch. Then the patient
Gramophone 93
would be free to go for a walk while his phonograph-to paraphrase Kafka-could exchange dream-related information with the telephone re- ceiver called a doctor. But no, preprogrammed by the analyst's instruc- tions, Abraham's patient for once reverses the judgment that deposition psychology had passed on phonography, its ideal method: audible to the ear and to the unconscious, but confused and useless when it comes to con- tent and level of consciousness. Thus is the historic opportunity missed to test, during Freud's lifetime and without artificial aid, what distinguishes absolute-phonographic-faithfulness from medical reproduction.
The test did not take place until 1969, when Edison's awkward ma- chine was replaced by mass-produced magnetophones. Jean-Paul Sartre received (and published) an anonymous tape with an enclosed letter that suggests that the recording be entitled "Psychoanalytic Dialogue. "165 A. , a 33-year-old patient in a lunatic asylum, smuggled a tape recorder into his last session and recorded everything: associations, interpretations, and ultimately the terror of the doctor upon discovering the machine:
? Dr. X. A.
Dr. X. A.
Dr. X.
A.
Help! Murder! Helllp! Helllp!
Shut up and sit down.
Hellllllp ! (screams again)
You're afraid I ' m going t o cut off your weenie? Helllllllp! (That's the most beautiful scream ofthem all. ) That's a funny recordingP66
Indeed. For the first time a machine in the patient'S hands has replaced case studies, that is, essays from the doctors' hands. A "large part" of the conversation may be lost "due to the noise of the recording," 167 but in the end are recorded all those data that Freud, orally or on paper, was unable to imitate. Subject to neither selection nor refusal, a speech flow-that of the psychoanalyst himself-is perpetuated as pure voice physiology.
As a result of which-according to the editor, Sartre-"the analyst now becomes an object" and "the encounter of man with man is thwarted once again. " (From an existentialist perspective, psychoanalysis was itself already a form of alienation. )168
Writers faced with media and philosophers faced with technology are blind. As if so-called face-to-face communication could do without rules or interfaces, storage or channels, Man once again has to see to it that in- formation systems are ignored. What Sartre calls the second alienation is
94 Gramophone
simply the demolition of a monopoly. In the patient's hands, the tape recorder advances on a notation technique that could never be "ab- solutely-phonographically-exact" and therefore once more reenacts Old Europe under technologically advanced conditions: on the one hand, patients, who unlike bygone illiterates can read and write but are not al- lowed to; on the other, highly professional writers, who guard and mo- nopolize their archives as if universal literacy or even media technology were some pie in the sky. According to Foucault, "the political credit of psychoanalysis" rested on the fact that it set "the system of law, the sym- bolic order, and sovereignty" against the unrestricted "extension and in- tensification of micro-powers"-powers not even Foucault revealed as media technologies. 169 This law, however, from Freud's "Mystic Writing- Pad" to Lacan's "Insistence of the Letter in the Unconscious," is writing about writing, alphabetized monopoly squared. Only psychoanalysts (they say) can write what does not cease not to write itself.
But the beat must go on. Technology and industry do not tolerate any de- lay simply because a couple of writers or psychoanalysts stick to white paper. From Edison's primitive phonograph cylinders all the way to pop- ular music, the true poetry of the present, everything has gone like clock- work. Berliner's gramophone record of 1887, which no longer allowed consumers to make their own recordings but which since 1893 has al- lowed producers infinite reproductions of a single metal matrix, became the "prerequisite of the record mass market,"170 with a return that ex- ceeded the 100 million dollar mark before the advent of radio. l7l The mass-produced sound storage medium only needed mass-produced com- munication and recording media to gain global ascendancy. Far removed from old notions of sovereignty, all the powers of this and only of this century strive to reduce the "population's leadership vacuum"l72 (to quote a German media expert of 1939) to zero.
Broadcasting of weightless material came about for the purpose of the mass transmission of records: in 19 2 1 in the United States, in 19 2 2 in Great Britain, and in 1923 in the German Reich. "The uniting of radio with phonograph that constitutes the average radio program yields a very special pattern quite superior in power to the combination of radio and telegraph press that yields our news and weather programs. " 173 Whereas Morse signs are much too discrete and binary to be a symbolic code for radio waves, the continuous low frequencies of records are ideal for the amplitude and frequency modulations known as broadcasting.
In 1903 a principal switch for transmitting such records was devel-
Gramophone 9 5
oped by Professor Slaby of the Berlin Technical University, whose Voyages of Discovery into the Electric Ocean delighted "His Imperial Majesty's dinner table at tranquil Hubertusstock. "174 The same Imperial Majesty put Slaby's assistant Count von Arco in charge of Telefunken GmbH. Building on Valdemar Poulsen's procedure, the two Berliners were able to produce a high frequency whose wireless oscillations "were no longer in the range of audibility but delighted the electrician as much as the thrice- accented C of a famous tenor would a music lover. "175 On this radio car- rier frequency, "Caruso's singing, though emanating from the bell-mouth of a gramophone, could be transmitted in all its purity to our ears through the roaring metropolis";176 that is, all the way from Sakrow to Pots- dam. 177 Slaby's choice of tenors was not coincidental: on March 1 8 , 1902, Caruso had revamped his immortality-from the hearsay of future opera audiences to gramophony.
Slaby and Arco, however, were conducting their research in the ser- vice of the emperor and his navy. But soon civilians, too, came to enjoy electrically transmitted records. A recording of Handel's Messiah is said to have been part of the first actual radio broadcast, hosted by Reginald A. Fessenden of the University of Pennsylvania on Christmas Eve, 1906. 178 Long before the St. Petersburg revolutionaries, Brant Rock, Massachusetts, had started its broadcast with "CQ, CQ-to all, to all"- but only wireless operators on ships179 were able to receive the call and the Christmas record.
A world war, the first of its kind, had to break out to facilitate the switch from Poulsen's arc transmission to Lieben or De Forest's tube-type technology and the mass production of Fessenden's experimental proce- dure. It was not only in Germany, where the signal corps created in 19 I I went to war with 5 5 0 officers and 5 ,800 men but returned with 4,83 I of- ficers and 1 8 5 ,000 men,180 that the development of amplifier tubes was given the highest priority. 181 Fighter planes and submarines, the two new weapons systems, required wireless communications, just as military command required vacuum tube technology for the control of high and low frequencies. Tanks, however, which were equally in need of commu- nications, kept losing their antennas in the barbed wire of the trenches and for the time being had to make do with carrier pigeons. 182
But the exponentially growing radio troops were also in need of en- tertainment, because apart from machine-gun skirmishes and drumfire of- fensives, trench warfare is nothing but sensory deprivation-or Combat as Inner Experience, as JUnger so succinctly put it. 183 After three years in the wasteland between Flanders and the Ardennes, the military staffs-
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the British ones in Flanders184 and a German one in Rethel in the Ar- dennes-took pity on their troops. Though trench crews had no radios, they were in possession of "army radio equipment. " Beginning in May 19I7, Dr. Hans Bredow, an AEG engineer before the war and afterward the first undersecretary for the national German radio network, was able to "use a primitive tube transmitter to broadcast a radio program con- sisting of records and the reading of newspaper articles. The project, however, was canceled when a superior command post got wind of it and prohibited the 'abuse of army equipment' for any future broadcast of mu- sic or words! "185
But that's the way it goes. The entertainment industry is, in any con-
Gramophone 97
ceivable sense of the word, an abuse of army equipment. When Karlheinz Stockhausen was mixing his first electronic composition, Kontakte, in the Cologne studio of the Westdeutscher Rundfunk between February 1958 and fall 1959, the pulse generator, indicating amplifier, band-pass filter, as well as the sine and square wave oscillators were made up of discarded u. s. Army equipment: an abuse that produced a distinctive sound. A decade later, when the Cologne studio had at its disposal professionally developed audio electronic equipment and the record industry demanded that Kontakte attain hi-fi stereo quality, Stockhausen attempted in vain to reproduce the sound: as an echo of a world war it could not do without the abuse of military equipment.
