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3 Neoptolemus, too, who had been left to support Eumenes, intended not only to desert himself, but also to betray the force of his party. 4 Eumenes, understanding his design, thought it a matter of necessity to engage the traitor in the field. 5 Neoptolemus, being worsted, fled to Antipater and Polysperchon, and persuaded them to surprise Eumenes, by marching without intermission, while he was full of joy for his victory, and freed from apprehension by his own flight. 6 But this project did not escape Eumenes; the plot was in consequence turned upon the contrivers of it; and they who expected to attack him unguarded, were attacked themselves when they were on their march, and wearied with watching through the previous night. 7 In this battle, Polysperchon was killed. 8 Neoptolemus, too, engaging hand to hand with Eumenes, and maintaining a long struggle with him, in which both were wounded more than once, was at last overpowered and fell. 9 Eumenes, therefore, being victorious in two successive battles, revived in some degree the spirits of his party, which had been cast down by the desertion of their allies. 10 At last, however, when Perdiccas was killed, Eumenes was declared an enemy by the army, together with Pithon of Illyria, and Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas; and the conduct of the war against them was committed to Antigonus.

BOOK 14

[14. 1] L When Eumenes found that Perdiccas was slain, that he himself was declared an enemy by the Macedonians, and that the conduct of the war against him was committed to Antigonus, 2 he at once made known the state of affairs to his troops, lest report should either exaggerate matters, or alarm the minds of the men with the unexpected nature of the events; 3 designing at the same time to learn how they were affected towards him, and to take his measures according to the feeling expressed by them as a body. 4 He boldly gave notice, however, that " if anyone of them felt dismayed at the news, he had full liberty to depart. " 5 By this declaration he so strongly attached them to his side, that they all immediately exhorted him to prosecute the war, and protested that " they would annul the decrees of the Macedonians with their swords. " 6 Having then led his army into [? ] Aeolis, he exacted contributions from the different cities. and plundered, like an enemy, such as refused to pay. 7 Next he went to Sardis, to Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander the Great, that with her influence he might encourage his captains and chief officers, who would think that the royal authority was on that side on which the sister of Alexander stood. 8 Such veneration was there for the greatness of Alexander, that the influence of his sacred name was sought even by means of women.

9 When he returned to his camp, letters were found scattered through it, in which great rewards were offered to any that should bring the head of Eumenes to Antigonus. 10 This coming to his knowledge, Eumenes, assembling his men, first offered them his congratulations that " none had been found among them who preferred the expectation of a reward stained with blood to the obligation of his military oath. " 11 He then craftily added that these letters had been forged by himself to sound their feelings; 12 but that his life was in the hands of them all; and that neither Antigonus nor any other general would be willing to conquer by such means as would afford the worst of examples against himself. " 13 By acting thus, he both preserved for the present the attachment of such as were wavering, and made it likely that if anything similar should happen in future, the soldiers would think that they were not tampered with by the enemy, but sounded by their own general. 14 All of them in consequence zealously offered him their services for the guard of his person.

[14. 2] L In the meantime Antigonus came up with his army, and having pitched his camp, offered battle on the following day. 2 Nor did Eumenes delay to engage with him; but, being defeated, he fled to a fortress, 3 where, when he saw that he must submit to the hazard of a siege, he dismissed the greater part of his army, lest he should either be delivered to the enemy by consent of the multitude, or the sufferings of the siege should be aggravated by too great a number. 4 He then sent a deputation to Antipater, who was the only general that seemed a match for the power of Antigonus, to entreat his aid; and Antigonus, hearing that succour was despatched by him to Eumenes, gave up the siege. 5 Eumenes was thus for a time, indeed, relieved from fear of death; but, as so great a portion of his army was sent away, he had no great hope of ultimate safety. 6 After taking everything into consideration, therefore, he thought it best to apply to the Argyraspides of Alexander the Great, a body of men that had never yet been conquered, and, radiant with the glory of so many victories. 7 But the Argyraspides disdained all leaders in comparison with Alexander, and thought service under other generals dishonourable to the memory of so great a monarch. 8 Eumenes had, therefore, to address them with flattery; he spoke to each of them in the language of a suppliant, calling them his "fellow-soldiers," his "patrons," or his "companions in the dangers and exploits of the east; " sometimes styling them "his refuge for protection, and his only security; " 9 saying that "they were the only troops by whose valour the east had been subdued; the only troops that had gone beyond the achievements of Bacchus and the monuments of Hercules; 10 that by them Alexander had become great, by them had attained divine honours and immortal glory; " 11 and he begged them "to receive him, not so much in the character of a general, as in that of a fellow-soldier, and to allow him to be one of their body. " 12 Being received on these terms, he gradually succeeded, first by giving them hints individually, and afterwards by gently correcting whatever was done amiss, in gaining the sole command. Nothing could be done in the camp without him; nothing managed without the aid of his judgement.

[14. 3] L At length, when it was announced that Antigonus was approaching with his army, he obliged them to march into the field; 2 where, slighting the orders of their general, they were defeated by the bravery of the enemy. 3 In this battle they lost, with their wives and children, not only their glory from so many wars, but also the booty obtained in their long service. 4 But Eumenes, who was the cause of their disaster, and had no other hope of safety remaining, encouraged them after their repulse, 5 assuring them that "they had the superiority in courage, as five thousand of the enemy had been slain by them; and that if they persevered in the war, their enemies would gladly sue for peace; " 6 adding, that "the losses, by which they estimated their defeat, were two thousand women, and a few children and slaves, which they might better recover by conquering, than by yielding the victory . " 7 The Argyraspides, on the other hand, declared that "they would neither attempt a retreat, after the loss of their property and wives, nor would they war against their own children," 8 and pursued him with reproaches "for having involved them, when they were returning home after so many years of completed service, and with the fruits of so many enterprises, and when on the point of being disbanded, in fresh efforts and vast struggles in the field; for having deluded them, 9 when they were recalled, as it were, from their own hearths, and from the very threshold of their country, with vain promises; 10 and for not allowing them, after having lost all the gains of their fortunate service, to support quietly under their defeat the burden of a poor and unhappy old age. " 11 Immediately after, without the knowledge of their leaders, they sent deputies to Antigonus, requesting that " he would order what was theirs to be restored to them. " Antigonus promised that " he would restore what they asked, if they would deliver up Eumenes to him. " 12 Hearing of this reply, Eumenes, with a few others, attempted to flee, but being brought back, and finding his condition desperate, he requested, as a great crowd gathered around him, to be allowed to address the army for the last time.

