No More Learning

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(Translated by Thomas Dale. )
Four letters now, my friend, thou hast, Each more complaining than the last,
And though I lack new phrase to tell
How long I've loved thee, and how well,— And thus, so gently, jog thy sloth,
Still to reply, I find thee loath,
As if thou had'st no time to spend Upon the letter of a friend.
Have I deserved, Paulinus, say, This thankless and unkind delay, Or dust thou curb thy wishes in, Remorseful for some secret sin, Determined to continue dumb,
As penance, for a year to come ?
This between friends ? — Why, even foes Are civil till they get to blows,
And, often ere they come to fight,
Will say "good morning," or "good night"; For why should Mars unfurl his banners Against well-breeding and good manners ? Nay e'en the very stocks and stones, Paulinus, have respondent tones,
And if you bid a cave " good by,"
A civil echo makes reply.
As for the groves, they are what folk call, Who like find words, "exceeding vocal " ; Your seashore rocks, too, are great gabblers, And streamlets are notorious babblers.
EPISTLE TO A FRIEND.
I've heard a buzzing hold, for hours,
With busy-body bees and flowers,
And Midas, that half-witted Vandal, Found reeds a good deal prone to scandal ; As for the wind and pines, they'll sing And quaver, too, like anything.
Ay' ! puzzle some that have reliance
Both on their voices and their science.
— Take this, in short, Paulinus, from me,
" Nature throughout, abhors a dummy. " Beasts, birds, and bats, are proofs of this,
The very serpent has his hiss ;
The proverb goes, that fish are mute,
But wise philosophers dispute,
And tell you, with a knowing wink,
"Not so mute, maybe, as you think. "
The hoarse tragedian, if he fears
His bawling may not split your ears,
Stamps when he thinks his voice is wanting, And gets the boards to help his ranting.
I pass your cymbals and your trumpet,
And drum that grumbles when you thump it ; And, quite as garrulous, I pass
Your timbrels of the noisy brass,
That at Dodona still cry clang,
Nor take, in peace, one single bang.
Paulinus, you have grown so dumb,
That those who know not whence you come Will all agree to think it likely
You are a burgher of Amyclae !
If, like Sigalion, Egypt's god,
You'll only wink, or sign, or nod,
And give a sinecure to tongue,
Can folks but wonder why 'twas hung ?
Come, come, — I know you're sorry ; — shame At once both feels and causes blame;
The more your sluggishness you see
The longer it is like to be, —
But can't you send a word or two
Just barely to say, "how d' ye do ? "— They shall pass freely for a letter, a "Health to my friend," and "yours, etc. "; I ask you not to fill the sheet,
Talk, like love cyphers, short and sweet
EPISTLE TO A FRIEND.
It never was my way, God knows,
To like a friend because he'd prose,
Nor did I think it less a curse
Because my friend can prose in verse. Write for the prize in pithy brevity,
And, ten to one, but we shall give it you ; E'en try to rival the gruff Spartans
Who played so dextrously their part once, And capped a tedious king's long scrawl With but one letter — that was all,
Strive like Pythagoras to teach,
Who never wasted time in speech,
But sent all syllogisms to pot,
With "this is so," and " this is not ";
A golden rule to disentangle
An argument that's grown a wrangle.
A way for all it may not suit
To get the worst in a dispute.
His affability is small
Who never says a word at all,
But he who cuts his speeches short,
We like him all the better for 't ;
And take my word, Paulinus, would ye, To be a genial fav'rite, study,
I do believe the secret lies
Midway, between two contraries,
And that the keystone of the matter,
Is neither to be dumb nor chatter.
'Tis plain (you'll tell me) that I show Aroad Inever mean to go;—
How nearly the extremes will touch
Of saying nothing and too much.
You cannot into speech be wrung,
Nor I compelled to hold my tongue ; Yet these varieties, we see,
But serve to pester you and me.
Still, — let no snowy Pyrenees,
Paulinus, thus your kindness freeze,
Nor all the shades that round you lie Make you forget our friendly sky.
Would all the plagues e'er pestered Spain Might rise and pester her again ;
EPISTLE TO A FRIEND.
Depend on 't I'd feel no objection Should Carthage make a resurrection, And set once more, to rouse your fears, Old Hannibal about your ears — Believe me, I should think it glorious To hear that the old rogue Sertorius Again on earth his nose had thrust, Resolved upon another dust.
Your country's honor, and mine own, Prop of the Senate and the throne, Shall rocky Calagorris have —
Or Bilboa — your forgotten grave, — Shall parched Ilerda refuge give, Whose thirsty river scarce can live ? — Your country saw your early rise, And let her close your dying eyes, Nor the hot sands of distant Spain These honored bones, at last, contain. Oh ! may he, who could recommend Unsocial silence to my friend,
Ingrate, ne'er have it in his choice,
For any good to use his voice ;
Grant Heav'n he never may be found,
To share the joys that spring from sound. For him may poet raise no strain —
For him no nightingale complain —
No groves resound — no breezes sigh — No echoes liquidly reply —
Deserted — poor — may he be placed Upon some lonely, barren waste,
Or 'mid untrodden mountains, where No sound disturbs the savage air,
Sad, voiceless may he wander on,
As did, of old, Bellerophon. —
But I have done ; — and now, extend Indulgence to thy chyming friend ; — And oh ! Paulinus, he would fain
That his rough-hewn Boeotian strain Might have the fortune to recall
A real poet to us all.
VOL. VII. — 13
194 JULIAN, CONSTANTIUS, AND THE PERSIAN WAR.
JULIAN, CONSTANTIUS, AND THE PERSIAN WAR. By ammianus marcellinus.
[Ammianus Marcellinub, the most valuable of Roman historians after the time of Dion Cassius, was born in Antioch about 320-325, of a noble pagan fam ily, and served in the army till middle age, winning credit as a cavalryman on several expeditions during the reign of Constantius II. , and accompanying the emperor Julian on his fatal Persian campaign (363). Retiring to Rome, he wrote — not in his natural Greek, but in unnatural Latin — a history of the empire from the accession of Nerva (96) to the death of Valens (378). Con trary to the frequent fate of such histories, the contemporary and most valuable part has survived, and is highly valued for its accuracy and impartiality. The date of his death is unknown. ]
Capture of Amida and Escape of Ammianus.
The enemy surrounded the city with a line of heavy-armed soldiers five deep ; and at the beginning of the third day the brilliant squadrons filled every spot as far as the eye could see in every direction, and the ranks, marching slowly, took up the positions appointed to each by lot.
When we saw these countless hosts thus deliberately col lected for the conflagration of the Roman world, and directed to our own immediate destruction, we despaired of safety, and sought only how to end our lives gloriously, as we all desired.