And what is true microcosmically is also true macrocosmically. In November 1918, the 190,000 radio operators of the imperial German army were demobilized but kept their equipment. Supported or super- vised by the executives of the USPD (Independent Socialist Party), the in- spectorate of the technical division of the signal corps (Itenacht) founded a Central Broadcasting Bureau (ZFL), which on November 25 was granted a broadcasting license by the executive committee of the workers and soldiers council. 186 A "radio specter" that could have nipped the Weimar Republic in the technological bud triggered the immediate "counterattack" by Dr. Bredow. 187 For the simple purpose of avoiding the anarchistic abuse of military radio equipment, Germany received its en- tertainment radio network. Records that hitherto had been used to liven up military communication in the trenches of the Ardennes now came into their own. Otherwise people themselves, rather than the government and the media industry, could have made politics. In December 19 2 3 , two months after the first Berlin broadcast, Postal Minister Dr. Hi::ifle, a mem- ber of the centrist party, listed (in order of increasing importance) the three tasks of the "Entertainment Broadcasting Network" :
? 1 .
2.
3 .
Wireless music, lectures etc. are to provide the general public with quality entertainment and education.
It is to be a new and important source of national revenue.
The new installations are to provide a convenient means for the nation and the states to convey whenever necessary official information to the public at large; the latter may be of importance with regard to state security.
In the interest of state security it is necessary to ensure that only those citi- zens own and operate equipment who have secured an official license to operate radio stations, and that, in addition, owners of radio equipment only record that which is intended for them. lss
9 8 Gramophone
But what is intended for consumers is determined not only by state secu- rity but also by technology. "Even at the risk of losing to radio all they have earned with their records,"189 the record industry had to submit to the standards of the new medium. Struggle in the Ether was the fitting name of Arnolt Bronnen's novel dealing with the establishment of the ra- dio networks and the music industry-a novel that cunningly puts the de- sires of postal ministers into the mouths of the people and in particular into that of a Berlin typist: "'Records, gramophones, money,' she smiled, lost in a dream, 'if one could sit here without records, gramophones, money but still hear music . . . '''190
In order to fulfill these wishes, the major arms and communications technology corporations had to get rid of the old shellac craft. Pioneering tinkerers like Edison and Berliner left the stage. The vacuum-tube ampli- fier proceeded from high to low frequencies, from radio to records. In
I924, Bell Labs developed electromagnetic cutting amplifiers for recording and an electromagnetic pickup for replaying and thereby delivered sound recordings from the mechanical scratching of Edison's needle. In the same year, Siemens presented the recording studios of the media conglomerates with equally electric ribbon microphones, as a result of which grooves were finally able to store frequencies ranging from roo bass hertz to 5 kilo- hertz overtones, thus rising to the level of medium-wave transmitters.
Edison's prototype had for good reasons preferred human voices to . orchestras. Only with electrical sound processing are records ready for Hbfle's "wireless music. " "At last," the Sunday Times wrote, mistaking frequency bandwidth for sensuality, "an orchestra really sounds like an orchestra; we get from these records what we rarely had before-the physical delight of passionate music in the concert room or opera house. We do not merely hear the melodies going this, that, or the other way in a sort of limbo of tonal abstraction; they come to us with the sensuous ex- citement of actuality. "191
And actuality itself can be produced once composers are up to date. For the third movement of Pini di Roma, Respighi wrote or rather de- manded the recorded voice of a nightingale played against the backdrop of composed-out string arpeggios. Villiers de l'Isle-Adam's fictional Edi- son had already surrounded his woman of the future with metallic birds of paradise, who "by using the Microphone" make "an immense volume of sound" with their songs. 192 But only Bell Labs nightingales were capa- ble of outplaying entire symphonic orchestras. Thus, Arturo Toscanini was able to premiere Respighi's sound poem as a media link combining an orchestral score with phonographic kilohertz sensuality. 193
? Gramophone 99
And the band played on. In the same year, 1924, U. s. researchers hit upon the idea of applying to sound processing the technique of producing intermediate frequencies. Thanks to frequency reduction, bat voices out- side of the range of human audibility were caught on record. At least that is what was reported by newspapers in Prague; the same Prague in which a story was written immediately afterward entitled "Josefine the Singer, or The Mouse Folk. " "Is Josefine's art singing at all? " Kafka's mice ask.
Is it not perhaps just a piping? And piping is something we all know about, it is the real accomplishment of our people, or rather no mere accomplishment, but a characteristic expression of our life. We all pipe, but of course no one dreams of making out that our piping is an art, we pipe without noticing it, and there are even many among us who are quite unaware that piping is one of our characteristics. 194
"The universe of sound," Cocteau's radio theory concludes, "has been enriched by that of ultrasound, which is still unknown. . . . We shall know that fish shout, that the sea is full of noises and that the void is peo- pled with realistic ghosts in whose eyes we are the same. "195
In order to locate Cocteau's submarine ghosts, a world war, the sec- ond one, had to break out. Today realism is in any event strategic. An un- paralleled surge of innovations that from 1939 on filled land, sea, and air with noise finally provided us (beyond Bell Labs) with records whose fre- quency range approached both limits of the audibility range; that is, with high fidelity. In 1940, four years before consumers were also able to pur- chase "FFRR" (full frequency range recording) records and seven years before Ansermet's hi-fi Petrouchka helped drive up annual record pro- duction to four hundred million, the Decca Record Company succeeded in capturing the ghostly noises on shellac. Quietly anticipating "Yellow Submarine" and the sound quality of the Beatles,
the RAF Coastal Command had approached the English-owned Decca Record Company with a secret and difficult assignment. Coastal Command wanted a training record to illustrate differences between the sounds of German and British submarines. Such aural distinctions were extremely delicate, and to reproduce them accurately on a record called for a decided enlargement of the phonograph's capabilities. Intensive work under the supervision of Decca's chief engineer, Arthur Haddy, led to new recording techniques and the kind of record Coastal Command desired. l96
But the enemy was not left standing behind. German record compa- nies participated in the Battle of the Bulge. To avoid Allied suspicions when the chief of Army Communications ordered a sudden radio silence
? 1 00 Gramophone
for all areas of troop concentration south of the Cologne-Aachen line on November, 12, 1944, the enemy had to be fed simulated attack prepara- tions at other parts of the front. The Army High Command's propaganda division developed special recordings for army loudspeakers, "which, among other things, simulated: tank noises, marching troops, departing and arriving trucks, the unloading of equipment, etc. "197
The whole spectrum of sound from infra- to ultrasound is, as was the case with Kafka's mice, not art but an expression of life. It finally allows modern detection to locate submarines wherever they may be, or tank brigades where they are not. The great musicologist Hornbostel had al- ready spent the First World War at the front: sound location devices with huge bell-mouths and superhuman audibility ranges were supposed to en- able ears to detect enemy artillery positions even at a distance of 30 kilo- meters. Ever since, human ears have no longer been a whim of nature but a weapon, as well as (with the usual commercial delay) a source of money. Long before the headphone adventures of rock'n'roll or original radio plays, Heinkel and Messerschmitt pilots entered the new age of soundspace. The Battle of Britain, Goring's futile attempt to bomb the island into submission in preparation for Operation Sea Lion, began with a trick for guiding weapon systems: radio beams allowed Luftwaffe bombers to reach their destinations without having to depend on daylight or the absence of fog. Radio beams emitted from the coast facing Britain, for example from Amsterdam and Cherbourg, formed the sides of an ethereal triangle the apex of which was located precisely above the tar- geted city. The right transmitter beamed a continuous series of Morse dashes into the pilot's right headphone, while the left transmitter beamed an equally continuous series of Morse dots-always exactly in between the dashes-into the left headphone. As a result, any deviation from the assigned course resulted in the most beautiful ping-pong stereophony (of the type that appeared on the first pop records but has since been dis- carded). And once the Heinkels were exactly above London or Coventry, then and only then did the two signal streams emanating from either side of the headphone, dashes from the right and dots from the left, merge into one continuous note, which the perception apparatus could not but locate within the very center of the brain. A hypnotic command that had the pi- lot-or rather, the center of his brain-dispose of his payload. Histori- cally, he had become the first consumer of a headphone stereophony that today controls us all-from the circling of helicopters or Hendrix's Elec- tric Ladyland all the way to the simulated pseudo-monophony, in the