[14. 4] L Being desired by them all to speak, and silence being made, and his chains loosed, he held out his hand, fettered as he was, and said, 2 "Soldiers, ye behold the dress and equipments of your general, which it is not anyone of the enemy that has put upon me; for that would be even a consolation to me; 3 but it is you that have made me of a conqueror conquered, and of a general a prisoner. Four times within the present year have you bound yourselves by oath to obey me; 4 but on that point I shall say nothing, for reproaches do not become the unfortunate. 5 One favour only I entreat, that, if the performance of Antigonus's promises depends on my life, you would allow me to die among yourselves; 6 for to him it signifies nothing how or where I fall, and I shall be delivered from an ignominious end. 7 If I obtain this request, I release you from the oath by which you have so often devoted yourselves to me. 8 Or if you are ashamed to offer violence to me at my entreaty, give me a sword, and permit your general to do for you, without the obligation of an oath, that which you have taken an oath to do for your general". 9 Not being able, however, to obtain his request, he changed his tone of entreaty to that of anger, and exclaimed, 10 "May the gods, then, the avengers of perjury, look down in judgement upon you, ye accursed wretches, and bring upon you such deaths as you have brought upon your leaders. 11 It was you, the same who now stand before me, that were lately sprinkled with the blood of Perdiccas, and that planned a similar end for Antipater. 12 You would even have killed Alexander himself, if it had been possible for him to fall by a mortal hand: what was next to it, you harassed him with your mutinies. 13 I, the last victim of your perfidy, now pronounce on you these curses and imprecations: 14 may you live your whole lives in poverty, far from your country, in this camp where you are exiled; and may your own arms, by which you have killed more generals of your own than of your enemies, sink you in utter destruction. " 15 Then, full of indignation, he began to walk before his guards towards the camp of Antigonus. 16 The army followed, surrendering their general, and being themselves made prisoners ; and, leading up a triumph over themselves to the camp of their conqueror, resigned to him, together with their own persons, 17 all their honour gained under king Alexander, and the palms and laurels of so long a warfare; 18 and, that nothing might be wanting to the procession, the elephants and auxiliaries of the east brought up the rear. 19 This single victory was so far more glorious to Antigonus than so many other victories had been to Alexander, that whereas Alexander subdued the east, Antigonus defeated those by whom the east had been subdued. 20 These conquerors of the world then, Antigonus distributed among his army, restoring to them what he had taken in the victory ; 21 and directed that Eumenes, whom, from regard to their former friendship, he did not allow to come into his presence, should be committed to the care of a guard.

[14. 5] L In the meantime Eurydice, the wife of king Arrhidaeus, when she learned that Polysperchon was returning from Greece into Macedonia, and that Olympias was sent for by him, 2 being prompted by a womanish emulation, and taking advantage of her husband's weakness, whose duties she took upon herself, 3 wrote in the king's name to Polysperchon, desiring him " to deliver up the army to Cassander, on whom the king had conferred the government of the kingdom," She made a similar communication to Antigonus, in a letter which she wrote to him in Asia. 4 Cassander, attached to her by such a favour, managed everything according to the will of that ambitious woman. 5 Marching into Greece, he made war upon several cities; 6 by the calamities of which, as by a fire in the neighbourhood, the Spartans were alarmed, and, distrusting their power in arms, enclosed their city (which they had always defended, not with walls, but with their swords) with works of defence, in disregard both of the predictions of the oracles, and of the ancient glory of their forefathers. 7 Strange, that they should have so far degenerated from their ancestors, that, when the valour of the citizens had been for many ages a wall to the city, the citizens could not now think themselves secure unless they had walls to shelter them. 8 But during the course of these proceedings, the disturbed state of Macedonia obliged Cassander to return home from Greece; 9 for Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, coming from Epirus to Macedonia, with Aeacides, king of the Molossians, attending her, and being forbidden to enter the country by Eurydice and king Arrhidaeus, 10 the Macedonians being moved, either by respect for the memory of her husband, or the greatness of her son, or by the indignity with which she was treated, went over to Olympias, by whose order both Eurydice and the king were put to death, he having held the kingdom six years since the decease of Alexander.

[14. 6] L But neither did Olympias reign long; for having committed great slaughter among the nobility throughout the country, like a furious woman rather than a queen, she turned the favour with which she was regarded into hatred. 2 Hearing, therefore, of the approach of Cassander, and distrusting the Macedonians, she retired, with her daughter-in-law Roxane, and her grandson Heracles, to the city of Pydna. 3 Deidameia, the daughter of king Aeacides, and Thessalonice, her step-daughter, rendered illustrious by the name of Philippus, who was her father, and many others, wives of the leading men, a retinue showy rather than serviceable, attended her on her journey. 4 When the news of her retreat was brought to Cassander, he marched immediately, with the utmost expedition, to Pydna, and laid siege to the city. 5 Olympias, distressed with famine and the sword, and the wearisomeness of a long siege, surrendered herself to the conqueror, stipulating only for life. 6 But Cassander, on summoning the people to an assembly, to inquire "what they would wish to be done with Olympias," induced the parents of those whom she had killed to put on mourning apparel, and expose her cruelties; 7 when the Macedonians, exasperated by their statements, decreed, without regard to her former majesty, that she should be put to death ; 8 utterly unmindful that, by the labours of her son and her husband, they had not only lived in security among their neighbours, but had attained to vast power, and even to the conquest of the world. 9 Olympias, seeing armed men advancing towards her, bent upon her destruction, went voluntarily to meet them, dressed in her regal apparel, and leaning on two of her maids. 10 The executioners, on beholding her, struck with the recollection of her former royal dignity, and with the names of so many of their kings, that occurred to their memory in connection with her, stood still, 11 until others were sent by Cassander to despatch her; she, at the same time, not shrinking from the sword or the blow, or crying out like a woman, but submitting to death like the bravest of men, and suitably to the glory of her ancient race, so that you might have perceived the soul of Alexander in his dying mother. 12 As she was expiring, too, she is said to have settled her hair, and to have covered her feet with her robe, that nothing unseemly might appear about her.

13 After these events, Cassander married Thessalonice, the daughter of king Arrhidaeus, and sent the son of Alexander, with his mother, to the citadel of Amphipolis, to be kept under guard.

BOOK 15

[15. 1] L Perdiccas and his brother, with Eumenes and Polysperchon, and other leaders of the opposite party; being killed, the contention among the successors of Alexander seemed to be at an end; when, on a sudden, a dispute arose among the conquerors themselves; 2 for Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus, demanding that " the money taken amongst the spoil, and the provinces, should be divided," Antigonus said that " he would admit no partners in the advantages of a war of which he alone had undergone the perils. " 3 And that he might seem to engage in an honourable contest with his confederates, he gave out that " his object was to avenge the death of Olympias, who had been murdered by Cassander, and to release the son of Alexander, his king, with his mother, from their confinement at Amphipolis. " 4 On hearing this news, Ptolemy and Cassander, forming an alliance with Lysimachus and Seleucus, made vigorous preparations for war by land and sea. 5 Ptolemy had possession of Egypt, with the greater part of Africa, Cyprus, and Phoenicia. Macedonia and Greece were subject to Cassander. 6 Antigonus had taken possession of Asia and the eastern countries. Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, was defeated in the first engagement by Ptolemy, at [? ] Gamala. 7 In this action, the renown gained by Ptolemy for his moderation was greater than that which he obtained from the victory itself; 8 for he let the friends of Demetrius depart, not only with their baggage, but with presents in addition; and he restored Demetrius himself all his private property, together with his family, making, at the same time, this honourable declaration, 9 that " he had not engaged in the war for plunder, but for the maintenance of his own character, being indignant that when the leaders of the opposite faction were conquered, Antigonus claimed the fruits of their common victory for himself. "

[15. 2] L During these transactions, Cassander, returning from Apollonia, fell in with the Antariatae, who, having abandoned their country on account of the vast number of frogs and mice that infested it, were seeking a settlement. 2 Fearing that they might possess themselves of Macedonia, he made a compact with them, received them as allies, and assigned them lands at the extremity of the country. 3 Afterwards, lest Heracles, the son of Alexander, who had nearly completed his fourteenth year, should be called to the throne of Macedonia through the influence of his father's name, he sent secret orders that he should be put to death, together with his mother Barsine, and that their bodies should be privately buried in the earth lest the murder should be betrayed by a regular funeral. 4 As if, too, he had previously incurred but small guilt, first in the case of the king himself, and afterwards in that of his mother Olympias and her son, 5 he cut off his other son, and his mother Roxane, with similar treachery; as though he could not obtain the throne of Macedonia, to which he aspired, otherwise than by crime.

6 Ptolemy meanwhile engaged a second time with Demetrius at sea; and, having lost his fleet, and left the victory to the enemy, fled back to Egypt, 7 whither Demetrius sent Leontiscus, the son of Ptolemy, his brother Menelaus, and his friends, with all their baggage, being induced to this act by like kindness previously shown to himself; 8 and that it might appear that they were stimulated, not by hatred, but by desire of glory and honour, they vied with one another, even amidst war itself, in kindnesses and services. 9 So much more honourably were wars then conducted than private friendships are now maintained!

