No More Learning

Their other customs are impious and abominable, and owe
their prevalence to their depravity. For all the most worthless
rascals, renouncing their national cults, were always sending money to
swell the sum of offerings and tribute. [479] This is one cause of
Jewish prosperity. Another is that they are obstinately loyal to each
other, and always ready to show compassion, whereas they feel nothing
but hatred and enmity for the rest of the world. [480] They eat and
sleep separately. Though immoderate in sexual indulgence, they refrain
from all intercourse with foreign women: among themselves anything is
allowed. [481] They have introduced circumcision to distinguish
themselves from other people. Those who are converted to their customs
adopt the same practice, and the first lessons they learn are to
despise the gods,[482] to renounce their country, and to think nothing
of their parents, children, and brethren. However, they take steps to
increase their numbers. They count it a crime to kill any of their
later-born children,[483] and they believe that the souls of those who
die in battle or under persecution are immortal. [484] Thus they think
much of having children and nothing of facing death. They prefer to
bury and not burn their dead. [485] In this, as in their burial rites,
and in their belief in an underworld, they conform to Egyptian custom.
Their ideas of heaven are quite different. The Egyptians worship most
of their gods as animals, or in shapes half animal and half human. The
Jews acknowledge one god only, of whom they have a purely spiritual
conception. They think it impious to make images of gods in human
shape out of perishable materials. Their god is almighty and
inimitable, without beginning and without end. They therefore set up
no statues in their temples, nor even in their cities, refusing this
homage both to their own kings and to the Roman emperors. However, the
fact that their priests intoned to the flute and cymbals and wore
wreaths of ivy, and that a golden vine was found in their temple[486]
has led some people to think that they worship Bacchus,[487] who has
so enthralled the East. But their cult would be most inappropriate.
Bacchus instituted gay and cheerful rites, but the Jewish ritual is
preposterous and morbid.

The country of the Jews is bounded by Arabia on the east, by Egypt 6
on the south, and on the west by Phoenicia and the sea. On the Syrian
frontier they have a distant view towards the north. [488] Physically
they are healthy and hardy. Rain is rare; the soil infertile; its
products are of the same kind as ours with the addition of balsam and
palms. The palm is a tall and beautiful tree, the balsam a mere shrub.
When its branches are swollen with sap they open them with a sharp
piece of stone or crockery, for the sap-vessels shrink up at the touch
of iron. The sap is used in medicine. Lebanon, their chief mountain,
stands always deep in its eternal snow, a strange phenomenon in such a
burning climate. Here, too, the river Jordan has its source[489] and
comes pouring down, to find a home in the sea. It flows undiminished
through first one lake, then another, and loses itself in a
third. [490] This last is a lake of immense size, like a sea, though
its water has a foul taste and a most unhealthy smell, which poisons
the surrounding inhabitants. No wind can stir waves in it: no fish or
sea-birds can live there. The sluggish water supports whatever is
thrown on to it, as if its surface were solid, while those who cannot
swim float on it as easily as those who can. Every year at the same
time the lake yields asphalt. As with other arts, it is experience
which shows how to collect it. It is a black liquid which, when
congealed with a sprinkling of vinegar, floats on the surface of the
water. The men who collect it take it in this state into their hands
and haul it on deck. Then without further aid it trickles in and loads
the boat until you cut off the stream. But this you cannot do with
iron or brass: the current is turned by applying blood or a garment
stained with a woman's menstrual discharge. That is what the old
authorities say, but those who know the district aver that floating
blocks of asphalt are driven landwards by the wind and dragged to
shore by hand. The steam out of the earth and the heat of the sun
dries them, and they are then split up with axes and wedges, like logs
or blocks of stone.

Not far from this lake are the Plains, which they say were once 7
fertile and covered with large and populous cities which were
destroyed by lightning. [491] Traces of the cities are said to remain,
and the ground, which looks scorched, has lost all power of
production. The plants, whether wild or artificially cultivated, are
blighted and sterile and wither into dust and ashes, either when in
leaf or flower, or when they have attained their full growth. Without
denying that at some date famous cities were there burnt up by
lightning, I am yet inclined to think that it is the exhalation from
the lake which infects the soil and poisons the surrounding
atmosphere. Soil and climate being equally deleterious, the crops and
fruits all rot away.