From the rising of the sun to its setting, the enemy's lines stood immovable, as if rooted to the ground, without changing a step or uttering a sound ; nor was even the neigh of a horse heard ; and the men having withdrawn in the same order as they had advanced, after refreshing themselves with food and sleep, even before the dawn, returned, led by the clang of brazen trumpets, to surround the city, as if fated to fall with their terrible ring.
And scarcely had Grumbates, like a Roman fecial, hurled at us a spear stained with blood, according to his native fashion, than the whole army, rattling their arms, mounted up to the walls, and instantly the tumult of war grew fierce, while all the squadrons hastened with speed and alacrity to the attack, and our men on their side opposed them with equal fierceness and resolution.
Soon many of the enemy fell, with their heads crushed by vast stones hurled from scorpions, some were pierced with arrows,
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others were transfixed with javelins, and strewed the ground with their bodies ; others, wounded, fled back in haste to their comrades.
Nor was there less grief or less slaughter in the city, where the cloud of arrows obscured the air, and the vast engines, of which the Persians had got possession when they took Singra, scattered wounds everywhere.
For the garrison, collecting all their forces, returning in constant reliefs to the combat in their eagerness to defend the city, fell wounded, to the hindrance of their comrades, or, being sadly torn as they fell, threw down those who stood near them, or if still alive, sought the aid of those skillful in extracting darts which had become fixed in their bodies.
So slaughter was met by slaughter, and lasted till the close of day, being scarcely stopped by the darkness of evening, so great was the obstinacy with which both sides fought.
And the watches of the night were passed under arms, and the hills resounded with the shouts raised on both sides, while our men extolled the valor of Constantius Caesar as lord of the empire and of the world, and the Persians styled Sapor Saansas and Pyroses, which appellation means king of kings, and con queror in wars.
The next morning, before daybreak, the trumpet gave the signal, and countless numbers from all sides flocked like birds to a contest of similar violence ; and in every direction, as far as the eye could reach, nothing could be seen in the plains and valleys but the glittering arms of these savage nations.
And presently a shout was raised, and as the enemy rushed forward all at once, they were met by a dense shower of mis siles from the walls ; and as may be conjectured, none were hurled in vain, falling as they did among so dense a crowd. For while so many evils surrounded us, we fought, as I have said before, with the hope, not of procuring safety, but of dying bravely. . . .
At the dawn of the next morning we saw from the citadel an innumerable multitude, which, after the capture of the fort called Ziata, was being led to the enemy's camp. For a pro miscuous multitude had taken refuge in Ziata on account of its size and strength ; it being a place ten furlongs in circumfer ence.
In those days many other fortresses also were stormed and burnt, and many thousands of men and women carried off from
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them into slavery ; among whom were many men and women enfeebled by age, who, fainting from different causes, broke down under the length of the journey, gave up all desire of life, and were hamstrung and left behind.
The Gallic soldiers beholding these wretched crowds, de manded by a natural but unseasonable impulse to be led against the forces of the enemy, threatening their tribunes and princi pal centurions with death if they refused them leave.
And as wild beasts kept in cages, being rendered more sav age by the smell of blood, dash themselves against their mov able bars in the hope of escaping, so these men smote the gates, which we have already spoken of as being blockaded, with their swords ; being very anxious not to be involved in the destruc tion of the city till they had done some gallant exploit ; or if they ultimately escaped from their dangers, not to be spoken of as having done nothing worth speaking of, or worthy of their Gallic courage. Although when they had sallied out before, as they had often done, and had inflicted some loss on the raisers of the mounds, they had always experienced equal loss themselves.
We, at a loss what to do, and not knowing what resistance to oppose to these furious men, at length, having with some difficulty won their consent thereto, decided, since the evil could be endured no longer, to allow them to attack the Per sian advanced guard, which was not much beyond bowshot ; and then, if they could force their line, they might push their advance farther. For it was plain that if they succeeded in this, they would cause a great slaughter of the enemy.
And while the preparations for this sally were being made, the walls were still gallantly defended with unmitigated labor and watching, and planting engines for shooting stones and darts in every direction.
In the meantime the Gallic troops, impatient of delay, armed with their axes and swords, went forth from the open postern gate, taking advantage of a dark and moonless night. And imploring the Deity to be propitious, and repressing even their breath when they got near the enemy, they advanced with quick step and in close order, slew some of the watch at the outposts, and the outer sentinels of the camp (who were asleep, fearing no such event), and entertained secret hopes of pene trating even to the king's tent if fortune assisted them.
But some noise, though slight, was made by them in their
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march, and the groans of the slain aroused many from sleep ; and while each separately raised the cry "to arms," our soldiers halted and stood firm, not venturing to move any farther for ward. For it would not have been prudent, now that those whom they sought to surprise were awakened, to hasten into open danger, while the bands of Persians were now heard to be flocking to battle from all quarters.
Nevertheless the Gallic troops, with undiminished strength and boldness, continued to hew down their foes with their swords, though some of their own men were also slain, pierced by the arrows which were flying from all quarters ; and they still stood firm, when they saw the whole danger collected into one point, and the bands of the enemy coming on with speed ; yet no one turned his back : and they withdrew, retiring slowly as if in time to music, and gradually fell behind the pales of the camp, being unable to sustain the weight of the battalions pressing close upon them, and being deafened by the clang of the Persian trumpets.
And while many trumpets in turn poured out their clang from the city, the gates were opened to receive our men, if they should be able to reach them : and the engines for missiles creaked, though no javelins were shot from them, in order that the captains of the advanced guard of the Persians, ignorant of the slaughter of their comrades, might be terrified by the noise into falling back, and so allowing our gallant troops to be admitted in safety.
And owing to this maneuver, the Gauls about daybreak entered the gate, although with diminished numbers ; many of them severely and others slightly wounded. They lost four hundred men this night, when if they had not been hindered by more formidable obstacles, they would have slain in his very tent not Rhesus nor Thracians sleeping before the walls of Troy, but the king of Persia, surrounded by 100,000 armed men.
When the next day showed the slaughter which had been made, nobles and satraps were found lying amongst the corpses, and all kinds of dissonant cries and tears indicated the changed posture of the Persian host : everywhere was heard wailing ; and great indignation was expressed by the princes, who thought that the Romans had forced their way through the sentries in front of the walls. A truce was made for three days by the common consent of both armies, and we gladly accepted a little respite in which to take breath. . . .
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198 JULIAN, CONSTANTIUS, AND THE PERSIAN WAR.