10 Antigonus, being elated with this victory, gave orders that he himself, as well as his son Demetrius, should be styled king by the people. 11 Ptolemy also, that he might not appear of less authority among his subjects, was called king by his army. 12 Cassander and Lysimachus, too, when they heard of these proceedings, assumed regal dignity themselves. 13 They all abstained, however, from taking the insignia of royalty, as long as any sons of their king survived. 14 Such forbearance was there in them, that, though they had the power, they yet contentedly remained without the distinction of kings, while Alexander had a proper heir. 15 But Ptolemy and Cassander, and the other leaders of the opposite faction, perceiving that they were individually weakened by Antigonus, while each regarded the war, not as the common concern of all, but as merely affecting himself, and all were unwilling to give assistance to one another, as if victory would be only for one, and not for all of them, 16 appointed, after encouraging each other by letters, a time and place for an interview, and prepared for the contest with united strength. 17 Cassander, being unable to join in it, because of a war near home, despatched Lysimachus to the support of his allies with a large force.

[15. 3] L Lysimachus was of a noble family in Macedonia, but was exalted far above any nobility of birth by the proofs which he had given of personal merit, 2 which was so great, that he excelled all those by whom the east was conquered, in greatness of mind, in philosophy, and in reputation for prowess. 3 For when Alexander the Great, in his anger, had pretended that Callisthenes the philosopher, for his opposition to the Persian mode of doing obeisance, was concerned in a plot that had been formed against him, 4 and, by cruelly mangling all his limbs, and cutting off his ears, nose, and lips, had rendered him a shocking and miserable spectacle, 5 and had had him carried about, also, shut up in a cage with a dog, for a terror to others, 6 Lysimachus, who was accustomed to listen to Callisthenes, and to receive precepts of virtue from him, took pity on so great a man, undergoing punishment, not for any crime, but for freedom of speech, and furnished him with poison to relieve him from his misery. 7 At this act A1exander was so displeased, that he ordered Lysimachus to be exposed to a fierce lion; 8 but when the beast, furious at the sight of him, had made a spring towards him, Lysimachus plunged his hand, wrapped in his cloak, into the lion's mouth, and, seizing fast hold of his tongue, killed him. 9 This exploit being related to the king, his wonder at it ended in pleasure, and he regarded Lysimachus with more affection than before, on account of his extraordinary bravery. 10 Lysimachus, likewise, endured the ill treatment of the king with magnanimity, as that of a parent. 11 At last, when all recollection of this affair was effaced from the king's mind, Lysimachus was his only attendant in an excursion through vast heaps of sand, when he was in pursuit of some flying enemies, and had left his guards behind him in consequence of the swiftness of his horse. 12 His brother Philippus, having previously attempted to do him the same service, had expired in the king's arms. 13 Alexander, however, as he alighted from his horse, happened to wound Lysimachus in the forehead with the point of his spear, so severely that the blood could not by any means be stopped, till the king, taking off his diadem, placed it on his head by way of closing the wound; 14 an act which was the first omen of royal dignity to Lysimachus. 15 And after the death of Alexander, when the provinces were divided among his successors, the most warlike nations were assigned to Lysimachus as the bravest of them all; 16 so far, by general consent, had he the pre-eminence over the rest in military merit.

[15. 4] L Before the war with Antigonus was commenced by Ptolemy and his allies, Seleucus, on a sudden, leaving the Greater Asia, came forward as a fresh enemy to Antigonus. 2 The merit of Seleucus was well known, and his birth had been attended with extraordinary circumstances. 3 His mother Laodice, being married to Antiochus, a man of eminence among Philippus' generals, seemed to herself, in a dream, to have conceived from a union with Apollo, 4 and, after becoming pregnant, to have received from him, as a reward for her compliance, a ring, on the stone of which was engraved an anchor, and which she was desired to give to the child that she should bring forth. 5 A ring similarly engraved, which was found the next day in the bed, and the figure of an anchor, which was visible on the thigh of Seleucus when he was born, made this dream extremely remarkable. 6 This ring Laodice gave to Seleucus, when he was going with Alexander to the Persian. war, informing him, at the same time, of his paternity. 7 After the death of Alexander, having secured dominion in the east, he built a city, where he established a memorial of his two-fold origin; 8 for he called the city Antioch from the name of his father Antiochus, and consecrated the plains near the city to Apollo. 9 This mark of his paternity continued also among his descendants; for his sons and grandsons had an anchor on their thigh, as a natural proof or their extraction.

10 After the division of the Macedonian empire among the followers of Alexander, he carried on several wars in the east. 11 He first took Babylon, and then, his strength being increased by this success, subdued the Bactrians. 12 He next made an expedition into India, which, after the death of Alexander, had shaken, as it were, the yoke of servitude from its neck, and put his governors to death. 13 The author of this liberation was Sandrocottus, who afterwards however, turned their semblance of liberty into slavery; 14 for, making himself king, he oppressed the people whom he had delivered from a foreign power, with a cruel tyranny. 15 This man was of mean origin, but was stimulated to aspire to regal power by supernatural encouragement; 16 for, having offended Alexander by his boldness of speech, and orders being given to kill him, he saved himself by swiftness of foot; 17 and while he was lying asleep after his fatigue, a lion of great size having come up to him, licked off with his tongue the sweat that was running from him, and after gently waking him, left him. 18 Being first prompted by this prodigy to conceive hopes or royal dignity, he drew together a band of robbers, and solicited the Indians to support his new sovereignty. 19 Some time after, as he was going to war with the generals of Alexander, a wild elephant of great bulk presented itself before him of its own accord, and, as if tamed down to gentleness, took him on its back, and became his guide in the war, and conspicuous in fields of battle. 20 Sandrocottus, having thus acquired a throne, was in possession of India, when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness; 21 who, after making a league with him, and settling his affairs in the east, proceeded to join in the war against Antigonus. 22 As soon as the forces, therefore, of all the confederates were united, a battle was fought, in which Antigonus was slain, and his son Demetrius put to flight.

23 But the allied generals, after thus terminating the war with the enemy, turned their arms again upon each other; and, as they could not agree about the spoil, were divided into two parties. 24 Seleucus joined Demetrius, and Ptolemy Lysimachus. Cassander dying, Philippus, his son, succeeded him. 25 Thus new wars arose, as it were, from a fresh source, for Macedonia.

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Justinus: Epitome of Pompeius Trogus' Philippic Histories
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Translated by Rev. J. S. Watson (1853). See key to translations for an explanation of the format.