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midst of the soundspace of Pink Floyd's Wish You Were Here, that once more wishes for the acoustics of targeted bombing. 198
The difficulty British intelligence had in countering stereophonic re- mote control is explained by its chief technical officer, Professor Reginald Jones. Because the Luftwaffe's radio beam transmitters operated in fre- quency ranges even beyond VHF, which in 1940 the Secret Service was in- capable of receiving and of which it had no conception, help could only
Gramophone
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1 0 2 Gramophone
? Hughes microphone with recorded fly. The same fly whose footstep was amplified by Hughes's carbon microphone in 1878 to make it audible circles between the left and right channels in Pink Floyd's "Ummagumma. "
come from a profane illumination. An incident occurred on the Farnbor- ough airfield while testing a loudspeaker system attached to a fuselage, which, just as in today's Pentagon project, was designed to blast rebel- lious natives in northwestern India with divine voices. When the officer standing in front of the microphone heard his voice coming from the dis- tant loudspeaker two seconds later, he laughed about this acoustic delay. His laughter, in turn, was returned as another echo until the feedback af- fected all the participants and Farnborough resounded with a noise simi- lar to that heard when rock musicians lean their guitars against the speak- ers. A "system that laughed by itself," Jones called it. But instead of laughing along, he chose to understand: Feedback, the principle of all os- cillators, can also generate centimetric wave frequencies, something the experts refused to believe. 199 Jones ordered the construction of synchro- nized receivers, which, in turn, located the Luftwaffe's radio beam trans-
Gramophone I03
mitters and their targets. The Battle of Britain was won. (Even if the war- lord Churchill, not wanting to reveal to the enemy that his secrets had been revealed, disallowed the evacuation of Coventry, which had already been identified as a target city. )
Survivors and those born later, however, are allowed to inhabit stereophonic environments that have popularized and commercialized the trigonometry of air battles. Ever since EMI introduced stereo records in I957,200 people caught between speakers or headphones have been as con- trollable as bomber pilots. The submarine location duties of aspiring air force officers or the bombing target locations of Heinkel pilots turn into hypnosis, which in Stoker's I897 Dracula still had to be used to solve, without the help of radio technology, a very strategic submarine detection problem. 201 But in I966, following two world wars and surges in innova- tion, hypnosis and recording technology finally coincide: engine noises, hissing steam, and a brass band move across the walls from left to right and back while a British voice sings of the literal chain that linked Liver- pool's submarine crews to postwar rock groups.
In the town where I was born lived a man who sailed to sea and he told us of his life
in the land of submarines.
So we sailed up to the sun
till we found the sea of green and we lived beneath the waves in our yellow submarine.
And our friends are all aboard many more of them live next door and the band begins to play
"We all live in a yellow submarine . . . "202
The Beatles simply transported everybody to that impossible space that once concealed Count Dracula in his black coffin in the black belly of his ship, floating in the Black Sea until he was located, and subsequently de- stroyed, by hypnotic sound detection. Hi-fi stereophony can simulate any acoustic space, from the real space inside a submarine to the psychedelic space inside the brain itself. And should locating that space either fail or be a ruse designed to fool the consumer, it is only because the supervising sound engineer has proceeded as shrewdly as the disinformation cam- paign prior to the Battle of the Bulge.
? 1 04 Gramophone
? Once again, these deceptions were programmed by the admirable Villiers de l'Isle-Adam. By design or accident, his Edison places "his hand on the central control panel of the laboratory," whereupon the tele- phonic voice of his agent in New York "seemed to come from all the cor- ners of the room at once. " A dozen speakers scattered across the labora- tory-obviously modeled on the first soundspace experiments conducted between the Paris Opera and the Palace of Industry in 1 8 8 1-make it possible. 203
With the help of stereo recordings and stereo, VHF acoustic decep- tions can invade operas completely. When, in 1959, John Culshaw pro- duced Solti's beautifully overmodulated Rhinegold, the homelessness of spirits was implemented. Of course the other gods and goddesses, male and female singers, were each assigned their own space between the stereo channels. But Wagner's great technician Alberich, upon tearing the newly completed Tarnhelm out of his brother Mime's hands and demon- strating in hands-on fashion the advantages of invisibility, appears to be coming, like Edison's telegrapher, from all corners at once. "Thus, in scene III, Alberich puts on the Tarnhelm, disappears, and then thrashes the unfortunate Mime. Most stage productions make Alberich sing through a megaphone at this point, the effect of which is often less dom- inating than that of Alberich in reality. Instead of this, we have tried to convey, for thirty-two bars, the terrifying, inescapable presence of Al- berich: left, right, or centre there is no escape for Mime. "204
Culshaw's stereo magic simply puts into practice what the great me- dia technician Wagner had in mind for his dramatic doppelganger. "Everywhere now he lies in wait," sings Alberich, lost in acoustic space, making those he keeps "under guard" "subject to him forever. "205 In other words, Wagner invented the radio play, as Nietzsche immediately realized: "His art always carries him in two directions, out of a world of auditory drama into a mysteriously kindred world of visual drama, and vice versa. "206 The Ring of the Nibelung, that zero series of all word wars, could just as well be called Struggle in the Ether.
Gramophone 1 0 5
To broadcast the ethereal struggle, radio merely had to take over the innovations of the world wars and, in a move that reversed the one fol- lowing the First World War, adapt itself to the standard of records. Be- cause amplitude modulation did not leave enough frequency range, the old AM radio would have been unable to transmit hi-fi songs or stereo ra- dio plays.
The spectacular growth of FM is attributable to its technical superiority to AM, and relative cheapness as an investment medium. In the late fifties, it was found that the great range of FM channels could not only sustain a higher fidelity for single transmissions, but could in fact also be used to broadcast separate signals simultaneously in a process called "multiplexing. " This discovery made possible stereo musical broadcast. Stereo broadcast was particularly attractive to those au- diences discriminating and wealthy enough to prefer high fidelity music. . . . As the rock audience grew in size and sophistication, it came to demand the same sound quality which it could get from records at home (reflected in the tremen- dous increase in the middle and late sixties in the stereo component market), but could not get from AM radio. 207
Frequency modulation and signal multiplexing, the two components of VHF, are of course not a U. S. commercial discovery of the 1950S. Without "his ingenious technical decision" in favor of signal multiplex- ing, General Fellgiebel, chief of Army Communications, would not have been able to control the invasion of Russia, that is, "the most immense task ever faced by any signal corps in the world. "208 Without Colonel Gimmler of Army Ordnance and his refutation of the delusion "that very high frequencies (between 10m and 1m) propagate in a straight line and are therefore of no use in the battle field,"209 Colonel General Guderian, the strategist of the tank blitzkrieg, would have been forced to resort to World-War-I-era carrier pigeons. Instead, his armored wedges, "from the tanks in the most forward position back to divisional, corps, and army command," were, unlike his enemies, equipped with VHF. 21O "The engine is the soul of the tank," Guderian used to say, "and radio," General Nehring added, "its number one. " Then as now VHF radio reduces the leadership vacuum to zero.