And now, the necessary preparations having been completed by the universal alacrity, at the rising of the day-star all kinds of structures and iron towers were brought up to the walls ; on the lofty summits of which ballistic were fitted, which beat down the garrison who were placed on lower ground.
And when day broke the iron coverings of the bodies of the foe darkened the whole heaven, and the dense lines advanced without any skirmishers in front, and not in an irregular man ner as before, but to the regular and soft music of trumpets ; protected by the roofs of the engines, and holding before them wicker shields.
And when they came within reach of our missiles, the Per sian infantry, holding their shields in front of them, and even then having difficulty in avoiding the arrows which were shot from the engines on the walls, for scarcely any kind of weapon found an empty space, they broke their line a little ; and even the cuirassiers were checked and began to retreat, which raised the spirits of our men.
Still the ballistfe of the enemy, placed on their iron towers, and pouring down missiles with great power from their high ground on those in a lower position, spread a great deal of slaughter in our ranks. At last, when evening came on, both sides retired to rest, and the greater part of the night was spent by us in considering what device could be adopted to resist the formidable engines of the enemy.
At length, after we had considered many plans, we deter mined on one which the rapidity with which it could be executed made the safest — to oppose four scorpions to the four ballistae ; which were carefully moved (a very difficult operation) from the place in which they were ; but before this work was fin ished, day arrived, bringing us a mournful sight, inasmuch as it showed us the formidable battalions of the Persians, with their trains of elephants, the noise and size of which animals are such that nothing more terrible can be presented to the mind of man.
And while we were pressed on all sides with the vast masses of arms, and works, and beasts, still our scorpions were kept at work with their iron slings, hurling huge round stones from the battlements, by which the towers of the enemy were crushed and the ballistae and those who worked them were dashed to the ground, so that many were desperately injured, and many crushed by the weight of the falling structures.
JULIAN, CONST ANTIUS, AND THE PERSIAN WAR. 199
And the elephants were driven back with violence, and, sur rounded by the flames which we poured forth against them, the moment that they were wounded retired, and could not be restrained by their riders. The works were all burnt, but still there was no cessation from the conflict.
For the king of the Persians himself, who is never expected to mingle in the fight, being indignant at these disasters, adopt ing a new and unprecedented mode of action, sprang forth like a common soldier among his own dense columns ; and as the very number of his guards made him the more conspicuous to us who looked from afar on the scene, he was assailed by nu merous missiles, and was forced to retire after he had lost many of his escort, while his troops fell back by echelons ; and at the end of the day, though frightened neither by the sad sight of the slaughter nor of the wounds, he at length allowed a short period to be given to rest.
Night had put an end to the combat ; and when a slight rest had been procured from sleep, the moment that the dawn, looked for as the harbinger of better fortune, appeared, Sapor, full of rage and indignation, and perfectly reckless, called forth his people to attack us. And as his works were all burnt, as we have related, and the attack had to be conducted by means of their lofty mounds raised close to our walls, we also from mounds within the walls, as fast as we could raise them, struggled in spite of all our difficulties, with all our might, and with equal courage, against our assailants.
And long did the bloody conflict last, nor was any one of the garrison driven by fear of death from his resolution to defend the city. The conflict was prolonged, till at last, while the fortune of the two sides was still undecided, the structure raised by our men, having been long assailed and shaken, at last fell, as if by an earthquake.
And the whole space which was between the wall and the external mound being made level as if by a causeway or a bridge, opened a passage to the enemy, which was no longer embarrassed by any obstacles ; and numbers of our men, being crushed or enfeebled by their wounds, gave up the struggle. Still men flocked from all quarters to repel so imminent a danger, but from their eager haste they got in one another's way, while the boldness of the enemy increased with their success.
By the command of the king all his troops now hastened
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into action, and a hand-to-hand engagement ensued. Blood ran down from the vast slaughter on both sides ; the ditches were filled with corpses, and thus a wider path was opened for the besiegers. And the city, being now filled with the eager crowd which forced its way in, all hope of defense or of escape was cut off, and armed and unarmed without any distinction of age or sex were slaughtered like sheep.
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It was full evening when, though fortune had proved adverse, the bulk of our troops was still fighting in good order ; and I, having concealed myself with two companions in an obscure corner of the city, now under cover of darkness made my escape by a postern gate where there was no guard ; and aided by my own knowledge of the country and by the speed of my companions, I at last reached the tenth milestone from the city.
Here, having lightly refreshed ourselves, I tried to proceed, but found myself, as a noble unaccustomed to such toil, over come by fatigue of the march. I happened to fall in, however, with what, though a most unsightly object, was to me, com pletely tired out, a most seasonable relief.
A groom riding a runaway horse, barebacked and without a bridle, in order to prevent his falling had knotted the halter by which he was guiding him tightly to his left hand, and presently, being thrown, and unable to break the knot, he was torn to pieces as he was dragged over the rough ground and through the bushes, till at last the weight of his dead body stopped the tired beast ;
availed myself of his services at a most seasonable moment, and after much suffering arrived with my companions at some sulphurous springs of naturally hot water.
On account of the heat we had suffered greatly from thirst, and had been crawling about for some time in search of water; and now when we came to this well it was so deep that we could not descend into it, nor had we any ropes; but taught by extreme necessity, we tore up the linen clothes which we wore into long rags, which we made into one great rope, and fast ened to the end of it a cap which one of us wore beneath his helmet ; and letting that down by the rope, and drawing up water in it like a sponge, we easily quenched our thirst.
From hence we proceeded rapidly to the Euphrates, intend ing to cross to the other side in the boat which long custom had stationed in that quarter, to convey men and cattle across.
I caught him, and mounting him,
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When lo ! we see at a distance a Roman force with cavalry standards, scattered and pursued by a division of Persians, though we did not know from what quarter it had come so suddenly on them in their march.
This example showed us that what men call indigenous people are not sprung from the bowels of the earth, but merely appear unexpectedly by reason of the speed of their move ments : and because they were seen unexpectedly in various places, they got the name of Sparti, and were believed to have sprung from the ground, antiquity exaggerating their renown in a fabulous manner, as it does that of other things.
Roused by this sight, since our only hope of safety lay in our speed, we drew off through the thickets and woods to the high mountains ; and from thence we went to Melitina, a town of the Lesser Armenia, where we found our chief just on the point of setting off, in whose company we went on to Antioch.
How Julian was forced into Revolt.
Even while he was hastening to lead succors to the East, which, as the concurrent testimony of both spies and deserters assured him, was on the point of being invaded by the Persians, Constantius was greatly disturbed by the virtues of Julian, which were now becoming renowned among all nations, so highly did fame extol his great labors, achievements, and victories, in hav ing conquered several kingdoms of the Alemanni, and recov ered several towns in Gaul which had been plundered and destroyed by the barbarians, and having compelled the bar barians themselves to become subjects and tributaries of the empire.