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BOOK 16

[16. 1] L After the deaths, in rapid succession, of Cassander and Philippus, queen Thessalonice, the wife of Cassander, was soon killed by her son Antipater, though she conjured him by the bosom of a mother to spare her life. 2 The cause of this matricide was that, in the division of the kingdom between the brothers, she seemed to have favoured Alexander. 3 This deed appeared the more atrocious to everyone, as there was no proof of injustice on the part of the mother; 4 although, indeed, in a case of matricide, no reason can be alleged sufficient to justify the crime. 5 Alexander, in consequence, resolving to go to war with his brother, to avenge his mother's death, solicited aid from Demetrius; 6 and Demetrius, in hopes of seizing the throne of Macedonia, made no delay in complying with his request. 7 Lysimachus, alarmed at his approach, persuaded Antipater, his son-in-law, rather to be reconciled to his brother than to allow his father's enemy to enter Macedonia. 8 Demetrius, therefore, finding that a reconciliation was commenced between the brothers, removed Alexander by treachery, 9 and, having seized on the throne of Macedonia, called an assembly of the army, to defend himself before them for the murder. 10 He alleged that "his life had been first attempted by Alexander, and that he had not contrived treachery , but prevented it; 11 and that he himself was the more rightful king of Macedonia, both from experience attendant on greater age, and from other considerations; 12 for that his father had been a follower of king Philippus, and of Alexander the Great, in the whole of their wars, 13 and afterwards an attendant on the children of Alexander, and a leader in the punishment of the revolters. 14 That Antipater, on the other hand, the grandfather of these young men, had always been more cruel as the governor of the kingdom than the kings themselves; 15 and that Cassander, their father, had been the extirpator of the king's family, sparing neither women nor children, and not resting till he had cut off the whole of the royal house. 16 That vengeance for these crimes, as he could not exact it from Cassander himself, had been inflicted on his children; 17 and that accordingly Philippus and Alexander, if the dead have any knowledge of human affairs, would not wish the murderers of them and their issue, but their avengers, to win the throne of Macedonia. " 18 The people being pacified by these arguments, he was saluted king of Macedonia. 19 Lysimachus, too, being pressed with a war with Doricetes, king of Thrace, and not wishing to have to fight with Demetrius at the same time, made peace with him, resigning into his hands the other half of Macedonia, which had fallen to the share of his son-in-law Antipater.

[16. 2] L When Demetrius, therefore, supported by the whole strength of Macedonia, was preparing to invade Asia, Ptolemy, Seleucus, and Lysimachus, having experienced in the former contest how great the power of unanimity was, formed an alliance a second time, and having joined their forces, carried the war against Demetrius, into Europe. 2 With these leaders Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, united himself, as a friend and sharer in the war, hoping that Demetrius might lose Macedonia not less easily than he had obtained it. 3 Nor were his expectations vain; for he himself, having corrupted Demetrius's army, and put him to flight, seized on the throne of Macedonia.

4 During the course of these transactions, Lysimachus put to death his son-in-law Antipater, who complained that he had been deprived of the throne of Macedonia by the treachery of his father-in-law, and put his daughter Eurydice, who had joined with him in his complaints, into prison; 5 and thus the whole house of Cassander made atonement to Alexander the Great, whether for killing himself or destroying his offspring. partly by violent deaths, partly by other sufferings, and partly by shedding the blood of one another.

6 Demetrius, surrounded by so many armies, preferred, when he might have fallen honourably to make an ignominious surrender to Seleucus. 7 At the termination of the war died Ptolemy, after having attained great glory by his military exploits. Contrary to the custom among nations, he had resigned his kingdom, before his illness, to the youngest of his sons, and had stated his reasons for that proceeding to the people, 8 who showed themselves no less indulgent in accepting the son for their king than the father had proved himself in delivering the kingdom to him. 9 Among other instances of mutual affection between the father and the son, the following had procured the young man favour from the people, that the father, having publicly resigned the throne to him, had done duty as a private soldier among his guards, thinking it more honour to be the father of a king than to possess any kingdom whatsoever.

[16. 3] L But the evil of discord, constantly arising among equals, had produced a war between Lysimachus and King Pyrrhus, who had just before been allies against Demetrius. 2 Lysimachus, gaining the advantage, had expelled Pyrrhus, and made himself master of Macedonia. 3 He then made war on Thrace, and afterwards on Heracleia, a city of which the origin and the subsequent fortunes were objects of wonder ; 4 for when the Boeotians were suffering from a pestilence, the oracle at Delphi had told them, that "they must plant a colony in the country of Pontus, dedicated to Hercules. 5 But as, through dread of a long and dangerous voyage, and all the people preferring death in their own country, the matter was neglected, 6 the Phocians made war upon them; and after suffering from unsuccessful struggles with that people, they had recourse to the oracle a second time. The answer which they received was, that "what was a remedy for the pestilence would also be a remedy for the war. " 7 Raising therefore a body of colonists, and sailing to Pontus, they built the city Heracleia ; and as they had been led to that settlement by the guidance of fate, they soon acquired great power. 8 In process of time the city had many wars with its neighbours, and many dissensions among its own people. Among other noble acts that they performed, the following is one of the most remarkable. 9 When the Athenians were at the height of power, and, after the overthrow of the Persians, had imposed a tax on Greece and Asia for the support of a fleet, and when all were promptly contributing to the maintenance of their safety, the Heracleans alone, from friendship for the kings of Persia, refused to pay. 10 Lamachus was accordingly despatched by the Athenians with an army to exact from them what was withheld; but leaving his ships on the coast, and going to ravage the lands of the Heracleans, he lost his fleet, with the greater part of his army, by shipwreck, in a tempest that came on suddenly. 11 As he was not able, therefore, to return by sea, from having lost his ships, and did not dare, with so small a body of men, to return by land through so many warlike nations, the Heracleans, thinking this a more honourable opportunity for kindness than for revenge, sent the invaders away with a supply of provisions and troops to protect them; 12 deeming the devastation of their lands no loss, if they could but make those their friends who had formerly been their enemies.

[16. 4] L Among many other evils they endured also that of tyranny; 2 for when, on the populace violently clamouring for an abolition of debts, and a division of the lands of the rich, the subject was long discussed in the senate, and no settlement of it was devised, 3 they at last sought assistance against the commons, who were grown riotous by too long idleness, from Timotheus general of the Athenians, and afterwards from Epaminondas general of the Thebans. 4 As both, however, refused their request, they had recourse to Clearchus, whom they themselves had exiled; 5 such being the urgency of their distresses, that they recalled to the guardianship of his country him whom they had forbidden to enter his country. 6 But Clearchus, being rendered more desperate by his banishment, and regarding the dissension among the people as a means of securing to himself the government, 7 first sought a secret interview with Mithridates, the enemy of his countrymen, and made a league with him on the understanding that when he was re-established in his country, he should, on betraying the city into his hands, be made lieutenant-governor of it. 8 But the treachery which he had conceived against his countrymen, he afterwards turned against Mithridates himself; 9 for on returning from banishment, to be as it were the arbiter of the disputes in the city, he, at the time appointed for delivering the town to Mithridates, made Mithridates himself prisoner, with a party of his friends, and released him from captivity only on the receipt of a large sum of money. 10 And as, in this case, he suddenly changed himself from a friend into an enemy, so, in regard to his countrymen, he soon, from a supporter of the senate's cause, became a patron of the common people, 11 and not only inflamed the populace against those who had conferred his power upon him, and by whom he had been recalled into his country and established in the citadel, but even exercised upon his benefactors the most atrocious inflictions of tyrannic cruelty. 12 Summoning the people to an assembly, he declared that "he would no longer support the senate in their proceedings against the populace, but would even interpose his authority, if they persisted in their former severities; 13 and that, if the people thought themselves able to check the tyranny of the senate, he would retire with his soldiers, and take no further part in their dissensions; 14 but that, if they distrusted their ability to make resistance, he would not be wanting to aid them in taking revenge. 15 They might therefore," he added, "determine among themselves; they might bid him withdraw, if they pleased, or might request him to stay as a sharer in the popular cause. " 16 The people, induced by these fair speeches, conferred on him the supreme authority, and, while they were incensed at the power of the senate, surrendered themselves, with their wives and children, as slaves to the power of a single tyrant. 17 Clearchus then apprehended sixty senators (the rest had taken flight), and threw them into prison. 18 The people rejoiced that the senate was overthrown, and especially that it had fallen by means of a leader among the senators, and that, by a reverse of fortune, their support was turned to their destruction. 19 Clearchus, by threatening all his prisoners with death, made the price offered for their ransom the higher; 20 and, after receiving from them large sums of money, as if he would secretly withdraw them from the violence threatened by the people, despoiled those of their lives whom he had previously despoiled of their fortunes.