The river Belus also falls into this Jewish sea. Round its mouth is
found a peculiar kind of sand which is mixed with native soda and
smelted into glass. Small though the beach is, its product is
inexhaustible.

The greater part of the population live in scattered villages, but 8
they also have towns. Jerusalem is the Jewish capital, and contained
the temple, which was enormously wealthy. A first line of
fortifications guarded the city, another the palace, and an innermost
line enclosed the temple. [492] None but a Jew was allowed as far as
the doors: none but the priests might cross the threshold. [493] When
the East was in the hands of the Assyrians, Medes and Persians, they
regarded the Jews as the meanest of their slaves. During the
Macedonian ascendancy[494] King Antiochus[495] endeavoured to abolish
their superstitions and to introduce Greek manners and customs. But
Arsaces at that moment rebelled,[496] and the Parthian war prevented
him from effecting any improvement in the character of this grim
people. Then, when Macedon waned, as the Parthian power was not yet
ripe and Rome was still far away, they took kings of their own. [497]
The mob were fickle and drove them out. However, they recovered their
throne by force; banished their countrymen, sacked cities, slew their
brothers, wives, and parents, and committed all the usual kingly
crimes. But this only fostered the hold of the Jewish religion, since
the kings had strengthened their authority by assuming the priesthood.

Cnaeus Pompeius was the first Roman to subdue the Jews and set foot 9
in their temple by right of conquest. [498] It was then first realized
that the temple contained no image of any god: their sanctuary was
empty, their mysteries meaningless. The walls of Jerusalem were
destroyed, but the temple was left standing. Later, during the Roman
civil wars, when the eastern provinces had come under the control of
Mark Antony, the Parthian Prince Pacorus seized Judaea,[499] and was
killed by Publius Ventidius. The Parthians were driven back over the
Euphrates, and Caius Sosius[500] subdued the Jews. Antony gave the
kingdom to Herod,[501] and Augustus, after his victory, enlarged it.
After Herod's death, somebody called Simon,[502] without awaiting the
emperor's decision, forcibly assumed the title of king. He was
executed by Quintilius Varus, who was Governor of Syria; the Jews were
repressed and the kingdom divided between three of Herod's sons. [503]
Under Tiberius all was quiet. Caligula ordered them to put up his
statue in the temple. They preferred war to that. But Caligula's death
put an end to the rising. [504] In Claudius' reign the kings had all
either died or lost most of their territory. The emperor therefore
made Judaea a province to be governed by Roman knights or freedmen.
One of these, Antonius Felix,[505] indulged in every kind of cruelty
and immorality, wielding a king's authority with all the instincts of
a slave. He had married Drusilla, a granddaughter of Antony and
Cleopatra, so that he was Antony's grandson-in-law, while Claudius was
Antony's grandson. [506]

The Jews endured such oppression patiently until the time of 10
Gessius Florus,[507] under whom war broke out. Cestius Gallus, the
Governor of Syria, tried to crush it, but met with more reverses than
victories. He died, either in the natural course or perhaps of
disgust, and Nero sent out Vespasian, who, in a couple of
campaigns,[508] thanks to his reputation, good fortune, and able
subordinates, had the whole of the country districts and all the
towns except Jerusalem under the heel of his victorious army. The next
year[509] was taken up with civil war, and passed quietly enough as
far as the Jews were concerned. But peace once restored in Italy,
foreign troubles began again with feelings embittered on our side by
the thought that the Jews were the only people who had not given in.
At the same time it seemed best to leave Titus at the head of the army
to meet the eventualities of the new reign, whether good or bad.