Influenced by these considerations, and fearing lest Julian's influence should become greater, at the instigation, as it is said, of the prefect Florentius, he sent Decentius, the tribune and secretary, to bring away at once the auxiliary troops of the Heruli and Batavi, and the Celtae, and the legion called Petu- lantes, and three hundred picked men from the other forces ; enjoining him to make all speed on the plea that their presence was required with the army which it was intended to march at the beginning of spring against the Parthians.
Also, Lupicinus was directed to come as commander of these auxiliary troops with the three hundred picked men, and to lose no time, as it was not known that he had crossed over
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to Britain ; and Sintula, at that time the superintendent of Julian's stables, was ordered to select the best men of the Scutarii and Gentiles, and to bring them also to join the emperor.
Julian made no remonstrance, but obeyed these orders, yielding in all respects to the will of the emperor. But on one point he could not conceal his feelings nor keep silence ; but entreated that those men might be spared from this hardship who had left their homes on the other side of the Rhine, and had joined his army on condition of never being moved into any country beyond the Alps, urging that if this were known, it might be feared that other volunteers of the barbarian nations, who had often enlisted in our service on similar con ditions, would be prevented from doing so in future. But he argued in vain.
For the tribune, disregarding his complaints, carried out the commands of the emperor, and having chosen out a band suited for forced marches, of preeminent vigor and activity, set out with them full of hope of promotion.
And as Julian, being in doubt what to do about the rest of the troops whom he was ordered to send, and revolving all kinds of plans in his mind, considered that the matter ought to be managed with great care, as there was on one side the fierceness of the barbarians, and on the other the authority of the orders he had received (his perplexity being further in creased by the absence of the commander of the cavalry), he urged the prefect, who had gone some time before to Vienne under the pretence of procuring corn, but in reality to escape from military troubles, to return to him.
For the prefect bore in mind the substance of a report which he was suspected to have sent some time before, and which recommended the withdrawing from the defense of Gaul those troops so renowned for their valor, and already objects of dread to the barbarians.
The prefect, as soon as he had received Julian's letters, informing him of what had happened, and entreating him to come speedily to him to aid the republic with his counsels, positively refused, being alarmed because the letters expressly declared that in any crisis of danger the prefect ought never to be absent from the general. And it was added that if he declined to give his aid, Julian would, of his own accord, renounce the emblems of authority, thinking it better to die,
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if so it was fated, than to have the ruin of the provinces attributed to him. But the obstinacy of the prefect prevailed, and he resolutely refused to comply with the wishes thus reasonably expressed and enforced.
But during the delay which arose from the absence of Lupicinus and of any military movement on the part of the alarmed prefect, Julian, deprived of all assistance in the way of advice, and being greatly perplexed, thought it best to hasten the departure of all his troops from the stations in which they were passing the winter, and to let them begin their march.
When this was known, some one privily threw down a bitter libel near the standard of the Petulantes legion, which, among other things, contained these words : " We are being driven to the farthest parts of the earth like condemned crim inals, and our relations will become slaves to the Alemanni after we have delivered them from that first captivity by desperate battles. "
When this writing was taken to headquarters and read, Julian, considering the reasonableness of the complaint, ordered that their families should go to the East with them, and allowed them the use of the public wagons for the purpose of moving them. And as it was for some time doubted which road they should take, he decided, at the suggestion of the secretary Decentius, that they should go by Paris, where he himself still was, not having moved.
And so it was done, and when they arrived in the suburbs, the prince, according to his custom, met them, praising those whom he recognized, and reminding individuals of their gallant deeds, he congratulated them with courteous words, encouraging them to go cheerfully to join the emperor, as they would reap the most worthy rewards of their exertions where power was the greatest and most extensive.
And to do them the more honor, as they were going to a great distance, he invited their chiefs to a supper, when he bade them ask whatever they desired. And they, having been treated with such liberality, departed, anxious and sorrowful on two accounts, because cruel fortune was separating them at once from so kind a ruler and from their native land. And with this sorrowful feeling they retired to their camp.
But when night came on they broke out into open discon tent, and their minds being excited, as his own griefs pressed
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upon each individual, they had recourse to force, and took up arms, and with a great outcry thronged to the palace, and sur rounding it so as to prevent any one from escaping, they saluted Julian as emperor with loud vociferations, insisting vehemently on his coming forth to them ; and though they were compelled to wait till daylight, still, as they would not depart, at last he did come forth. And when he appeared, they saluted him emperor with redoubled and unanimous cheers.
But he steadily resisted them individually and collectively, at one time showing himself indignant, at another holding out his hands and entreating and beseeching them not to sully their numerous victories with anything unbecoming and not to let unseasonable rashness and precipitation awaken materials for discord. At last he appeased them, and having addressed them mildly, he added : —
" I beseech you let your anger depart for a while : without any dissension or attempt at revolution what you wish will easily be obtained. Since you are so strongly bound by love of your country, and fear strange lands to which you are unaccustomed, return now to your homes, certain that you shall not cross the Alps, since you dislike it. And I will explain the matter to the full satisfaction of the emperor, who is a man of great wisdom, and will listen to reason. "
Nevertheless, after his speech was ended, the cries were repeated with as much vigor and unanimity as ever ; and so vehement was the uproar and zeal, which did not even spare reproaches and threats, that Julian was compelled to consent. And being lifted up on the shield of an infantry soldier, and raised up in sight of all, he was saluted as Augustus with one universal acclamation, and was ordered to produce a diadem. And when he said that he had never had one, his wife's coronet or necklace was demanded.
And when he protested that it was not fitting for him at his first accession to be adorned with female ornaments, the frontlet of a horse was sought for, so that being crowned there with, he might have some badge, however obscure, of supreme power. But when he insisted that that also would be unbe coming, a man named Maurus, afterwards a count, the same who was defeated in the defile of the Succi, but who was then only one of the front-rank men of the Petulantes, tore a chain off his own neck, which he wore in his quality of standard bearer,
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and placed it boldly on Julian's head, who, being thus brought under extreme compulsion, and seeing that he could not escape the most imminent danger to his life if he persisted in his resistance, consented to their wishes, and promised a largess of five pieces of gold and a pound of silver to every man.
After this Julian felt more anxiety than ever ; and, keenly alive to the future consequences, neither wore his diadem or appeared in public, nor would he even transact the serious business which pressed upon his attention, but sought retire ment, being full of consternation at the strangeness of the recent events. This continued till one of the decurions of the palace (which is an office of dignity) came in great haste to the standards of the Petulantes and of the Celtic legion, and in a violent manner exclaimed that it was a monstrous thing that he who had the day before been by their will declared emperor should have been privily assassinated.