[16. 5] L Learning, soon after, that war was prepared against him by those who had made their escape (several cities being moved by pity to espouse their cause), he gave freedom to their slaves; 2 and that no affliction might be wanting to distress the most honourable families, he obliged their wives and daughters to marry their slaves, threatening death to such as refused, that he might thus render the slaves more attached to himself, and less reconcileable to their masters. 3 But such marriages were more intolerable to the women than immediate death; 4 and many, in consequence, killed themselves before the nuptial rites were celebrated, and many in the midst of them, first killing their new husbands, and delivering themselves from dishonourable sufferings by a spirit of noble virtue. 5 A battle was then fought, in which the tyrant, being victorious, dragged such of the senators as he took prisoners before the faces of their countrymen in triumph. 6 Returning into the city, he threw some into prison, stretched others on the rack, and put others to death; and not a place in the city was unvisited by the tyrant's cruelty. 7 Arrogance was added to severity, insolence to inhumanity. 8 From a course of continued good fortune, he sometimes forgot that he was a man, sometimes called himself the son of Jupiter. 9 When he appeared in public, a golden eagle, as a token of his parentage, was carried before him; 10 he wore a purple robe, buskins like kings in tragedies, and a crown of gold. 11 His son he named Ceraunos, to mock the gods, not only with false statements, but with impious names. 12 Two noble youths, Chion and Leonides, incensed that he should dare to commit such outrages, and desiring to deliver their country, formed a conspiracy to put him to death. 13 They were disciples of Plato the philosopher, and being desirous to exhibit to their country the virtue in which they were daily instructed by the precepts of their master, placed fifty of their relations, as if they were their attendants, in ambush; 14 while they themselves, in the character of men who had a dispute to be settled, went into the citadel to the tyrant. 15 Gaining admission, as being well known, the tyrant, while he was listening attentively to the one that spoke first, was killed by the other. 16 But as their accomplices were too late in coming to their support, they were overpowered by the guards; 17 and hence it happened that though the tyrant was killed, their country was not liberated. 18 Satyrus, the brother of Clearchus, made himself tyrant in a similar way; and for many years, with various successive changes, the Heracleans continued under the yoke of tyrants.

BOOK 17

[17. 1] L About the same time there was an earthquake in the regions round the Hellespont and the Chersonese; 2 but the chief effect of it was, that the city of Lysimachia, founded two and twenty years before by king Lysimachus, was sunk in ruins; 3 a prodigy which portended disasters to Lysimachus and his family, destruction to his kingdom, and calamity to the disturbed provinces. 4 Nor was fulfilment wanting to these omens; for, in a short time after, conceiving towards his son Agathocles ( whom he had appointed to succeed him on the throne, and through whose exertions he had managed several wars with success), a hatred unnatural in him not only as a father but as a man, he took him off by poison, using as his agent in the affair his step-mother Arsinoe. 5 This was the first commencement of his calamities, the prelude to approaching ruin; 6 for executions of several great men were added to the murder of his son, who were put to death for expressing concern at the young prince's fate; 7 and, in consequence, both those about the court who escaped this cruelty, and those who were in command of the troops, 8 began at once to desert to Seleucus, and incite him to make war upon Lysimachus; an enterprise to which he was already inclined from a desire to emulate his glory. 9 This was the last contest between the fellow soldiers of Alexander; and the two combatants were reserved, as it were, for an example of the influence of fortune.
10 Lysimachus was seventy-four years old; Seleucus seventy-seven. 11 But at this age they both had the fire of youth, and an insatiable desire of power; 12 for though they alone possessed the whole world, they yet thought themselves confined within narrow limits, and measured their course of life, not by their length of years, but by the extent to which they carried their dominion.

[17. 2] L In this war, Lysimachus (who had previously lost, by various chances of fortune, fifteen children) died, with no small bravery, and crowned the ruin of his family. 2 Seleucus, overjoyed at such a triumph, and what he thought greater than the triumph, that he alone survived of all Alexander's staff, the conqueror of conquerors, boasted that " this was not the work of man, but a favour from the gods," 3 little thinking that he himself was shortly after to be an instance of human instability; 4 for in the course of about seven months, he was treacherously surprised by Ptolemy, whose sister Lysimachus had married, and put to death, 5 losing the kingdom of Macedonia, which he had taken from Lysimachus, together with his life.

6 Ptolemy, being ambitious to please his subjects, both for the honour of the memory of the great Ptolemy his father, and for the sake of palliating the revenge which he had taken on behalf of Lysimachus, 7 resolved, in the first place, to conciliate the sons of Lysimachus, and sought a marriage with their mother Arsinoe, his sister, promising to adopt the young men, 8 so that, when he should succeed to the throne of their father, they might not venture, through respect for their mother, or the influence of the name of father, to attempt anything against him. 9 He solicited, too, by letter, the friendship of his brother the king of Egypt, professing that " he laid aside all feelings of resentment at being deprived of his father's kingdom, and that he would no longer ask that from a brother which he had more honourably obtained from his father's enemy. " 10 He also in every way flattered Nicomedes, that as he was about to have a war with Antigonus, the son of Demetrius, and Antiochus the son of Seleucus, he might not come upon him as a third enemy. 11 Nor was Pyrrhus of Epirus neglected by him, a king who would be of great assistance to whichsoever side he attached himself, 12 and who, while he desired to spoil them one by one, sought the favour of all. 13 On going to assist the Tarentines, therefore, against the Romans, he desired of Antigonus the loan of vessels to transport his army into Italy; of Antiochus, who was better provided with wealth than with men, a sum of money; and of Ptolemy, some troops of Macedonian soldiers. 14 Ptolemy, who had no excuse for holding back for want of forces, supplied him with five thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry, and fifty elephants, but for not more than two years' service. 15 In return for this favour, Pyrrhus, after marrying the daughter of Ptolemy, appointed him guardian of his kingdom in his absence; lest, on carrying the flower of his army into Italy, he should leave his dominions a prey to his enemies.

[17. 3] L But since I have come to speak of Epirus, a few particulars should be premised concerning the rise of that kingdom. 2 The first rulers of this country were the Molossians. 3 Afterwards Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, having been deprived of his father's dominions during his absence in the Trojan war, settled in these parts; the inhabitants of which were first called Pyrrhidae, and afterwards Epirots. 4 This Pyrrhus, going to the temple of Jupiter at Dodona to consult the oracle, seized there by force Lanassa, the grand-daughter of Hercules, and by a marriage with her had eight children. 5 Of his daughters he gave some in marriage to the neighbouring princes, and by means of these alliances acquired great power. 6 He gave to Helenus, the son of King Priamus, for his eminent services, the kingdom of the Chaonians, and Andromache the widow of Hector in marriage, after she had been his own wife, he having received her at the division of the Trojan spoil. 7 Shortly after he was slain at Delphi, at the very altar of Apollo, by the treachery of Orestes the son of Agamemnon. 8 His successor was his son Piales. 9 The throne afterwards passed in regular descent to Tharybas, 10 over whom, as he was an orphan, and the only survivor of a noble family, guardians were publicly appointed, the concern of all being so much the greater to preserve and educate him. 11 He was also sent to Athens for the sake of instruction; and, as he was more learned than his predecessors, so he became more popular with his subjects. 12 He was the first, accordingly, that established laws, a senate, annual magistrates, and a regular form of government; 13 and as a settlement was found for the people by Pyrrhus, so a more civilized way of life was introduced by Tharybas. 14 A son of this king was Neoptolemus; the father of Olympias (mother of Alexander the great), 15 and of Alexander, who occupied the throne of Epirus after him, and died in Italy in a war with the Bruttii. 16 On the death of Alexander his brother Aeacides became king, who, by wearying his people with constant wars against the Macedonians, incurred their dislike, 17 and was in consequence driven into exile, leaving his little son Pyrrhus, about two years old, in the kingdom. 18 The child, too, being sought for by the populace to be put to death, through their hatred to the father, was concealed and carried off into Illyricum, 19 and delivered to Beroe, who was the wife of king Glaucias, and of the family of the Aeacidae, to be brought up. 20 This king, moved either by pity for the boy's misfortunes, or by his infantine caresses, protected him for a long time against Cassander, king of Macedonia, who demanded him with menaces of war, having the kindness also to adopt him for his better security. 21 The Epirots, being moved by these acts, and turning their hatred into pity, brought him back, when he was eleven years old, into the kingdom, appointing him guardians to keep the throne for him till he became of age. 22 When he grew up he engaged in many wars, and, by a train of success, attained such eminence as a leader, that he was the only man who was thought capable of defending the Tarentines against the Romans.