Thus, as we have already seen,[510] Titus pitched his camp before 11
the walls of Jerusalem and proceeded to display his legions in battle
order. The Jews formed up at the foot of their own walls, ready, if
successful, to venture further, but assured of their retreat in case
of reverse. A body of cavalry and some light-armed foot were sent
forward, and fought an indecisive engagement, from which the enemy
eventually retired. During the next few days a series of skirmishes
took place in front of the gates, and at last continual losses drove
the Jews behind their walls. The Romans then determined to take it by
storm. It seemed undignified to sit and wait for the enemy to starve,
and the men all clamoured for the risks, some being really brave,
while many others were wild and greedy for plunder. Titus himself had
the vision of Rome with all her wealth and pleasures before his eyes,
and felt that their enjoyment was postponed unless Jerusalem fell at
once. The city, however, stands high and is fortified with works
strong enough to protect a city standing on the plain. Two enormous
hills[511] were surrounded by walls ingeniously built so as to project
or slope inwards and thus leave the flanks of an attacking party
exposed to fire. The rocks were jagged at the top. The towers, where
the rising ground helped, were sixty feet high, and in the hollows as
much as a hundred and twenty. They are a wonderful sight and seem from
a distance to be all of equal height. Within this runs another line of
fortification surrounding the palace, and on a conspicuous height
stands the Antonia, a castle named by Herod in honour of Mark Antony.

The temple was built like a citadel with walls of its own, on 12
which more care and labour had been spent than on any of the others.
Even the cloisters surrounding the temple formed a splendid rampart.
There was a never-failing spring of water,[512] catacombs hollowed out
of the hills, and pools or cisterns for holding the rain-water. Its
original builders had foreseen that the peculiarities of Jewish life
would lead to frequent wars, consequently everything was ready for the
longest of sieges. Besides this, when Pompey took the city, bitter
experience taught them several lessons, and in the days of Claudius
they had taken advantage of his avarice to buy rights of
fortification, and built walls in peace-time as though war were
imminent. Their numbers were now swelled by floods of human refuse and
unfortunate refugees from other towns. [513] All the most desperate
characters in the country had taken refuge there, which did not
conduce to unity. They had three armies, each with its own general.
The outermost and largest line of wall was held by Simon; the central
city by John, and the temple by Eleazar. [514] John and Simon were
stronger than Eleazar in numbers and equipment, but he had the
advantage of a strong position. Their relations mainly consisted of
fighting, treachery, and arson: a large quantity of corn was burnt.
Eventually, under pretext of offering a sacrifice, John sent a party
of men to massacre Eleazar and his troops, and by this means gained
possession of the temple. [515] Thus Jerusalem was divided into two
hostile parties, but on the approach of the Romans the necessities of
foreign warfare reconciled their differences.

Various portents had occurred at this time, but so sunk in 13
superstition are the Jews and so opposed to all religious practices
that they think it wicked to avert the threatened evil by
sacrifices[516] or vows. Embattled armies were seen to meet in the sky
with flashing arms, and the temple shone with sudden fire from heaven.
The doors of the shrine suddenly opened, a supernatural voice was
heard calling the gods out, and at once there began a mighty movement
of departure. Few took alarm at all this. Most people held the belief
that, according to the ancient priestly writings, this was the moment
at which the East was fated to prevail: they would now start forth
from Judaea and conquer the world. [517] This enigmatic prophecy really
applied to Vespasian and Titus. But men are blinded by their hopes.
The Jews took to themselves the promised destiny, and even defeat
could not convince them of the truth. The number of the besieged, men
and women of every age, is stated to have reached six hundred
thousand. There were arms for all who could carry them, and far more
were ready to fight than would be expected from their total numbers.
The women were as determined as the men: if they were forced to leave
their homes they had more to fear in life than in death.

Such was the city and such the people with which Titus was faced. As
the nature of the ground forbade a sudden assault, he determined to
employ siege-works and penthouse shelters. The work was accordingly
divided among the legions, and there was a truce to fighting until
they had got ready every means of storming a town that had ever been
devised by experience or inventive ingenuity.

FOOTNOTES:

[460] A. D. 70.

[461] See ii. 4; iv. 51.

[462] XXII Deiotariana and III Cyrenaica.

[463] Cp. ii. 4.

[464] There seems little to recommend Tacitus' theory of the
identity of the Idaei and Judaei, though it has been suggested
that the Cherethites of 2. Sam. viii. 18 and Ezek. xxv. 16 are
Cretans, migrated into the neighbourhood of the Philistines.
The Jewish Sabbath (Saturn's day) seems also to have suggested
connexion with Saturn and Crete.

[465] Elsewhere the Idaei figure as supernatural genii in
attendance on either Jupiter or Saturn.

[466] Ethiopian here means Phoenician. Tradition made Cepheus,
the father of Andromeda, king of Joppa.