When this was heard, the soldiers, as readily excited by what they did not know as by what they did, began to brandish their javelins, and draw their swords, and (as is usual at times of sudden tumult) to flock from every quarter in haste and dis order to the palace. The sentinels were alarmed at the uproar, as were the tribunes and the captain of the guard, and suspect ing some treachery from the fickle soldiery, they fled, fearing sudden death to themselves.
When all before them seemed tranquil, the soldiers stood quietly awhile; and on being asked what was the cause of their sudden and precipitate movement, they at first hesitated, and then avowing their alarm for the safety of the emperor, declared they would not retire till they had been admitted into the council chamber and had seen him safe in his imperial robes. . . .
Julian, considering to what great internal divisions his con duct had given rise, and that nothing is so advantageous for the success of sudden enterprise as celerity of action, saw with his usual sagacity that if he openly avowed his revolt from the emperor, he should be safer ; and feeling uncertain of the fidel ity of the soldiers, having offered secret propitiatory sacrifices to Bellona, he summoned the army by sound of trumpet to an assembly, and standing on a tribune built of stone, with every appearance of confidence in his manner, he spoke thus : . . .
The emperor's speech was approved as though it had been the voice of an oracle, and the whole assembly was greatly
JULIAN, CONSTANTIUS, AND THE PERSIAN WAR.
excited, and being eager for a change, they all with one con sent raised a tremendous shout, and beat their shields with a violent crash, calling him a great and noble general, and, as had been proved, a fortunate conqueror and king.
And being all ordered solemnly to swear fidelity to him, they put their swords to their throats with terrible curses, and took the oath in the prescribed form, that for him they would undergo every kind of suffering, and even death itself, if necessity should require it; and their officers and all the friends of the prince gave a similar pledge with the same forms.
Nebridius the prefect alone, boldly and unshakenly refused, declaring that he could not possibly bind himself by an oath hostile to Constantius, from whom he had received many and great obligations.
When these words of his were heard, the soldiers who were nearest to him were greatly enraged, and wished to kill him ; but he threw himself at the feet of Julian, who shielded him with his cloak. Presently, when he returned to the palace, Nebridius appeared before him, threw himself at his feet as a suppliant, and entreated him to relieve his fears by giving him his right hand. Julian replied, " Will there be any conspicu ous favor reserved for my own friends if you are allowed to touch my hand? However, depart in peace as you will. " On receiving this answer, Nebridius retired in safety to his own house in Tuscany.
By these preliminary measures, Julian having learnt, as the importance of the affair required, what great influence prompt ness and being beforehand has in a tumultuous state of affairs, gave the signal to march towards Pannonia, and advancing his standard and his camp, boldly committed himself to fickle fortune.
Death and Character of Constantius.
Constantius having hastened to Antioch, according to his wont, at the first movement of a civil war which he was eager to encounter, as soon as he had made all his preparations, was in amazing haste to march, though many of his court were so unwilling as even to proceed to murmurs. For no one dared openly to remonstrate or object to his plan.
He set forth towards the end of autumn ; and when he reached the suburb called Hippocephalus, which is about three miles from the town, as soon as it was daylight he saw on his
206
JULIAN, CONSTANTIUS, AND THE PERSIAN WAR. 207
right the corpse of a man who had been murdered, lying with his head torn off from the body, stretched out towards the west — and though alarmed at the omen, which seemed as if the Fates were preparing his end, he went on more resolutely, and came to Tarsus, where he caught a slight fever ; and thinking that the motion of his journey would remove the distemper, he went on by bad roads ; directing his course by Mopsucrenae, the farthest station in Cilicia for those who travel from hence, at the foot of Mount Taurus.
But when he attempted to proceed the next day he was prevented by the increasing violence of his disorder, and the fever began gradually to inflame his veins, so that his body felt like a little fire, and could scarcely be touched ; and as all remedies failed, he began in the last extremity to bewail his death ; and while his mental faculties were still entire, he is said to have indicated Julian as the successor to his power. Presently the last struggle of death came on, and he lost the power of speech. And after long and painful agony he died on the fifth of October, having lived and reigned forty years and a few months.
In accurately distinguishing the virtues and vices of Con- stantius, it will be well to take the virtues first. Always pre serving the dignity of the imperial authority, he proudly and magnanimously disdained popularity. In conferring the higher dignities he was very sparing, and allowed very few changes to be made in the administration of the finances. Nor did he ever encourage the arrogance of the soldiers.
Nor under him was any general promoted to the title of most illustrious. For there was also, as we have already men tioned, the title of most perfect. Nor had the governor of a province occasion to court a commander of cavalry ; as Con- stantius never allowed those officers to meddle with civil affairs. But all officers, both military and civil, were, accord ing to the respectful usages of old, inferior to that of the pre fect of the praetorium, which was the most honorable of all.
In taking care of the soldiers he was very cautious, an examiner into their merits, sometimes over scrupulous, giving dignities about the palace as if with scales. Under him no one who was not well known to him, or who was favored merely by some sudden impulse, ever received any high appointment in the palace. But only such as had served ten years in some capacity or other could look for such appointments as master
208 JULIAN, CONSTANTIUS, AND THE PERSIAN WAR.
of the ceremonies or treasurer. The successful candidates could always be known beforehand ; and it very seldom hap pened that any military officer was transferred to a civil office; while on the other hand none but veteran soldiers were appointed to command troops.
He was a diligent cultivator of learning, but, as his blunted talent was not suited to rhetoric, he devoted himself to ver sification; in which, however, he did nothing worth speak ing of.
In his way of life he was economical and temperate, and by moderation in eating and drinking he preserved such robust health that he was rarely ill, though when ill dangerously so.
For repeated experience and proof has shown that this is the case with persons who avoid licentiousness and luxury.
He was contented with very little sleep, which he took when time and season allowed ; and throughout his long life he was so extremely chaste that no suspicion was ever cast on him in this respect, though it is a charge which, even when it can find no ground, malignity is apt to fasten on princes.
In riding and throwing the javelin, in shooting with the bow, and in all the accomplishments of military exercises, he was admirably skillful. That he never blew his nose in public, never spat, never was seen to change countenance, and that he never in all his life ate any fruit I pass over, as what has been often related before.