On September II, 1944, American tank vanguards liberated the city of Luxembourg and its radio station. Radio Luxembourg returned to its pre- war status as the largest commercial broadcaster and advertiser of records on a continent of postal, telegraphic, and radio state monopo- lies. 211 But four years as an army station had left its traces: traces of a new way of storing traces.
I06 Gramophone
? Electl'o aimant
Basic diagram of Poulsen's telegraphone.
By the early 1940S, German technicians had made some startling advances. Radio monitors who listened to the German broadcasting stations day after day for British and United States intelligence soon realized that many of the programs they were hearing could not possibly derive from live studio broadcasts. Yet there were a fidelity and a continuity of sound, plus an absence of surface scratching, in the German transmissions that ordinary transcription records could never have yielded. The mystery was solved . . . when the Allies captured Radio Luxem- bourg . . . and discovered among the station's equipment a new Magnetophone of extraordinary capabilities. 212
It was not until I940 that technicians at BA5F and AEG had by chance hit upon the technique of radio frequency premagnetizing, thus turning Valdemar Poulsen's experimental telegraphone of I898 into an operational audiotape with a IO kilohertz frequency bandwidth. Up until then, the record-radio media link had operated as a one-way street. Transmitters and gramophone users replayed what Berliner's master disc had once and for all recorded, even if radio stations-in a late vindica- tion of Edison-made use of special phonographs developed for the spe- cific purpose of program storage. 213 But under combat conditions those wax cylinders, which, since I930, were allowed to record parliamentary sessions strictly for "archival purposes," were useless. 214 A propaganda ministry that turned radio into "the cultural 55 of the Third Reich"215 needed a recording and storage medium as modern and mobile as Gude- rian's tank divisions.
Major General von Wedel, chief of Army Propaganda, recounts:
We were also essentially dependent on developments of the propaganda ministry with regard to radio equipment for war correspondents. That also applied to the
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Gramophone 1 07
appropriate vehicles. When it came to tank divisions, the Luftwaffe, or parts of the navy, the opportunities for original combat recordings were hampered by the fact that we could not obtain the stable and horizontal supports necessary for pro- ducing discs. At first, we were forced to make do with belated dispatches.
A significant change occurred after the Magnetophone was invented and thoroughly designed for the purpose of war reports. Original combat reports from the air, the moving armored vehicle, or the submarine, etc. , now became impres- sive firsthand accounts. 216
As Ludendorff had pointed out, it is a truth of Total War that "the mass usage of technological equipment can be tested much better in wartime than would ever be possible in peace. "217 The motorized and mo- bilized audiotape finally delivered radio from disc storage; "Yellow Sub- marine," or "war as acoustic experience," became playable.
But reaching beyond the acoustic experiences of the so-called general public, the magnetic tape also revolutionized secret transmissions. Ac- cording to Pynchon, "operators swear they can tell the individual send- ing-hands. "218 As a consequence, the Abwehr [German Counterintelli- gence Service], as part of the German Army High Command, had the "handwriting" of every single agent recorded at the Wohldorf radio sta- tion close to Hamburg before they went abroad on their secret missions. Only magnetic tapes guaranteed to Canaris and his men that it "was re- ally their agent sitting at the other end and not an enemy operator. "219
Inspired by this success, the Abwehr switched from defense to of- fense. Because the enemy was not yet in possession of magnetic tapes, the Abwehr was in a position to transmit its famous Funkspiele (radio games), which in spite of their name resulted not in the entertainment of millions in front of speakers but in the death of 50 British agents. The Ab- wehr managed to capture and turn around agents who had parachuted into the Netherlands. As if nothing had happened, they were forced to continue their transmissions in their own handwriting. The transmission of German Funkspiel messages to London (or, in one parallel case, to Moscow) lured additional agents into the Abwehr trap. Normally, intelli- gence agencies arrange emergency signals with their agents for such situ- ations, "such as using an old code, making absurd mistakes, or inserting or omitting certain letters of punctuation. "220 Each Morse message of the converted agents was taped, analyzed, and, if need be, manipulated be- fore it was transmitted. This procedure continued uninterrupted for years in the hardly civilian ether.
The world-war audiotape inaugurated the musical-acoustic present. Beyond storage and transmission, gramophone and radio, it created em-
108 Gramophone
pires of simulation. In England, Turing himself considered using a cap- tured German Magnetophone as the storage mechanism for his projected large computer. Like the paper strip of the universal discrete machine, tapes can execute any possible manipulation of data because they are equipped with recording, reading, and erasing heads, as well as with for- ward and reverse motion. 221 Which is why early, cheap pes work with at- tached tape decks.
In a far more practical vein, captured magnetic tapes aroused sleepy U. S. electric and music giants who had, naturally, taken on duties other than commercial ones between 1942 and 194 5 . 222 Inserted into the signal path, audiotapes modernized sound production; by replacing gramo- phones they modernized sound distribution. Tape decks made music con- sumers mobile, indeed automobile, as did the radio producers in the Mag- netophone-equipped German lead tanks of old. Thus, the "American mass market" was "opened up" by "the car playback system. "223 To min- imize the leadership vacuum and exploit the possibilities of stereophony, the only things missing were new VHF stations with rock'n'roll and traf- fic reports on the transmitting end and car radios with FM and decoders on the receiving end. Six-cylinder engines whisper, but the stereo equip- ment roars. Engine and radio are (to paraphrase Guderian and Nehring) also the soul of our tourist divisions, which under so-called postwar con- ditions rehearse or simulate the blitzkrieg.
The central command, however, has moved from general staffs to en- gineers. 224 Sound reproduction revolutionized by magnetic tape has ren- dered orders unnecessary. Storing, erasing, sampling, fast-forwarding, rewinding, editing-inserting tapes into the signal path leading from the microphone to the master disc made manipulation itself possible. Ever since the combat reports of Nazi radio, even live broadcasts have not been live. The delay that in the case of tapes is due to separate head mon- itoring (and that is now more elegantly achieved by digital shift regis- ters)225 suffices for so-called broadcast obscenity policing lines. It appears that listeners, once they have been called by a disc jockey and are on the air, are prone to exhibit an unquenchable desire for obscenities. Today everybody can and (according to Andy Warhol) wants to become famous, if only for two minutes of airtime. In the blind time to which media, as opposed to artists, are subject, chance is principally unpredictable. But the 6. 4 seconds of dead time the broadcast obscenity policing line inserts between telephone call and actual broadcast make censorship (if not art) possible in the data flow of the real.
That is precisely the function of audiotapes in sound processing.
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9 2 Gramophone
"Should We Let Patients Write Down Their Own Dreams? " Karl Abraham asks in an essay of 1913 that appears to confirm Freud's au- thoritarian words with examples from the couch practice. "Against the doctor's orders," one of Abraham's patients "put writing materials next to his bed" and, following a "a very extensive, eventful, and highly charged dream," brought "two quarto pages full of notes" to the session. But to his own shame and to the delight of Abraham, he realizes "that the notes are almost completely illegible. " 163 The psychoanalyst's love of non- sensical speeches has no written or cryptographic equivalent. As is well known, only printed works of literature, not illegible commonplaces, so- licit interpretations.
But in spite of its title and its veneration of Freud, Abraham's essay does not limit itself to the old medium of writing. What brought the es- say to writing or to shock was something far more modern and "inge- nious": a phonograph in the hands of a patient.