[467] From Damascus, said Justin, where Abraham was one of
their kings, and Trogus Pompeius adds that the name of Abraham
was honourably remembered at Damascus. These are variants of
the Biblical migration of Abraham.

[468] _Il. _ vi. 184; _Od. _ v. 282.

[469] Another piece of fanciful philology, based on a
misinterpretation of a Greek transliteration of the name
Jerusalem. The Solymi are traditionally placed in Lycia. Both
Juvenal and Martial use Solymus as equivalent to Judaeus.

[470] The only known King Bocchoris belongs to the eighth
century B. C. , whereas the Exodus is traditionally placed not
later than the sixteenth.

[471] See Exod. xvii.

[472] i. e. an ass. The idea that this animal was sacred to the
Jews was so prevalent among 'the Gentiles' that Josephus takes
the trouble to refute it.

[473] Cp. Lev. xvi. 3, 'a young bullock for a sin offering,
and a ram for a burnt offering. ' Tacitus' reasons are of
course errors due to the prevalent confusion of Jewish and
Egyptian history.

[474] Cp. Luke xviii. 12, 'I fast twice a week. '

[475] Cp. Deut. v. 15.

[476] Cp. Lev. xxv. 4, '. . . in the seventh year shall be a
sabbath of solemn rest for the land, a sabbath unto the Lord:
thou shalt neither sow thy field, nor prune thy vineyard. '

[477] The seventh day being named after Cronos or Saturn (cp.
chap. 2, note 464).

[478] Reading _commeent_ (Wölfflin).

[479] This refers to proselytes, who, like Jews resident
abroad, contributed annually to the Temple treasury. They
numbered at this time about four millions. Romans naturally
regarded this diversion of funds with disfavour.

[480] Jewish exclusiveness always roused Roman indignation,
and 'hatred of the human race' was the usual charge against
Christians (see _Ann. _ xv. 44).

[481] The strict regulations of Deut. xxii. &c. give a strange
irony to this slander. Most of these libels originated in
Alexandria.

[482] 'A people,' says the elder Pliny, 'distinguished by
their contemptuous atheism. '

[483] _Agnati_, as used here and in _Germ. _ 19 means a child
born after the father has made his will and therein specified
the number of his children.
The mere birth of such a child
invalidated any earlier will that the father had made, but the
fact of its birth might be concealed by making away with the
baby. This crime seems to have been not uncommon, but there is
no evidence that 'exposure of infants' was permitted.

[484] Josephus also alludes to this belief that the corruption
of disease chained the soul to the buried body, while violent
death freed it to live for ever in the air and protect
posterity.

[485] Under the kings cremation was an honourable form of
burial, but in Babylon the Jews came to regard fire as a
sacred element which should not be thus defiled.

[486] This was over the door of the Temple. Aristobulus gave
it as a present to Pompey.

[487] Plutarch shared this error, which seems somehow to have
been based on a misinterpretation of the Feast of Tabernacles,
at which they were to 'take . . . the fruit of goodly trees, . . .
and willows of the brook; and . . . rejoice before the Lord your
God seven days' (Lev. xxiii. 40).

[488] Over Coele-Syria, from the range of Lebanon.

[489] i. e. from Mount Hermon, nearly 9,000 feet high.

[490] Merom; Gennesareth; the Dead Sea.

[491] 'Then the Lord rained upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah
brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven; and he
overthrew those cities, and all the Plain' (Gen. xix. 24).

[492] These were not concentric, but an enemy approaching from
the north-west would have to carry all three before reaching
the temple, which stood on Mount Moriah at the eastern
extremity of the city.

[493] Cp. Luke i. 8-10, where Zacharias entered the temple to
burn incense, 'and the whole multitude of the people were
praying without. '

[494] The Seleucids.

[495] Antiochus Epiphanes (176-164 B. C. ).

[496] This was really in the reign of Antiochus II (260-245 B. C. ).

[497] Of the Hasmonean or Maccabean family.

[498] 63 B. C. when he was called in to decide between
Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus.

[499] At the invitation of the Maccabean Antigonus, who thus
recovered the throne.

[500] Ventidius and Sosius were Antony's officers. The former
was famous as having begun life as a mule-driver and risen to
be a consul and to hold the first triumph over the Parthians.