Having now briefly enumerated his good qualities with which we have been able to become acquainted, let us now pro ceed to speak of his vices. In other respects he was equal to average princes, but if he had the slightest reason (even if founded on wholly false information) for suspecting any one of aiming at supreme power, he would at once institute the most rigorous inquiry, trampling down right and wrong alike, and outdo the cruelty of Caligula, Domitian, or Commodus, whose barbarity he rivaled at the very beginning of his reign, when he shamefully put to death his own connections and relations.
And his cruelty and morose suspicions, which were directed against everything of the kind, were a cruel addition to the sufferings of the unhappy persons who were accused of sedition or treason.
And if anything of the kind got wind, he instituted investi gations of a more terrible nature than the law sanctioned, ap
JULIAN, CONSTANTIUS, AND THE PERSIAN WAR. 209
pointing men of known cruelty as judges in such cases ; and in punishing offenders he endeavored to protract their deaths as long as nature would allow, being in such cases more savage than even Gallienus. For he, though assailed by incessant and real plots of rebels, such as Aureolus, Posthumus, Inge- nuus, and Valens who was surnamed the Thessalonian, and many others, often mitigated the penalty of crimes liable to sentence of death ; while Constantius caused facts which were really unquestionable to be looked upon as doubtful by the excessive inhumanity of his tortures.
In such cases he had a mortal hatred of justice, even though his great object was to be accounted just and merciful : and as sparks flying from a dry wood, by a mere breath of wind are sometimes carried on with unrestrained course to the danger of the country villages around, so he also from the most trivial causes kindled heaps of evils, being very unlike that wise em peror Marcus Aurelius, who, when Cassius in Syria aspired to the supreme power, and when a bundle of letters which he had written to his accomplices was taken with their bearer, and brought to him, ordered them at once to be burned, while he was still in Illyricum, in order that he might not know who had plotted against him, and so against his will be obliged to consider some persons as his enemies.
And, as some right thinking people are of opinion, it was rather an indication of great virtue in Constantius to have quelled the empire without shedding more blood, than to have revenged himself with such cruelty.
As Cicero also teaches us, when in one of his letters to Ne- pos he accuses Caesar of cruelty, " For," says he, " felicity is nothing else but success in what is honorable ; or to define it in another way, Felicity is fortune assisting good counsels, and he who is not guided by such cannot be happy. Therefore in wicked and impious designs such as those of Caesar there could be no felicity ; and in my judgment Camillus when in exile was happier than Manlius at the same time, even if Man- lius had been able to make himself king, as he wished. "
The same is the language of Heraclitus of Ephesus, when he remarks that men of eminent capacity and virtue, through the caprice of fortune, have often been overcome by men des titute of either talent or energy. But that glory is the best when power, existing with high rank, forces, as it were, its in clinations to be angry and cruel and oppressive under the yoke,
VOL. VII. —14
210 JULIAN, CONSTANTIUS, AND THE PERSIAN WAR.
and so erects a glorious trophy in the citadel of its victorious mind.
But as in his foreign wars this emperor was unsuccessful and unfortunate, on the other hand in his civil contests he was successful; and in all those domestic calamities he covered himself with the horrid blood of the enemies of the republic and of himself ; and yielding to his elation at these triumphs in a way neither right nor usual, he erected at a vast expense triumphal arches in Gaul and the two Pannonias, to record his triumphs over his own provinces ; engraving on them the titles
as long as they should last, to those who
He was preposterously addicted to listening to his wives, and to the thin voices of his eunuchs, and some of his courtiers, who applauded all his words, and watched everything he said, whether in approval or disapproval, in order to agree with it.
The misery of these times was further increased by the insatiable covetousness of his tax-collectors, who brought him more odium than money ; and to many persons this seemed the more intolerable, because he never listened to any excuse, never took any measures for relief of the provinces when op pressed by the multiplicity of taxes and imposts ; and in addi tion to all this he was very apt to take back any exemptions which he had granted.
He confused the Christian religion, which is plain and sim ple, with old women's superstitions ; in investigating which he preferred perplexing himself to settling its questions with dignity, so that he excited much dissension ; which he further encouraged by diffuse wordy explanations : he ruined the establishment of public conveyances by devoting them to the service of crowds of priests, who went to and fro to different synods, as they call the meetings at which they endeavor to settle everything according to their own fancy.
As to his personal appearance and stature, he was of a dark complexion with prominent eyes ; of keen sight, soft hair, with his cheeks carefully shaved, and bright looking. From his waist to his neck he was rather long, his legs were very short and crooked, which made him a good leaper and runner.
. . . read the inscriptions.
of his exploits
THE C^SARS. 211
THE CAESARS.
By THE EMPEROR JULIAN.
[Flavius Claudius Jumasub, Roman emperor, nephew of Constantine the Great, was born a. d. 331. He and his half-brother Gallus were the only sur vivors of the family massacre wrought by his cousin Constantius II. , son of Con stantine, who had him educated as a Christian ; but that faith being repugnant to his intellect, and detestable as being that of the assassin, he only accepted it from compulsion and repudiated it as soon as he had the power. The schools of phi losophy at Athens taught him a symbolism in mythology which enchanted him, and determined him to reintroduce the old worship which Constantine had abandoned. In 355 Constantius made him Caesar, married him to his own daughter Helena, and gave him the government of Gaul, Spain, and Britain, with headquarters at Paris ; he was very successful against the barbarians, and the troops, who hated the gloomy tyrant Constantius, revolted, and gave him the choice of empire or death. Ho marched on Constantinople ; Constantius died while advancing to meet him, and he was left emperor without dispute, a. d. 361. He at once proclaimed his renunciation of Christianity, and an edict of universal toleration. In 363 he began a campaign against Persia to revive the glories of Trajan, and was killed while conducting a retreat. ]
Julian — It is the season of the Saturnalia ; the god, there fore, allows us to be merry ; but as I have no talent for the ludicrous, I am inclined, my friend, to blend wisdom with mirth. —
Friend
Can any one, Caesar, be so absurd as to joke seri I always thought that this was intended only for
ously?
relaxation, and to alleviate care.
Julian — You are in the right ; but that is by no means my disposition ; as I have never been addicted to scoffs, satire, or ridicule. In order, however, to comply with the ordinance of the god, shall I, by way of amusement, repeat to you a fable, which you will not, perhaps, be displeased to hear ?
Friend — You will oblige me. For I am so far from despis ing fables, that I value those which have a moral tendency, being of the same opinion with you and your (or rather our) Plato, who has discussed many serious subjects in fictions.
Julian — True.
Friend — But what and whose shall it be ?
Julian — Not an ancient one, like those of ^Esop, but a fic
tion from Mercury. This I will repeat to you as I received it from that god ; and whether it contain truth, or falsehood blended with truth, I will leave you to judge when you have heard it.