BOOK 18

[18. 1] L Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, therefore, being solicited by a second embassy from the Tarentines, to which were added the entreaties of the Samnites and Lucanians, who likewise needed assistance against the Romans, was induced to comply, not so much by the prayers of the suitors, as by the hope of making himself master of Italy, and promised to come to them with an army. 2 When his thoughts, indeed, were once directed to that enterprise, the examples of his predecessors began to impel him violently towards it, in order that he might not appear inferior to his uncle Alexander, whom the Tarentines had had for a defender against the Bruttii, or to have less spirit than Alexander the Great, who had subdued the east in so distant an expedition from his native country. 3 Having left his son Ptolemaeus, therefore, who was but fifteen years old, as guardian of his kingdom, he landed his army in the harbour of Tarentum, taking with him his two younger sons, Alexander and Helenus, as a comfort to him in so long a voyage. 4 The Roman consul, Valerius Laevinus, hearing of his arrival, and hastening to come to battle with him before the forces of his allies were assembled, led forth his army into the field. 5 Nor did the king, although he was inferior in number of forces, hesitate to engage. 6 But as the Romans were getting the advantage, the appearance of the elephants, previously unknown to them, made them at first stand amazed, and afterwards quit the field; and the strange monsters of the Macedonians at once conquered the conquerors. 7 The triumph of the enemy, however, was not bloodless; for Pyrrhus himself was severely wounded, and a great number of his soldiers killed; and he had more glory from his victory than pleasure. 8 Many cities of Italy, moved by the result of this battle, surrendered to Pyrrhus; 9 among others also Locri, betraying the Roman garrison, revolted to him. 10 Of the prisoners, Pyrrhus sent back two hundred to Rome without ransom, that the Romans, after experiencing his valour, might experience also his generosity. 11 Some days after, when the forces of his allies had come up, he fought a second battle with the Romans, of which the event was similar to that of the former.

[18. 2] L In the meantime, Mago, general of the Carthaginians, being sent to the aid of the Romans with a hundred and twenty ships, went to the senate, saying that " the Carthaginians were much concerned that they should be distressed by war in Italy from a foreign prince; 2 and that for this reason he had been despatched to assist them; that, as they were attacked by a foreign enemy, they might be supported by foreign aid. " 3 The thanks of the senate were given to the Carthaginians, and the succours sent back. 4 But Mago, with the cunning of a Carthaginian, went privately, a few days after, to Pyrrhus, as if to be a peacemaker from the people of Carthage, but in reality to discover the king's views with regard to Sicily, to which island it was reported that he was sent for; 5 since the Carthaginians had the same reason for sending assistance to the Romans, namely that Pyrrhus might be detained by a war with that people in Italy, and prevented from crossing over into Sicily. 6 During the course of these transactions, Fabricius Luscinus, being commissioned by the senate of Rome, had made peace with Pyrrhus. 7 To ratify the treaty, Cineas was sent to Rome by Pyrrhus with valuable presents, but found nobody's house open for their reception. 8 To this instance of Roman incorruptibility, another, very similar, happened about the same time. 9 Certain ambassadors, who were sent by the senate into Egypt, haying refused some costly presents offered them by Ptolemy, and being invited to supper some days after, golden crowns were sent to them, which, from respect to the king, they accepted, but placed them the next day on the king's statues. 10 Cineas, bringing word that " the treaty with the Romans was broken off by Appius Claudius," and being asked by Pyrrhus "what sort of city Rome was," replied that " it appeared to him a city of kings. " 11 Soon after, ambassadors from the Sicilians arrived, to offer Pyrrhus the dominion of the whole island, which was harassed by constant wars with the Carthaginians. 12 Leaving his son Alexander, therefore, at Locri, and securing the cities of his allies with strong garrisons, Pyrrhus transported his army into Sicily.

[18. 3] L Since I come to speak of the Carthaginians, a short account shall be given of their origin, tracing back, to some extent, the history of the Tyrians, whose misfortunes were much to be pitied. 2 The nation of the Tyrians was founded by the Phoenicians, 3 who, suffering from an earthquake, and abandoning their country, settled at first near the Syrian lake, and afterwards on the coast near the sea, 4 where they built a city, which, from the abundance of fish, they named Sidon, for so the Phoenicians call a fish in their language. 5 Many years after, their city being stormed by the king of the Ascalonians, sailing away to the place where Tyre stands, they built that city the year before the fall of Troy. 6 Here, harassed for a long time, and in various ways, by attacks from the Persians, they resisted, indeed, successfully, but, as their strength was exhausted, they suffered the most cruel treatment from their slaves, who were then extraordinarily numerous. 7 These traitors, having entered into a conspiracy, killed their masters and all the free people of the city, and thus, becoming masters of the place, took possession of the houses of their owners, assumed the government, appropriated wives to themselves, and begot, what they themselves were not, freemen. 8 Out of so many thousands of slaves, there was one who was moved to compassion by the mild disposition of his aged master and the hard fortune of his little son, and looked upon them, not with savage fierceness, but with humanity, affection, and pity. 9 He put them out of the way, therefore, as if they had been killed; and when the slaves came to deliberate about the condition of their government, and had resolved that a king should be elected from their own body, and that he should be preferred, as most acceptable to the gods, who should first see the rising sun, he mentioned the matter to Strato (for that was the name of his master), who was then in concealment. 10 Being instructed by him, and proceeding with the rest, about the middle of the night, to a certain plain, he alone, when they were all looking towards the east, kept his eye directed towards the west. 11 This at first seemed madness to the others, to look in the west for the rising sun; 12 but when day began to advance, and the rising luminary to shine on the highest eminences of the city, he, while all the rest were watching to see the sun itself, was the first to point out to them the sunshine on the loftiest pinnacle of the town. 13 This thought seemed above the wit of a slave; and when they asked him who had put it into his head, he confessed that it was his master. 14 It was then seen how far the abilities of freemen surpass those of slaves, who, though they may be first in viciousness, are not first in wisdom. 15 The old man and his son were therefore spared; and the slaves, thinking that they had been preserved by the interposition of some deity, made Strato king. 16 After his death, the throne descended to his son, and subsequently to his grandsons. 17 This atrocity of these slaves was much noticed, and was a terrible example to the whole world. 18 Alexander the Great, when he was prosecuting his wars, some time after, in the east, having taking the city, crucified, as an avenger of the general safety, and in memory of the former massacre, all those who survived the siege; 19 preserving from injury only the family of Strato, and restoring the throne to his descendants; and sending to the island, at the same time, inhabitants that were free-born and guiltless, that, as the race of slaves was extirpated, an entirely new generation might be established in the city.

[18. 4] L The Tyrians, being thus settled under the auspices of Alexander, quickly grew powerful by frugality and industry.