Observation. 2d patient, who in response to his question was advised by me not to write down dreams, produces a whole series of dreams in the following nights. Upon awakening-in the middle of the night-he ingeniously tries to save from oblivion the dreams he considers important. He owns an apparatus for recording dictations and proceeds to speak the dreams into the bell-mouth. Characteristi- cally, he forgets that for the last couple of days the machine has been malfunc- tioning. As a result the dictation is difficult to understand. Patient is forced to fill in a lot from memory. The dictation had to be complemented by the dreamer's memory! The dream analysis proceeded without notable resistance, thus we can assume that in this particular case the dream would have been retained even with- out any recording.
The patient, however, was not convinced by this experience and instead repeated the experiment one more time. Following a dream-filled night, the machine, which in the meantime had been repaired, delivered a clearly audible dictation. But according to the patient its content was so confused that he had dif- ficulties enforcing some kind of order. As the succeeding nights furnished a bounty of dreams which centered on the same complexes and could be repro- duced without artificial aid, this case, too, proved the uselessness of immediate recording. 164
In terms of deposition psychology, a patient who no longer writes down but phonographically records his dreams is on the same level as his psy- choanalyst. No writing material or filter interposes itself between the un- conscious and its storage, no consciousness making the "selections" dis- dained by Freud creates order. Reason enough to bring along the repaired machine to the session and set it up next to the couch. Then the patient
Gramophone 93
would be free to go for a walk while his phonograph-to paraphrase Kafka-could exchange dream-related information with the telephone re- ceiver called a doctor. But no, preprogrammed by the analyst's instruc- tions, Abraham's patient for once reverses the judgment that deposition psychology had passed on phonography, its ideal method: audible to the ear and to the unconscious, but confused and useless when it comes to con- tent and level of consciousness. Thus is the historic opportunity missed to test, during Freud's lifetime and without artificial aid, what distinguishes absolute-phonographic-faithfulness from medical reproduction.
The test did not take place until 1969, when Edison's awkward ma- chine was replaced by mass-produced magnetophones. Jean-Paul Sartre received (and published) an anonymous tape with an enclosed letter that suggests that the recording be entitled "Psychoanalytic Dialogue. "165 A. , a 33-year-old patient in a lunatic asylum, smuggled a tape recorder into his last session and recorded everything: associations, interpretations, and ultimately the terror of the doctor upon discovering the machine:
? Dr. X. A.
Dr. X. A.
Dr. X.
A.
Help! Murder! Helllp! Helllp!
Shut up and sit down.
Hellllllp ! (screams again)
You're afraid I ' m going t o cut off your weenie? Helllllllp! (That's the most beautiful scream ofthem all. ) That's a funny recordingP66
Indeed. For the first time a machine in the patient'S hands has replaced case studies, that is, essays from the doctors' hands. A "large part" of the conversation may be lost "due to the noise of the recording," 167 but in the end are recorded all those data that Freud, orally or on paper, was unable to imitate. Subject to neither selection nor refusal, a speech flow-that of the psychoanalyst himself-is perpetuated as pure voice physiology.
As a result of which-according to the editor, Sartre-"the analyst now becomes an object" and "the encounter of man with man is thwarted once again. " (From an existentialist perspective, psychoanalysis was itself already a form of alienation. )168
Writers faced with media and philosophers faced with technology are blind. As if so-called face-to-face communication could do without rules or interfaces, storage or channels, Man once again has to see to it that in- formation systems are ignored. What Sartre calls the second alienation is
94 Gramophone
simply the demolition of a monopoly. In the patient's hands, the tape recorder advances on a notation technique that could never be "ab- solutely-phonographically-exact" and therefore once more reenacts Old Europe under technologically advanced conditions: on the one hand, patients, who unlike bygone illiterates can read and write but are not al- lowed to; on the other, highly professional writers, who guard and mo- nopolize their archives as if universal literacy or even media technology were some pie in the sky. According to Foucault, "the political credit of psychoanalysis" rested on the fact that it set "the system of law, the sym- bolic order, and sovereignty" against the unrestricted "extension and in- tensification of micro-powers"-powers not even Foucault revealed as media technologies. 169 This law, however, from Freud's "Mystic Writing- Pad" to Lacan's "Insistence of the Letter in the Unconscious," is writing about writing, alphabetized monopoly squared. Only psychoanalysts (they say) can write what does not cease not to write itself.
But the beat must go on. Technology and industry do not tolerate any de- lay simply because a couple of writers or psychoanalysts stick to white paper. From Edison's primitive phonograph cylinders all the way to pop- ular music, the true poetry of the present, everything has gone like clock- work. Berliner's gramophone record of 1887, which no longer allowed consumers to make their own recordings but which since 1893 has al- lowed producers infinite reproductions of a single metal matrix, became the "prerequisite of the record mass market,"170 with a return that ex- ceeded the 100 million dollar mark before the advent of radio. l7l The mass-produced sound storage medium only needed mass-produced com- munication and recording media to gain global ascendancy. Far removed from old notions of sovereignty, all the powers of this and only of this century strive to reduce the "population's leadership vacuum"l72 (to quote a German media expert of 1939) to zero.
Broadcasting of weightless material came about for the purpose of the mass transmission of records: in 19 2 1 in the United States, in 19 2 2 in Great Britain, and in 1923 in the German Reich. "The uniting of radio with phonograph that constitutes the average radio program yields a very special pattern quite superior in power to the combination of radio and telegraph press that yields our news and weather programs. " 173 Whereas Morse signs are much too discrete and binary to be a symbolic code for radio waves, the continuous low frequencies of records are ideal for the amplitude and frequency modulations known as broadcasting.
In 1903 a principal switch for transmitting such records was devel-
Gramophone 9 5
oped by Professor Slaby of the Berlin Technical University, whose Voyages of Discovery into the Electric Ocean delighted "His Imperial Majesty's dinner table at tranquil Hubertusstock. "174 The same Imperial Majesty put Slaby's assistant Count von Arco in charge of Telefunken GmbH. Building on Valdemar Poulsen's procedure, the two Berliners were able to produce a high frequency whose wireless oscillations "were no longer in the range of audibility but delighted the electrician as much as the thrice- accented C of a famous tenor would a music lover. "175 On this radio car- rier frequency, "Caruso's singing, though emanating from the bell-mouth of a gramophone, could be transmitted in all its purity to our ears through the roaring metropolis";176 that is, all the way from Sakrow to Pots- dam. 177 Slaby's choice of tenors was not coincidental: on March 1 8 , 1902, Caruso had revamped his immortality-from the hearsay of future opera audiences to gramophony.
Slaby and Arco, however, were conducting their research in the ser- vice of the emperor and his navy. But soon civilians, too, came to enjoy electrically transmitted records. A recording of Handel's Messiah is said to have been part of the first actual radio broadcast, hosted by Reginald A. Fessenden of the University of Pennsylvania on Christmas Eve, 1906. 178 Long before the St. Petersburg revolutionaries, Brant Rock, Massachusetts, had started its broadcast with "CQ, CQ-to all, to all"- but only wireless operators on ships179 were able to receive the call and the Christmas record.