212 THE OESARS.
Friend — Enough, and more than enough, of preface. One would think that you were going to deliver an oration rather than a fable. Now then, proceed to the discourse itself.
Julian — Attend.
Romulus, sacrificing at the Saturnalia, invited all the gods, and Caesars also, to a banquet. Couches were prepared for the reception of the gods on the summit of heaven, on Olympus, the firm mansion of the Immortals.
Thither, it is said, like Hercules, Quirinus ascended. For thus, in compliance with the rumor of his divinity, we must style Romulus. Below the moon, in the highest region of the air, a repast was given to the Caesars. Thither they were wafted, and there they were buoyed up, by the lightness of the bodies with which they were invested, and the revolution of the moon. Four couches, of exquisite workmanship, were spread for the superior deities. That of Saturn was formed of pol ished ebony, which reflected such a divine luster as was insup portable. For, on viewing this ebony, the eye was as much dazzled by the excess of light, as it is by gazing steadfastly on the sun. That of Jupiter was more splendid than silver, and too white to be gold ; but whether this should be called elec- trum, or what other name should be given it, Mercury, though he had inquired of the metallists, could not precisely inform me.
On each side of them, sat on golden thrones the mother and the daughter, Juno near Jupiter, Rhea near Saturn. On the beauty of the gods, Mercury did not descant ; as that, he said, transcended my faculties, and was impossible for them to ex press. For no terms level to my comprehension, however elo quent, could sufficiently extol or do justice to the inimitable beauty of the gods.
Thrones or couches were prepared for all the other deities, according to their seniority. As to this, there was no disagree ment ; for, as Homer — instructed, no doubt, by the Muses themselves — observes, " each god has his own throne assigned him, where he is firmly and immovably fixed. "
When, therefore, they rise at the entrance of their father, they never confound or change their seats, or infringe on those of others. Every one knows his proper station.
Thus, all the gods being seated in a circle, Silenus fondly placed himself near young and beautiful Bacchus (who was close to his father Jupiter), as his foster-father and governor ;
THE OESARS. 213
diverting the god, who is a lover of mirth and laughter, with his facetious and sarcastic sayings.
As soon as the table was spread for the Caesars, the first who appeared was Julius Caesar. Such was his passion for glory, that he seemed willing to contend for dominion with Jupiter himself. Silenus, observing him, said : " Behold, Jupiter, one who has ambition enough to endeavor to dethrone you. He is, you see, strong and handsome, and if he resembles me in noth ing else, his head, at least, is certainly the fellow of mine. "
Amidst these jokes of Silenus, to which the gods paid little attention, Octavianus entered. He assumed, like a chameleon, various colors, at first appearing pale, then black, dark, and cloudy, and at last exhibiting the charms of Venus and the Graces. In the luster of his eyes he seemed willing to rival the sun ; nor could any one encounter his looks. " Strange ! " cried Silenus ; " what a changeable creature is this ! what mis chief will he do us ? "
" Cease trifling," said Apollo : " after I have consigned him to Zeno, I will exhibit him to you pure as gold. Hark ye," added he to that philosopher. "Zeno, undertake the care of my pupil. " He, in obedience, suggesting to him a very few precepts, as if he had muttered the incantations of Zamolxis, soon rendered him wise and virtuous.
The third who approached was Tiberius, with a grave but fierce aspect, appearing at once both wise and martial. As he turned to sit down, his back displayed several scars, some cau teries and sores, severe stripes and bruises, scabs and tumors, imprinted by lust and intemperance. Silenus then saying : —
"Far different now thou seemest than before,"
in a much more serious tone, " Why so grave, my dear ? " said Bacchus. " That old satyr," replied he, " has terrified me, and made me inadvertently quote a line of Homer. " "Take care that he does not also pull your ears," said Bacchus; "for thus, it is said, he treated a certain grammarian. " "He had better," returned Silenus, "bemoan himself in his solitary island [Capreoe], and tear the face of some miserable fish erman. "
While they were thus joking, a dreadful monster [Caligula]
appeared. The gods averting their eyes, Nemesis delivered him to the avenging Furies, who immediately threw him into
214 THE C2ESARS.
Tartarus, without allowing Silenus to accost him. But on the approach of Claudius, Silenus began to sing the beginning of the part of Demosthenes in the Knights of Aristophanes, cajol ing Claudius. Then turning to Quirinus, "You are unjust," said he, " to invite your descendant without his freedmen, Nar cissus and Pallas. But besides them, you should also send for his wife Messalina ; for without them he appears like guards in a tragedy, mute and inanimate. "
While Silenus was speaking, Nero entered, playing on his harp and crowned with laurel. Silenus then turned to Apollo and said, " This man makes you his model. " " I shall soon un crown him," replied Apollo : " he did not imitate me in every thing, and when he did, he was a bad imitator. " Cocytus, therefore, instantly swept him away, divested of his crown.
After him, seeing many come crowding together, — Vindex, Otho, Galba, Vitellius, — Silenus exclaimed : " Where, ye gods, have you found such a multitude of monarchs ? We are suffo cated with smoke ; for beasts of this kind spare not even the temples of the gods. " Jupiter then looked at his brother Sera- pis, and said, pointing to Vespasian : " Send this miser, as soon as possible, out of Egypt, to extinguish these flames. Bid his eldest son [Titus] solace himself with a prostitute, but chain his younger son [Domitian] near the Sicilian tiger. "
Then came an old man [Nerva], of a beautiful aspect (for even old age is sometimes beautiful), in his manners most gen tle, and in his administration mild. With him Silenus was so delighted that he remained silent. " What ! " said Mercury, "have you nothing to say of this man? " "Yes, by Jupiter," he replied ; " for I charge you all with partiality, in suffering that bloodthirsty monster [Domitian] to reign fifteen years, but this man scarce a whole year. " "Do not complain," an swered Jupiter : " many good princes shall succeed him. "
Trajan immediately entered, bearing on his shoulders the Getic and Parthian trophies. Silenus, observing him, said in a low voice, but loud enough to be heard, " Our lord Jupiter must now be careful, or he will not be able to keep Ganymede to himself. " After him advanced a venerable sage [Hadrian], with a long beard, an adept in music, gazing frequently on the heavens, and curiously investigating the abstrusest subjects. " What," said Silenus, " think you of this Sophist ? Is he look
If so, one of you may tell him that the youth is not here, and thus check his madness and folly. " To these
ing for Antinous ?