[501] Herod the Great, who on the return of Antigonus had fled
to Rome and chosen the winning side.

[502] One of Herod's slaves.

[503] Archelaus, Herod Antipas, and Philip.

[504] A. D. 40.

[505] A freedman, Procurator of Judaea, A. D. 52-60 (cp. Acts xxiv).

[506] Claudius' mother, Antonia, was the daughter of Antony's
first marriage.

[507] A. D. 64-66.

[508] A. D. 67 and 68.

[509] A. D. 69.

[510] Chap. 1.

[511] Jerusalem stands on a rock which rises into three main
hills, Zion (south), Acra (north), and Moriah (east). It is
not clear to which two of these Tacitus alludes; probably Zion
and Moriah.

[512] Of this no traces remain, and the tradition may have
been based on the metaphorical prophecy that a fount of living
water would issue from the Sanctuary.

[513] i. e. the Galilean towns captured by Vespasian in A. D. 67 and 68.

[514] Simon was a bandit from the east of Jordan; John of
Gischala headed a party of refugees from Galilee; Eleazar was
the leader of the Jewish war-party, and related to the high
priests.

[515] They submitted to John's authority and were not killed.

[516] 'Ye shall not . . . use enchantments, nor practise augury'
(Lev. xix. 26).

[517] e. g. 'And in the days of those kings shall the God of
heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed, nor
shall the sovereignty thereof be left to another people; but
it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms' (Dan.
ii. 44). The Jews were looking for Messiah: the Romans thought
of Vespasian.


THE END OF THE GERMAN REVOLT

After the severe reverse at Trier[518] Civilis recruited his army 14
in Germany, and pitched his camp near Vetera. The position was a safe
one, and he hoped to inspirit his native troops with the memory of
their former victories there. [519] Cerialis followed in his footsteps,
with forces now doubled by the arrival of the Second,[520] Thirteenth,
and Fourteenth legions, besides auxiliary troops, both horse and
foot,[521] who had long received their summons and came hurrying on
the news of victory. Neither general was dilatory, but a vast plain
lay between them. It was by nature swampy, and Civilis had built a dam
projecting into the Rhine, which stemmed the current and flooded the
adjacent fields. The treacherous nature of the ground, where the
shallows were hard to find, told against our men, who were heavily
armed and afraid of swimming. The Germans, on the other hand, were
used to rivers, lightly armed, and tall enough to keep their heads
above water.

Provoked by the Batavi, the bravest of our troops opened the 15
engagement at once, but soon fell into a panic when their arms and
horses began to sink in the deep marshes. The Germans, who knew the
fords, came leaping across them, often leaving our front alone and
running round to the flanks or the rear. It was not like an infantry
engagement at close quarters, but more like a naval battle. The men
floundered about in the water or, finding firm foothold, strove with
all their might for possession of it. Thus, wounded and whole, those
who could swim and those who could not, struggled helplessly with each
other and perished all alike. However, considering the confusion, our
loss was less than might have been expected, for the Germans, not
daring to venture out of the marsh, withdrew to their camp. The result
of this engagement gave each of the generals a different motive for
hastening on a decisive battle. Civilis wanted to follow up his
success, Cerialis to wipe out his disgrace. Success stimulated the
pride of the Germans; the Romans thrilled with shame. The natives
spent the night singing uproariously, while our men muttered angry
threats.

At daybreak Cerialis formed up his cavalry and the auxiliary 16
cohorts on his front, with the legions behind them, while he himself
held a picked body in reserve for emergencies. Civilis did not deploy
his line, but halted them in columns,[522] with the Batavi and
Cugerni[523] on his right, and the forces from across the Rhine[524]
near the river on the left. Neither general followed the usual custom
of haranguing the whole army. They rode along and addressed their
various divisions in turn. Cerialis spoke of the ancient glory of the
Roman name and of all their victories old and new. He urged them 'to
blot out for ever their treacherous and cowardly enemy whom they had
already beaten. They had to punish not to fight them. They had just
fought against superior numbers and had yet routed the Germans, and,
moreover, the pick of their troops. This remnant had their hearts full
of panic and all their wounds behind them. ' He then gave special
encouragement to each of the legions, calling the Fourteenth the
conquerors of Britain,[525] reminding the Sixth that the influence of
their example had set Galba on the throne,[526] and telling the Second
that in the coming fight they would for the first time dedicate their
new colours and their new eagle to Rome's service. [527] Then riding
along to the German army,[528] he pointed with his hand and bade them
recover their own river-bank and their own camp[529] at the enemy's
expense. They all cheered with hearts the lighter for his words. Some
longed for battle after a long spell of quiet: others were weary of
war and pined for peace, hoping that the future would bring them rest
and recompense.