A world war, the first of its kind, had to break out to facilitate the switch from Poulsen's arc transmission to Lieben or De Forest's tube-type technology and the mass production of Fessenden's experimental proce- dure. It was not only in Germany, where the signal corps created in 19 I I went to war with 5 5 0 officers and 5 ,800 men but returned with 4,83 I of- ficers and 1 8 5 ,000 men,180 that the development of amplifier tubes was given the highest priority. 181 Fighter planes and submarines, the two new weapons systems, required wireless communications, just as military command required vacuum tube technology for the control of high and low frequencies. Tanks, however, which were equally in need of commu- nications, kept losing their antennas in the barbed wire of the trenches and for the time being had to make do with carrier pigeons. 182
But the exponentially growing radio troops were also in need of en- tertainment, because apart from machine-gun skirmishes and drumfire of- fensives, trench warfare is nothing but sensory deprivation-or Combat as Inner Experience, as JUnger so succinctly put it. 183 After three years in the wasteland between Flanders and the Ardennes, the military staffs-
? 9 6 Gramophone
? De Forest's audion.
the British ones in Flanders184 and a German one in Rethel in the Ar- dennes-took pity on their troops. Though trench crews had no radios, they were in possession of "army radio equipment. " Beginning in May 19I7, Dr. Hans Bredow, an AEG engineer before the war and afterward the first undersecretary for the national German radio network, was able to "use a primitive tube transmitter to broadcast a radio program con- sisting of records and the reading of newspaper articles. The project, however, was canceled when a superior command post got wind of it and prohibited the 'abuse of army equipment' for any future broadcast of mu- sic or words! "185
But that's the way it goes. The entertainment industry is, in any con-
Gramophone 97
ceivable sense of the word, an abuse of army equipment. When Karlheinz Stockhausen was mixing his first electronic composition, Kontakte, in the Cologne studio of the Westdeutscher Rundfunk between February 1958 and fall 1959, the pulse generator, indicating amplifier, band-pass filter, as well as the sine and square wave oscillators were made up of discarded u. s. Army equipment: an abuse that produced a distinctive sound. A decade later, when the Cologne studio had at its disposal professionally developed audio electronic equipment and the record industry demanded that Kontakte attain hi-fi stereo quality, Stockhausen attempted in vain to reproduce the sound: as an echo of a world war it could not do without the abuse of military equipment.
And what is true microcosmically is also true macrocosmically. In November 1918, the 190,000 radio operators of the imperial German army were demobilized but kept their equipment. Supported or super- vised by the executives of the USPD (Independent Socialist Party), the in- spectorate of the technical division of the signal corps (Itenacht) founded a Central Broadcasting Bureau (ZFL), which on November 25 was granted a broadcasting license by the executive committee of the workers and soldiers council. 186 A "radio specter" that could have nipped the Weimar Republic in the technological bud triggered the immediate "counterattack" by Dr. Bredow. 187 For the simple purpose of avoiding the anarchistic abuse of military radio equipment, Germany received its en- tertainment radio network. Records that hitherto had been used to liven up military communication in the trenches of the Ardennes now came into their own. Otherwise people themselves, rather than the government and the media industry, could have made politics. In December 19 2 3 , two months after the first Berlin broadcast, Postal Minister Dr. Hi::ifle, a mem- ber of the centrist party, listed (in order of increasing importance) the three tasks of the "Entertainment Broadcasting Network" :
? 1 .
2.
3 .
Wireless music, lectures etc. are to provide the general public with quality entertainment and education.
It is to be a new and important source of national revenue.
The new installations are to provide a convenient means for the nation and the states to convey whenever necessary official information to the public at large; the latter may be of importance with regard to state security.
In the interest of state security it is necessary to ensure that only those citi- zens own and operate equipment who have secured an official license to operate radio stations, and that, in addition, owners of radio equipment only record that which is intended for them. lss
9 8 Gramophone
But what is intended for consumers is determined not only by state secu- rity but also by technology. "Even at the risk of losing to radio all they have earned with their records,"189 the record industry had to submit to the standards of the new medium. Struggle in the Ether was the fitting name of Arnolt Bronnen's novel dealing with the establishment of the ra- dio networks and the music industry-a novel that cunningly puts the de- sires of postal ministers into the mouths of the people and in particular into that of a Berlin typist: "'Records, gramophones, money,' she smiled, lost in a dream, 'if one could sit here without records, gramophones, money but still hear music . . . '''190
In order to fulfill these wishes, the major arms and communications technology corporations had to get rid of the old shellac craft. Pioneering tinkerers like Edison and Berliner left the stage. The vacuum-tube ampli- fier proceeded from high to low frequencies, from radio to records. In
I924, Bell Labs developed electromagnetic cutting amplifiers for recording and an electromagnetic pickup for replaying and thereby delivered sound recordings from the mechanical scratching of Edison's needle. In the same year, Siemens presented the recording studios of the media conglomerates with equally electric ribbon microphones, as a result of which grooves were finally able to store frequencies ranging from roo bass hertz to 5 kilo- hertz overtones, thus rising to the level of medium-wave transmitters.
Edison's prototype had for good reasons preferred human voices to . orchestras. Only with electrical sound processing are records ready for Hbfle's "wireless music. " "At last," the Sunday Times wrote, mistaking frequency bandwidth for sensuality, "an orchestra really sounds like an orchestra; we get from these records what we rarely had before-the physical delight of passionate music in the concert room or opera house. We do not merely hear the melodies going this, that, or the other way in a sort of limbo of tonal abstraction; they come to us with the sensuous ex- citement of actuality. "191
And actuality itself can be produced once composers are up to date. For the third movement of Pini di Roma, Respighi wrote or rather de- manded the recorded voice of a nightingale played against the backdrop of composed-out string arpeggios. Villiers de l'Isle-Adam's fictional Edi- son had already surrounded his woman of the future with metallic birds of paradise, who "by using the Microphone" make "an immense volume of sound" with their songs. 192 But only Bell Labs nightingales were capa- ble of outplaying entire symphonic orchestras. Thus, Arturo Toscanini was able to premiere Respighi's sound poem as a media link combining an orchestral score with phonographic kilohertz sensuality. 193
? Gramophone 99
And the band played on. In the same year, 1924, U. s. researchers hit upon the idea of applying to sound processing the technique of producing intermediate frequencies. Thanks to frequency reduction, bat voices out- side of the range of human audibility were caught on record. At least that is what was reported by newspapers in Prague; the same Prague in which a story was written immediately afterward entitled "Josefine the Singer, or The Mouse Folk. " "Is Josefine's art singing at all? " Kafka's mice ask.