THE C^SARS. 215
succeeded a man of moderation, not in amorous but political pursuits [Antoninus Pius]. Silenus, on seeing him, exclaimed, " Strange ! how important is he in trifles ! This old man seems to me one of those who would harangue about a pin's point. "
At the entrance of two brothers, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, Silenus contracted his brow, as he could by no means jeer or deride them. Marcus, in particular, though he strictly scrutinized his conduct with regard to his son and his wife ; as to her, in his immoderate grief for her death, though she little deserved it ; as to him, in hazarding the ruin of the empire by preferring him to a discreet son-in-law, who would have made a better prince, and studied the advantage of his son more than he did himself.
Notwithstanding these failings, Silenus could not but admire his exalted virtue. Thinking his son [Commodus] unworthy of any stroke of wit, he silently dismissed him. And he, not being able to support himself or associate with the heroes, fell down to the earth.
Pertinax then approached, still lamenting the mortal wound that he received at a banquet. This excited the compassion of Nemesis, who said : " The authors of this deed shall not long exult ; but, Pertinax, you were culpable in being privy to the conspiracy that destroyed the son of Marcus. " He was suc ceeded by Severus, a prince inexorable in punishing. " Of him," said Silenus, " I have nothing to say ; for I am terrified by his stern and implacable looks. " His sons would have ac companied him, but Minos prevented them, and kept them at a distance. With a prudent distinction, however, he dismissed the youngest [Geta], and ordered the eldest [Caracalla] to be punished for his crimes.
That crafty murderer, Macrinus, and the youth of Emesa [Elagabalus] were driven from the sacred inclosure. But Alexander the Syrian, being placed in"the hinder ranks, be wailed his misfortune. Silenus added, O thou fool and mad man ! highly exalted as thou wert, thou didst not govern for thyself, but gavest thy wealth to thy mother, and couldst not be persuaded that it was much better to bestow it on thy friends than to hoard it. "
" All, however," said Nemesis, " who were accessory to his death I will deliver to the tormentors. " And thus the youth was dismissed.
Gallienus then entered with his father [Valerian], the latter
216 THE C. ESARS.
dragging the chain of his captivity, the other effeminate both in his dress and behavior. Silenus thus ridiculed the father : —
"
Before the ranks who marches in the van. ''
By those snowy plumes distinguished,
And to the son he said: —
" Him gold adorns, all dainty as a bride. "
Jupiter ordered them both to depart from the banquet.
They were succeeded by Claudius, on whom all the gods fixed their eyes, admiring his magnanimity, and granted the
empire to his descendants, thinking it just that the posterity of such a lover of his country should enjoy the sovereignty as long as possible.
After him entered Aurelian, as if to escape those who were accusing him before Minos; for many charges of murder, which he could not palliate or excuse, were brought against him. But my lord the Sun, who had patronized him on other occasions, assisted him also on this, by informing the gods that the Delphic oracle —
That he who evil does, should evil suffer, is righteous judgment,
had been fulfilled.
The next was Probus, who, in less than seven years rebuilt
seventy cities, and also enacted many wise laws. Having suf fered unjustly, he was honored by the gods, and his death was revenged by the punishment of his murderers. Silenus, never theless, endeavored in like manner to ridicule him ; and many of the gods urging him to be silent : " Let those who shall fol low," said he, "grow wiser by his example. Dost thou not know, O Probus, that physicians make bitter potions palatable, by infusing them in mead ? But thou, who wert always so severe and cruel that none could equal thee, hast suffered, how ever unjustly, in like manner. For no one can govern brutes, much less men, but by sometimes gratifying and indulging them ; as physicians humor their patients in trifles, that they may insure their compliance" in things essential. " "What! dear father," said Bacchus ; do you now play the philosopher upon us ? " " Why not ? " replied Silenus. " Were not you too, my son, instructed by me in philosophy ? Know you not
THE C-ESARS.
217
that Socrates also held, like me, the first rank in philosophy among his contemporaries, if you credit the oracle of Delphi ? Allow me, therefore, to speak not always jocosely, but some times seriously. "
While they were thus talking, Carus with his sons [Carinus and Numerian] would have entered, had not Nemesis repulsed them. Diocletian, accompanied by the two Maximians and my grandfather Constantius, then approached, magnificently dressed. These, though they held each other by the hand, did not walk on a line with Diocletian. Three others also sur rounded him in the manner of a chorus ; but when, like har bingers, they would have preceded him, he forbade them, not thinking himself entitled to any distinction. Transferring only to them a burthen which he had borne on his own shoul ders, he walked with much greater ease. Admiring their union, the gods assigned them a seat superior to any. But Maximian behaving with imprudence and haughtiness, Silenus, though he did not think him worthy of ridicule, would not admit him into the society of the emperors. And, besides, he was not only addicted to all kinds of lasciviousness, but by his impertinent officiousness and perfidy often interrupted the harmonious con cert. Nemesis, therefore, soon banished him, and whither he went I know not, as I forgot to ask Mercury.
To this most melodious tetrachord, a harsh, disagreeable, and discordant sound succeeded. Two of the candidates Neme sis would not suffer to approach even the door of the assembly. Licinius came thus far, but having been guilty of many crimes, he was repulsed by Minos. Constantine entered, and sat some time ; and near him sat his sons. As for Magnentius, he was refused admittance, because he had never done anything lauda ble, though many of his actions might appear brilliant. But the gods, perceiving that they did not flow from a good princi ple, dismissed him much afflicted.
In this manner was the banquet prepared. At the table of the gods nothing was wanting, for all things are theirs. But
that of the heroes Mercury thought imperfect, and
of the same opinion. Quirinus had long requested to intro duce another of his descendants. But Hercules said : " I will not suffer it, Quirinus. For why have you not invited my Alexander also to the feast ? If, therefore, Jupiter, you intend to enroll any of the heroes among us, send, I entreat you, for Alexander. When we are canvassing the merits of men, why
Jupiter was
218 THE CiESARS.
should the bravest be omitted ? " What the son of Alcmena proposed was approved by Jupiter. Alexander, therefore, en tered the assembly of heroes ; but neither Ca;sar nor any one else rose up to him ; so that he was obliged to take the seat which the eldest son of Severus had left vacant, he, for his frat ricide, having been expelled. Silenus, then scoffing at Quiri- nus, said, "Take care, or this one Greek will excel all your Romans. " " By Jove," replied Quirinus, " I think that many of them are, in every respect, his equals. My posterity indeed have so much admired him that of foreign generals they style and think him only great ; not that they deem him superior to their countrymen, or are void of national prejudice. But that we shall soon determine when we have brought their merits to
for his descendants.
After this, Jupiter asked the gods whether all should enter
the lists, or whether they should adopt the practice observed in wrestling, where whoever conquers him who has gained the most victories is deemed the only victor, even of those who have been vanquished by his antagonist, though they have not been his competitors ?