Nor was there silence in Civilis' lines. As he formed them up he 17
appealed to the spot as evidence of their valour. The Germans and
Batavians were standing, he told them, 'on the field of their glory,
trampling the charred bones of Roman soldiers under foot. Wherever the
Romans turned their eyes they saw nothing but menacing reminders of
surrender and defeat. They must not be alarmed by that sudden change
of fortune in the battle at Trier. It was their own victory which
hampered the Germans there: they had dropped their weapons and filled
their hands with loot. Since then everything had gone in their favour
and against the Romans. He had taken every possible precaution, as
befitted a cunning general. They themselves were familiar with these
soaking plains, but the swamps would be a deadly trap for the enemy.
They had the Rhine and the gods of Germany before their eyes, and in
the might of these they must go to battle, remembering their wives and
parents and their fatherland. This day would either gild the glory of
their ancestors or earn the execration of posterity. ' They applauded
his words according to their custom by dancing and clashing their
arms, and then opened the battle with showers of stones and leaden
balls and other missiles, trying to lure on our men, who had not yet
entered the marsh.

Their missiles exhausted, the enemy warmed to their work and made 18
an angry charge. Thanks to their great height and their very long
spears they could thrust from some distance at our men, who were
floundering and slipping about in the marsh. While this went on, a
column[530] of Batavi swam across from the dam which, as we described
above,[531] had been built out into the Rhine. This started a panic
and the line of our auxiliaries began to be driven back. Then the
legions took up the fight and equalized matters by staying the enemy's
wild charge. Meanwhile a Batavian deserter approached Cerialis,
avowing that he could take the enemy in the rear if the cavalry were
sent round the edge of the swamp: the ground was solid there, and the
Cugerni, whose task it was to keep watch, were off their guard. Two
squadrons of horse were sent with the deserter, and succeeded in
outflanking the unsuspecting enemy. The legions in front, when the din
told them what had happened, redoubled their efforts. The Germans were
beaten and fled to the Rhine. This day might have brought the war to
an end, had the Roman fleet[532] arrived in time. As it was, even the
cavalry were prevented from pursuit by a sudden downpour of rain
shortly before nightfall.

On the next day the Fourteenth legion were sent to join Annius 19
Gallus[533] in Upper Germany, and their place in Cerialis' army was
filled by the Tenth from Spain. Civilis was reinforced by the
Chauci. [534] Feeling that he was not strong enough to hold the
Batavian capital,[535] he took whatever was portable with him, burnt
everything else, and retired into the island. He knew that the Romans
had not enough ships to build a bridge, and that they had no other
means of getting across. He also destroyed the mole built by Drusus
Germanicus. [536] As the bed of the Rhine here falls towards Gaul, his
removal of all obstacles gave it free course; the river was
practically diverted, and the channel between the Germans and the
island became so small and dry as to form no barrier between them.
Tutor and Classicus also crossed the Rhine,[537] together with a
hundred and thirteen town-councillors from Trier, among whom was
Alpinius Montanus, who, as we have already seen,[538] had been sent by
Antonius Primus into Gaul. He was accompanied by his brother. By
arousing sympathy and by offering presents, the others, too, were all
busy raising reinforcements among these eagerly adventurous tribes.

The war was far from being over. Dividing his forces, Civilis 20
suddenly made a simultaneous attack on all four Roman garrisons--the
Tenth at Arenacum, the Second at Batavodurum, and the auxiliary horse
and foot at Grinnes and at Vada. [539] Civilis himself, Verax his
nephew, Classicus and Tutor each led one of the attacking parties.
They could not hope all to be successful, but reckoned that, if they
made several ventures, fortune would probably favour one or the other.
Besides, Cerialis, they supposed, was off his guard; on receiving news
from several places at once he would hurry from one garrison to
another, and might be cut off on his way. The party told off against
the Tenth considered it no light task to storm a legion, so they fell
on the soldiers, who had come outside to cut timber, and killed the
camp-prefect, five senior centurions, and a handful of the men. The
rest defended themselves in the trenches. Meanwhile another party of
Germans endeavoured to break the bridge[540] which had been begun at
Batavodurum, but nightfall put an end to the battle before it was won.