Is it not perhaps just a piping? And piping is something we all know about, it is the real accomplishment of our people, or rather no mere accomplishment, but a characteristic expression of our life. We all pipe, but of course no one dreams of making out that our piping is an art, we pipe without noticing it, and there are even many among us who are quite unaware that piping is one of our characteristics. 194
"The universe of sound," Cocteau's radio theory concludes, "has been enriched by that of ultrasound, which is still unknown. . . . We shall know that fish shout, that the sea is full of noises and that the void is peo- pled with realistic ghosts in whose eyes we are the same. "195
In order to locate Cocteau's submarine ghosts, a world war, the sec- ond one, had to break out. Today realism is in any event strategic. An un- paralleled surge of innovations that from 1939 on filled land, sea, and air with noise finally provided us (beyond Bell Labs) with records whose fre- quency range approached both limits of the audibility range; that is, with high fidelity. In 1940, four years before consumers were also able to pur- chase "FFRR" (full frequency range recording) records and seven years before Ansermet's hi-fi Petrouchka helped drive up annual record pro- duction to four hundred million, the Decca Record Company succeeded in capturing the ghostly noises on shellac. Quietly anticipating "Yellow Submarine" and the sound quality of the Beatles,
the RAF Coastal Command had approached the English-owned Decca Record Company with a secret and difficult assignment. Coastal Command wanted a training record to illustrate differences between the sounds of German and British submarines. Such aural distinctions were extremely delicate, and to reproduce them accurately on a record called for a decided enlargement of the phonograph's capabilities. Intensive work under the supervision of Decca's chief engineer, Arthur Haddy, led to new recording techniques and the kind of record Coastal Command desired. l96
But the enemy was not left standing behind. German record compa- nies participated in the Battle of the Bulge. To avoid Allied suspicions when the chief of Army Communications ordered a sudden radio silence
? 1 00 Gramophone
for all areas of troop concentration south of the Cologne-Aachen line on November, 12, 1944, the enemy had to be fed simulated attack prepara- tions at other parts of the front. The Army High Command's propaganda division developed special recordings for army loudspeakers, "which, among other things, simulated: tank noises, marching troops, departing and arriving trucks, the unloading of equipment, etc. "197
The whole spectrum of sound from infra- to ultrasound is, as was the case with Kafka's mice, not art but an expression of life. It finally allows modern detection to locate submarines wherever they may be, or tank brigades where they are not. The great musicologist Hornbostel had al- ready spent the First World War at the front: sound location devices with huge bell-mouths and superhuman audibility ranges were supposed to en- able ears to detect enemy artillery positions even at a distance of 30 kilo- meters. Ever since, human ears have no longer been a whim of nature but a weapon, as well as (with the usual commercial delay) a source of money. Long before the headphone adventures of rock'n'roll or original radio plays, Heinkel and Messerschmitt pilots entered the new age of soundspace. The Battle of Britain, Goring's futile attempt to bomb the island into submission in preparation for Operation Sea Lion, began with a trick for guiding weapon systems: radio beams allowed Luftwaffe bombers to reach their destinations without having to depend on daylight or the absence of fog. Radio beams emitted from the coast facing Britain, for example from Amsterdam and Cherbourg, formed the sides of an ethereal triangle the apex of which was located precisely above the tar- geted city. The right transmitter beamed a continuous series of Morse dashes into the pilot's right headphone, while the left transmitter beamed an equally continuous series of Morse dots-always exactly in between the dashes-into the left headphone. As a result, any deviation from the assigned course resulted in the most beautiful ping-pong stereophony (of the type that appeared on the first pop records but has since been dis- carded). And once the Heinkels were exactly above London or Coventry, then and only then did the two signal streams emanating from either side of the headphone, dashes from the right and dots from the left, merge into one continuous note, which the perception apparatus could not but locate within the very center of the brain. A hypnotic command that had the pi- lot-or rather, the center of his brain-dispose of his payload. Histori- cally, he had become the first consumer of a headphone stereophony that today controls us all-from the circling of helicopters or Hendrix's Elec- tric Ladyland all the way to the simulated pseudo-monophony, in the
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midst of the soundspace of Pink Floyd's Wish You Were Here, that once more wishes for the acoustics of targeted bombing. 198
The difficulty British intelligence had in countering stereophonic re- mote control is explained by its chief technical officer, Professor Reginald Jones. Because the Luftwaffe's radio beam transmitters operated in fre- quency ranges even beyond VHF, which in 1940 the Secret Service was in- capable of receiving and of which it had no conception, help could only
Gramophone
1 0 1
? Coventry _5Ki/ornetres
1 0 2 Gramophone
? Hughes microphone with recorded fly. The same fly whose footstep was amplified by Hughes's carbon microphone in 1878 to make it audible circles between the left and right channels in Pink Floyd's "Ummagumma. "
come from a profane illumination. An incident occurred on the Farnbor- ough airfield while testing a loudspeaker system attached to a fuselage, which, just as in today's Pentagon project, was designed to blast rebel- lious natives in northwestern India with divine voices. When the officer standing in front of the microphone heard his voice coming from the dis- tant loudspeaker two seconds later, he laughed about this acoustic delay. His laughter, in turn, was returned as another echo until the feedback af- fected all the participants and Farnborough resounded with a noise simi- lar to that heard when rock musicians lean their guitars against the speak- ers. A "system that laughed by itself," Jones called it. But instead of laughing along, he chose to understand: Feedback, the principle of all os- cillators, can also generate centimetric wave frequencies, something the experts refused to believe. 199 Jones ordered the construction of synchro- nized receivers, which, in turn, located the Luftwaffe's radio beam trans-
Gramophone I03
mitters and their targets. The Battle of Britain was won. (Even if the war- lord Churchill, not wanting to reveal to the enemy that his secrets had been revealed, disallowed the evacuation of Coventry, which had already been identified as a target city. )
Survivors and those born later, however, are allowed to inhabit stereophonic environments that have popularized and commercialized the trigonometry of air battles. Ever since EMI introduced stereo records in I957,200 people caught between speakers or headphones have been as con- trollable as bomber pilots. The submarine location duties of aspiring air force officers or the bombing target locations of Heinkel pilots turn into hypnosis, which in Stoker's I897 Dracula still had to be used to solve, without the help of radio technology, a very strategic submarine detection problem. 201 But in I966, following two world wars and surges in innova- tion, hypnosis and recording technology finally coincide: engine noises, hissing steam, and a brass band move across the walls from left to right and back while a British voice sings of the literal chain that linked Liver- pool's submarine crews to postwar rock groups.
In the town where I was born lived a man who sailed to sea and he told us of his life
in the land of submarines.
So we sailed up to the sun
till we found the sea of green and we lived beneath the waves in our yellow submarine.
And our friends are all aboard many more of them live next door and the band begins to play
"We all live in a yellow submarine . . . "202
The Beatles simply transported everybody to that impossible space that once concealed Count Dracula in his black coffin in the black belly of his ship, floating in the Black Sea until he was located, and subsequently de- stroyed, by hypnotic sound detection. Hi-fi stereophony can simulate any acoustic space, from the real space inside a submarine to the psychedelic space inside the brain itself. And should locating that space either fail or be a ruse designed to fool the consumer, it is only because the supervising sound engineer has proceeded as shrewdly as the disinformation cam- paign prior to the Battle of the Bulge.
? 1 04 Gramophone
? Once again, these deceptions were programmed by the admirable Villiers de l'Isle-Adam. By design or accident, his Edison places "his hand on the central control panel of the laboratory," whereupon the tele- phonic voice of his agent in New York "seemed to come from all the cor- ners of the room at once. " A dozen speakers scattered across the labora- tory-obviously modeled on the first soundspace experiments conducted between the Paris Opera and the Palace of Industry in 1 8 8 1-make it possible. 203
With the help of stereo recordings and stereo, VHF acoustic decep- tions can invade operas completely. When, in 1959, John Culshaw pro- duced Solti's beautifully overmodulated Rhinegold, the homelessness of spirits was implemented. Of course the other gods and goddesses, male and female singers, were each assigned their own space between the stereo channels. But Wagner's great technician Alberich, upon tearing the newly completed Tarnhelm out of his brother Mime's hands and demon- strating in hands-on fashion the advantages of invisibility, appears to be coming, like Edison's telegrapher, from all corners at once. "Thus, in scene III, Alberich puts on the Tarnhelm, disappears, and then thrashes the unfortunate Mime. Most stage productions make Alberich sing through a megaphone at this point, the effect of which is often less dom- inating than that of Alberich in reality. Instead of this, we have tried to convey, for thirty-two bars, the terrifying, inescapable presence of Al- berich: left, right, or centre there is no escape for Mime. "204
Culshaw's stereo magic simply puts into practice what the great me- dia technician Wagner had in mind for his dramatic doppelganger. "Everywhere now he lies in wait," sings Alberich, lost in acoustic space, making those he keeps "under guard" "subject to him forever. "205 In other words, Wagner invented the radio play, as Nietzsche immediately realized: "His art always carries him in two directions, out of a world of auditory drama into a mysteriously kindred world of visual drama, and vice versa. "206 The Ring of the Nibelung, that zero series of all word wars, could just as well be called Struggle in the Ether.
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To broadcast the ethereal struggle, radio merely had to take over the innovations of the world wars and, in a move that reversed the one fol- lowing the First World War, adapt itself to the standard of records. Be- cause amplitude modulation did not leave enough frequency range, the old AM radio would have been unable to transmit hi-fi songs or stereo ra- dio plays.