2 Before the massacre of the masters by the slaves, when they abounded in wealth and population, they sent a portion of their youth into Africa, and founded Utica. 3 Meanwhile their king (? ) Mutto died at Tyre, appointing his son Pygmalion and his daughter Elissa, a maiden of extraordinary beauty, his heirs. 4 But the people gave the throne to Pygmalion, who was quite a boy. 5 Elissa married Acerbas, her uncle, who was priest of Hercules, a dignity next to that of the king. 6 Acerbas had great but concealed riches, having laid up his gold, for fear of the king, not in his house, but in the earth; 7 a fact of which, though people had no certain knowledge of it, report was not silent. 8 Pygmalion, excited by the account, and forgetful of the laws of humanity, murdered his uncle, who was also his brother-in-law, without the least regard to natural affection. 9 Elissa long entertained a hatred to her brother for his crime, but at last, dissembling her detestation, and assuming mild looks for the time, she secretly contrived a mode of flight, admitting into her confidence some of the leading men of the city, in whom she saw that there was a similar hatred of the king, and an equal desire to escape. 10 She then addressed her brother in such a way as to deceive him; pretending that "she had a desire to remove to his house, in order that the home of her husband might no longer revive in her, when she was desirous to forget him, the oppressive recollection of her sorrows, and that the sad remembrances of him might no more present themselves to her eyes. " 11 To these words of his sister, Pygmalion was no unwilling listener, thinking that with her the gold of Acerbas would come to him. 12 But Elissa put the attendants, who were sent by the king to assist in her removal, on board some vessels in the early part of the evening, and sailing out into the deep, made them throw some loads of sand, put up in sacks as if it was money, into the sea. 13 Then, with tears and mournful ejaculations, she invoked Acerbas, entreating that "he would favourably receive his wealth which he had left behind him, and accept that as an offering to his shade, which he had found to be the cause of his death. " 14 Next she addressed the attendants, and said that "death had long been desired by her, but as for them, cruel torments and a direful end awaited them, for having disappointed the tyrant's avarice of those treasures, in the hopes of obtaining which he had committed fratricide. " 15 Having thus struck terror into them all, she took them with her as companions of her flight. Some bodies of senators, too, who were ready against that night, came to join her, and having offered a sacrifice to Hercules, whose priest Acerbas had been, proceeded to seek a settlement in exile.

[18. 5] L Their first landing place was the isle of Cyprus, 2 where the priest of Jupiter, with his wife and children, offered himself to Elissa, at the instigation of the gods, as her companion and the sharer of her fortunes, stipulating for the perpetual honour of the priesthood for himself and his descendants. 3 The stipulation was received as a manifest omen of good fortune. 4 It was a custom among the Cyprians to send their daughters, on stated days before their marriage, to the sea-shore, to prostitute themselves, and thus procure money for their marriage portions, and to pay, at the same time, offerings to Venus for the preservation of their chastity in time to come. 5 Of these Elissa ordered about eighty to be seized and taken on board, that her men might have wives, and her city a population. 6 During the course of these transactions, Pygmalion, having heard of his sister's flight, and preparing to pursue her with unfeeling hostility, was scarcely induced by the prayers of his mother and the menaces of the gods to remain quiet; 7 the inspired augurs warning him that "he would not escape with impunity, if he interrupted the founding of a city that was to become the most prosperous in the world. " By this means some respite was given to the fugitives; 8 and Elissa, arriving in a gulf of Africa, attached the inhabitants of the coast, who rejoiced at the arrival of foreigners, and the opportunity of bartering commodities with them, to her interest. 9 Having then bargained for a piece of ground, as much as could be covered with an ox-hide, where she might refresh her companions, wearied with their long voyage, until she could conveniently resume her progress, she directed the hide to be cut into the thinnest possible strips, and thus acquired a greater portion of ground than she had apparently demanded; whence the place had afterwards the name of Byrsa. 10 The people of the neighbourhood subsequently gathering about her, bringing, in hopes of gain, many articles to the strangers for sale, 11 and gradually fixing their abodes there, some resemblance of a city arose from the concourse. 12 Ambassadors from the people of Utica, too, brought them presents as relatives, and exhorted them "to build a city where they had chanced to obtain a settlement. " 13 An inclination to detain the strangers was felt also by the Africans; 14 and, accordingly, with the consent of all, Carthage was founded, an annual tribute being fixed for the ground which it was to occupy. 15 At the commencement of digging the foundations an ox's head was found, which was an omen that the city would be wealthy, indeed, but laborious and always enslaved. It was therefore removed to another place, 16 where the head of a horse was found, which, indicating that the people would be warlike and powerful, portended an auspicious site. 17 In a short time, as the surrounding people came together at the report, the inhabitants became numerous, and the city itself extensive.

[18. 6] L When the power of the Carthaginians, from success in their proceedings, had risen to some height, Hiarbas, king of the Maxitani, desiring an interview with ten of the chief men of Carthage, demanded Elissa in marriage, denouncing war in case of a refusal. 2 The deputies, fearing to report this message to the queen, acted towards her with Carthaginian artifice, saying that "the king asked for some person to teach him and his Africans a more civilized way of life, 3 but who could be found that would leave his relations and go to barbarians, and people that were living like wild beasts? " 4 Being then reproached by the queen, "in case they refused a hard life for the benefit of their country, to which, should circumstances require, their life itself was due," they disclosed the king's message, saying that "she herself, if she wished her city to be secure, must do what she required of others. " 5 Being caught by this subtlety, she at last said (after calling for a long time with many tears and mournful lamentations on the name of her husband Acerbas), that "she would go whither the fate of her city called her. " 6 Taking three months for the accomplishment of her resolution, and having raised a funeral pile at the extremity of the city, she sacrificed many victims, as if she would appease the shade of her husband, and make her offerings to him before her marriage; and then, taking a sword, she ascended the pile, 7 and, looking towards the people, said, that "she would go to her husband as they had desired her," and put an end to her life with the sword. 8 As long as Carthage remained unconquered, she was worshipped as a goddess. 9 This city was founded seventy-two years before Rome; 10 but while the bravery of its inhabitants made it famous in war, it was internally disturbed with various troubles, arising from civil differences. 11 Being afflicted, among other calamities, with a pestilence, they adopted a cruel religious ceremony, an execrable abomination, as a remedy for it; 12 for they immolated human beings as victims, and brought children (whose age excites pity even in enemies) to the altars, entreating favour of the gods by shedding the blood of those for whose life the gods are generally wont to be entreated.