The attack on Grinnes and Vada proved more formidable. Civilis led 21
the assault on Vada, Classicus on Grinnes. Nothing could stop them.
The bravest of the defenders had fallen, among them, commanding a
cavalry squadron, Briganticus, whom we have seen already, as a
faithful ally of Rome and a bitter enemy of his uncle Civilis. [541]
However, when Cerialis came to the rescue with a picked troop of
horse, the tables were turned, and the Germans were driven headlong
into the river. While Civilis was trying to stop the rout he was
recognized, and finding himself a target, he left his horse and swam
across the river. Verax escaped in the same way, while some boats put
in to fetch Tutor and Classicus.

Even now the Roman fleet had not joined the army. They had, indeed,
received orders, but fear held them back, and the rowers were employed
on various duties elsewhere. It must be admitted, also, that Cerialis
did not give them time enough to carry out his orders. He was a man of
sudden resolves and brilliant successes. Even when his strategy had
failed, good luck always came to his rescue. Thus neither he nor his
army cared much about discipline. A few days later, again, he narrowly
escaped being taken prisoner and did not escape disgrace. He had 22
gone to Novaesium and Bonn to inspect the winter quarters that were
being built for his legions, and was returning with the fleet. [542]
The Germans noticed that his escort[543] straggled, and that watch was
carelessly kept at night. So they planned a surprise. Choosing a night
black with clouds they slipped down stream and made their way
unmolested into the camp. [544] For the first onslaught they called
cunning to their aid. They cut the tent-ropes and slaughtered the
soldiers as they struggled under their own canvas. Another party fell
on the ships, threw hawsers aboard, and towed them off. Having
surprised the camp in dead silence, when once the carnage began they
added to the panic by making the whole place ring with shouts.
Awakened by their wounds the Romans hunted for weapons and rushed
along the streets,[545] some few in uniform, most of them with their
clothes wrapped round their arms and a drawn sword in their hand. The
general, who was half-asleep and almost naked, was only saved by the
enemy's mistake. His flag-ship being easily distinguishable, they
carried it off, thinking he was there. But Cerialis had been spending
the night elsewhere; as most people believed, carrying on an intrigue
with a Ubian woman named Claudia Sacrata. The sentries sheltered their
guilt under the general's disgrace, pretending that they had orders to
keep quiet and not disturb him: so they had dispensed with the
bugle-call and the challenge on rounds, and dropped off to sleep
themselves. In full daylight the enemy sailed off with their captive
vessels and towed the flag-ship up the Lippe as an offering to
Veleda. [546]

Civilis was now seized with a desire to make a naval display. He 23
manned all the available biremes and all the ships with single banks
of oars, and added to this fleet an immense number of small craft.
These carry thirty or forty men apiece and are rigged like Illyrian
cruisers. [547] The small craft he had captured[548] were worked with
bright, parti-coloured plaids, which served as sails and made a fine
show. He chose for review the miniature sea of water where the Rhine
comes pouring down to the ocean through the mouth of the Maas. [549]
His reason for the demonstration--apart from Batavian vanity--was to
scare away the provision-convoys that were already on their way from
Gaul. Cerialis, who was less alarmed than astonished, at once formed
up a fleet. Though inferior in numbers, he had the advantage of larger
ships, experienced rowers, and clever pilots. The Romans had the
stream with them, the Germans the wind. So they sailed past each
other, and after trying a few shots with light missiles they parted.
Civilis without more ado retired across the Rhine. [550] Cerialis
vigorously laid waste the island of the Batavi, and employed the
common device of leaving Civilis's houses and fields untouched. [551]
They were now well into autumn. The heavy equinoctial rains had set
the river in flood and thus turned the marshy, low-lying island into a
sort of lake. Neither fleet nor provision-convoys had arrived, and
their camp on the flat plain began to be washed away by the force of
the current.