The spectacular growth of FM is attributable to its technical superiority to AM, and relative cheapness as an investment medium. In the late fifties, it was found that the great range of FM channels could not only sustain a higher fidelity for single transmissions, but could in fact also be used to broadcast separate signals simultaneously in a process called "multiplexing. " This discovery made possible stereo musical broadcast. Stereo broadcast was particularly attractive to those au- diences discriminating and wealthy enough to prefer high fidelity music. . . . As the rock audience grew in size and sophistication, it came to demand the same sound quality which it could get from records at home (reflected in the tremen- dous increase in the middle and late sixties in the stereo component market), but could not get from AM radio. 207
Frequency modulation and signal multiplexing, the two components of VHF, are of course not a U. S. commercial discovery of the 1950S. Without "his ingenious technical decision" in favor of signal multiplex- ing, General Fellgiebel, chief of Army Communications, would not have been able to control the invasion of Russia, that is, "the most immense task ever faced by any signal corps in the world. "208 Without Colonel Gimmler of Army Ordnance and his refutation of the delusion "that very high frequencies (between 10m and 1m) propagate in a straight line and are therefore of no use in the battle field,"209 Colonel General Guderian, the strategist of the tank blitzkrieg, would have been forced to resort to World-War-I-era carrier pigeons. Instead, his armored wedges, "from the tanks in the most forward position back to divisional, corps, and army command," were, unlike his enemies, equipped with VHF. 21O "The engine is the soul of the tank," Guderian used to say, "and radio," General Nehring added, "its number one. " Then as now VHF radio reduces the leadership vacuum to zero.
On September II, 1944, American tank vanguards liberated the city of Luxembourg and its radio station. Radio Luxembourg returned to its pre- war status as the largest commercial broadcaster and advertiser of records on a continent of postal, telegraphic, and radio state monopo- lies. 211 But four years as an army station had left its traces: traces of a new way of storing traces.
I06 Gramophone
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Basic diagram of Poulsen's telegraphone.
By the early 1940S, German technicians had made some startling advances. Radio monitors who listened to the German broadcasting stations day after day for British and United States intelligence soon realized that many of the programs they were hearing could not possibly derive from live studio broadcasts. Yet there were a fidelity and a continuity of sound, plus an absence of surface scratching, in the German transmissions that ordinary transcription records could never have yielded. The mystery was solved . . . when the Allies captured Radio Luxem- bourg . . . and discovered among the station's equipment a new Magnetophone of extraordinary capabilities. 212
It was not until I940 that technicians at BA5F and AEG had by chance hit upon the technique of radio frequency premagnetizing, thus turning Valdemar Poulsen's experimental telegraphone of I898 into an operational audiotape with a IO kilohertz frequency bandwidth. Up until then, the record-radio media link had operated as a one-way street. Transmitters and gramophone users replayed what Berliner's master disc had once and for all recorded, even if radio stations-in a late vindica- tion of Edison-made use of special phonographs developed for the spe- cific purpose of program storage. 213 But under combat conditions those wax cylinders, which, since I930, were allowed to record parliamentary sessions strictly for "archival purposes," were useless. 214 A propaganda ministry that turned radio into "the cultural 55 of the Third Reich"215 needed a recording and storage medium as modern and mobile as Gude- rian's tank divisions.
Major General von Wedel, chief of Army Propaganda, recounts:
We were also essentially dependent on developments of the propaganda ministry with regard to radio equipment for war correspondents. That also applied to the
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appropriate vehicles. When it came to tank divisions, the Luftwaffe, or parts of the navy, the opportunities for original combat recordings were hampered by the fact that we could not obtain the stable and horizontal supports necessary for pro- ducing discs. At first, we were forced to make do with belated dispatches.
A significant change occurred after the Magnetophone was invented and thoroughly designed for the purpose of war reports. Original combat reports from the air, the moving armored vehicle, or the submarine, etc. , now became impres- sive firsthand accounts. 216
As Ludendorff had pointed out, it is a truth of Total War that "the mass usage of technological equipment can be tested much better in wartime than would ever be possible in peace. "217 The motorized and mo- bilized audiotape finally delivered radio from disc storage; "Yellow Sub- marine," or "war as acoustic experience," became playable.
But reaching beyond the acoustic experiences of the so-called general public, the magnetic tape also revolutionized secret transmissions. Ac- cording to Pynchon, "operators swear they can tell the individual send- ing-hands. "218 As a consequence, the Abwehr [German Counterintelli- gence Service], as part of the German Army High Command, had the "handwriting" of every single agent recorded at the Wohldorf radio sta- tion close to Hamburg before they went abroad on their secret missions. Only magnetic tapes guaranteed to Canaris and his men that it "was re- ally their agent sitting at the other end and not an enemy operator. "219
Inspired by this success, the Abwehr switched from defense to of- fense. Because the enemy was not yet in possession of magnetic tapes, the Abwehr was in a position to transmit its famous Funkspiele (radio games), which in spite of their name resulted not in the entertainment of millions in front of speakers but in the death of 50 British agents. The Ab- wehr managed to capture and turn around agents who had parachuted into the Netherlands. As if nothing had happened, they were forced to continue their transmissions in their own handwriting. The transmission of German Funkspiel messages to London (or, in one parallel case, to Moscow) lured additional agents into the Abwehr trap. Normally, intelli- gence agencies arrange emergency signals with their agents for such situ- ations, "such as using an old code, making absurd mistakes, or inserting or omitting certain letters of punctuation. "220 Each Morse message of the converted agents was taped, analyzed, and, if need be, manipulated be- fore it was transmitted. This procedure continued uninterrupted for years in the hardly civilian ether.
The world-war audiotape inaugurated the musical-acoustic present. Beyond storage and transmission, gramophone and radio, it created em-
108 Gramophone
pires of simulation. In England, Turing himself considered using a cap- tured German Magnetophone as the storage mechanism for his projected large computer. Like the paper strip of the universal discrete machine, tapes can execute any possible manipulation of data because they are equipped with recording, reading, and erasing heads, as well as with for- ward and reverse motion. 221 Which is why early, cheap pes work with at- tached tape decks.
In a far more practical vein, captured magnetic tapes aroused sleepy U. S. electric and music giants who had, naturally, taken on duties other than commercial ones between 1942 and 194 5 . 222 Inserted into the signal path, audiotapes modernized sound production; by replacing gramo- phones they modernized sound distribution. Tape decks made music con- sumers mobile, indeed automobile, as did the radio producers in the Mag- netophone-equipped German lead tanks of old. Thus, the "American mass market" was "opened up" by "the car playback system. "223 To min- imize the leadership vacuum and exploit the possibilities of stereophony, the only things missing were new VHF stations with rock'n'roll and traf- fic reports on the transmitting end and car radios with FM and decoders on the receiving end. Six-cylinder engines whisper, but the stereo equip- ment roars. Engine and radio are (to paraphrase Guderian and Nehring) also the soul of our tourist divisions, which under so-called postwar con- ditions rehearse or simulate the blitzkrieg.
The central command, however, has moved from general staffs to en- gineers. 224 Sound reproduction revolutionized by magnetic tape has ren- dered orders unnecessary. Storing, erasing, sampling, fast-forwarding, rewinding, editing-inserting tapes into the signal path leading from the microphone to the master disc made manipulation itself possible. Ever since the combat reports of Nazi radio, even live broadcasts have not been live. The delay that in the case of tapes is due to separate head mon- itoring (and that is now more elegantly achieved by digital shift regis- ters)225 suffices for so-called broadcast obscenity policing lines. It appears that listeners, once they have been called by a disc jockey and are on the air, are prone to exhibit an unquenchable desire for obscenities. Today everybody can and (according to Andy Warhol) wants to become famous, if only for two minutes of airtime. In the blind time to which media, as opposed to artists, are subject, chance is principally unpredictable. But the 6. 4 seconds of dead time the broadcast obscenity policing line inserts between telephone call and actual broadcast make censorship (if not art) possible in the data flow of the real.
That is precisely the function of audiotapes in sound processing.