[18. 7] L In consequence of the gods, therefore, being rendered adverse by such atrocities, after they had long fought unsuccessfully in Sicily, and had transferred the war into Sardinia, they were defeated in a great battle with the loss of the greater part of their army; 2 a disaster for which they sentenced their general Malchus, under whose conduct they had both conquered a part of Sicily and achieved great exploits against the Africans, to remain in exile with the portion of his army that survived. 3 The soldiers, indignant at this sentence, sent deputies to Carthage, to beg, in the first place, permission for them to return, and pardon for their ill success in the field; and, in the second place, to announce that "what they could not obtain by entreaty, they would obtain by force of arms. " 4 The prayers and threats of the deputies being alike slighted, the troops, after some days, went on board ship, and came under arms to the city, 5 when they called gods and men to witness that "they were not come to overthrow, but to recover their country; and that they would show their countrymen that it was not valour, but fortune, that had failed them in the preceding war. " 6 By stopping the supplies, and besieging the city, they reduced the Carthaginians to the greatest despair. 7 At this time Cartalo, the son of Malchus the exiled general, returning by his father's camp from Tyre (whither he had been sent by the Carthaginians, to carry the tenth of the plunder of Sicily, which his father had taken, to Hercules), and being desired by his father to wait on him, replied that "he would discharge his religious duties to the public, before those of merely private obligation. " 8 His father, though he was indignant at his conduct, was nevertheless afraid to obstruct him in the performance of his religious offices. 9 Some days after, Cartalo, having obtained leave of absence from the people, and returning to his father, presented himself before all the people, dressed in the purple and fillets of his sacerdotal dignity, 10 when his father took him aside, and said, "Hast thou dared, most unnatural wretch, to appear before so many of thy miserable countrymen, thus arrayed in purple and gold, and to enter, with all the marks of peaceful prosperity about thee, and exulting as it were in triumph, into this sad and mournful camp? Couldst thou display thyself nowhere else to thy fellow creatures? 12 Was no place fitter for it than where the misery of thy father, and the distress of his unhappy banishment, were to be seen? 13 I have to add, too, that when thou wast summoned a short time ago, thou proudly despisedst, I do not say thy father, but certain]y the general of thy countrymen. And what else dost thou exhibit in that purple and those crowns, but the titles of my victories? 14 Since thou, therefore, acknowledgest nothing in thy father but the name of an exile, I also will assume the character, not of a father, but of a general, and will make such an example of thee, that no one may hereafter dare to sport with the miseries and sorrows of a parent. " 15 He accordingly ordered him to be nailed, in all his finery, on a high cross within view of the city. 16 A few days after he took Carthage, and assembling the people, complained of the injustice of his banishment, pleaded necessity as his excuse for making war upon them, and added that "being content with his victory, and the punishment of the authors of their country's misery, he granted a free pardon for his unjust banishment to all the rest. " 17 Having accordingly put ten senators to death, he left the city to the government of its laws. 18 But being accused himself, shortly after, of aspiring to be king, he paid the penalty of his twofold cruelty to his son and his country. 19 He was succeeded, as commander-in-chief, by Mago, by whose exertions the power of Carthage, the extent of its territories, and its military glory, was much increased.

BOOK 19

[19. 1] L Mago, the general of the Carthaginians, after having been the first, by regulating their military discipline, to lay the foundations of the Punic power, and after establishing the strength of the state, not less by his skill in the art of war than by his personal prowess, died, leaving behind him two sons, Hasdrubal and Hamilcar, 2 who, pursuing the honourable course of their father, were heirs to his greatness as well as to his name. 3 Under these generals war was made upon Sardinia; and a contest was also maintained against the Africans, who demanded tribute for many years for the ground on which the city stood. 4 But as the cause of the Africans was the more just, their fortune was likewise superior, 5 and the struggle with them was ended - not by exertions in the field - by the payment of a sum of money. 6 In Sardinia Hasdrubal was severely wounded, and died there, leaving the command to his brother Hamilcar; 7 and not only the mourning throughout his country, but the fact that he had held eleven dictatorships and enjoyed four triumphs, rendered his death an object of general notice. 8 The courage of the enemy, too, was raised by it, as if the power of the Carthaginians had expired with their general. 9 The people of Sicily, therefore, applying, in consequence of the perpetual depredations of the Carthaginians, to Leonidas, the brother of the king of Sparta, for aid, a grievous war broke out, which continued, with various success, for a long period.

10 During the course of these transactions, ambassadors came to Carthage from Darius king of Persia, bringing an edict, by which the Carthaginians were forbidden to offer human sacrifices, and to eat dog's flesh, 11 and were commanded to burn the bodies of the dead rather than bury them in the earth; 12 and requesting, at the same time, assistance against Greece, on which Darius was about to make war. 13 The Carthaginians declined giving him aid, on account of their continual wars with their neighbours, but, that they might not appear uncompliant in everything, willingly submitted to the decree.

[19. 2] L Hamilcar, meanwhile, was killed in battle in Sicily, leaving three sons, Himilco, Hanno, and Gisco. 2 Hasdrubal also had the same number of sons, Hannibal, Hasdrubal, and Sapho. 3 By these the affairs of the Carthaginians were managed at this period. 4 War was made upon the Moors, a contest was maintained with the Numidians, and the Africans were compelled to remit the tribute paid for the building of the city. 5 At length, however, as so numerous a family of commanders was dangerous to the liberty of the state, since they themselves managed and decided everything, a hundred judges were chosen out of the senate, 6 who were to demand of the generals, when they returned from war, an account of their proceedings, in order that, under this control, they might exercise their command in war with a regard to the judicature and laws at home.

7 In Sicily, Himilco succeeded as general in place of Hamilcar, but, after fighting several successful battles, both by land and sea, and taking many towns, he suddenly lost his army by the influence of a seasonal epidemic. 8 When the news of this arrived at Carthage, the country was overwhelmed with grief, and all places rung with lamentations, as if the city had been taken by an enemy; 9 private houses were closed, the temples of the gods were shut, all religious ceremonies were intermitted, and all private business suspended. 10 They all then crowded to the harbour, and inquired of the few that came out of their ships, survivors of the calamity, respecting their relatives. 11 But when, after wavering hope, dread attended with suspense, and uncertain apprehensions of bereavement, the loss of their relatives became known to the unhappy inquirers, the groans of mourners, and the cries and sorrowful lamentations of unhappy mothers, were heard along the whole shore.

[19. 3] L In this state of things, the bereaved general came out of his ship, with his belt removed, and in a mean dress like that of a slave, at the sight of whom the troops of mourners gathered into one body. 2 He, lifting up his hands to heaven, sometimes bewailed his own lot, sometimes the misfortune of the state, 3 and sometimes complained of "the gods, who had deprived him of such honours obtained in the field, and the glory of so many victories, who, after he had taken so many cities, and had defeated the enemy by land and sea, had destroyed his victorious army, not by war, but by a pestilence. 4 Yet he brought," he said, "this important consolation to his countrymen, that though the enemy might rejoice at their ill-success, they could assume no glory from it, 5 as they could neither say that those who had died were slain by them, nor that those who had returned had been put to flight. 6 That the plunder which they had taken in their deserted camp was not what they could exhibit as the spoils of a conquered enemy, but what they had seized, as falling to them for want of owners, through the accidental deaths of its possessors. 7 That, as far as the enemy was concerned, they had come off conquerors; as to the pestilence, they were certainly conquered; 8 but that, for himself, he took nothing more to heart than that he could not die among the brave, and was reserved, not to enjoy life, but to be the sport of calamity. 9 However, as he had brought the wretched remains of his army to Carthage, he would follow his fellow soldiers, 10 and prove to his country that he had not prolonged his life to that day because he was desirous to live, but that he might not desert by his death, and abandon to the army of the enemy, those whom the horrible disease had spared. " 11 When he had walked, with such lamentations, through the city, and had arrived at the entrance to his own house, he dismissed the crowd that followed him, as if it were the last time that he should speak to them, and then, locking his door and admitting no one, not even his sons, to his presence, he put an end to his life.

BOOK 20

[20. 1] L Dionysius, after expelling the Carthaginians from Sicily, and making himself master of the whole island, thinking that peace might be dangerous to his power, and idleness in so great an army fatal to it, transported his forces into Italy; 2 with a wish, at the same time, that the strength of his soldiers might be invigorated by constant employment, and his dominions enlarged. 3 His first contest was with the Greeks, who occupied the nearest parts of the coast on the Italian sea; 4 and, having conquered them, he attacked their neighbours, looking upon all of Grecian origin who were inhabitants of Italy, as his enemies; 5 and these settlers had then spread, not merely through a part of Italy, but through almost the whole of it. 6 Many Italian cities, indeed, after so long a lapse of time, still exhibit some traces of Greek manners; 7 for the Etrurians, who occupy the shore of the Tuscan sea, came from Lydia; 8 and Troy, after it was taken and overthrown, sent thither the Veneti (whom we see on the coast of the Adriatic), under the leadership of Antenor. 9 Adria, too, which is near the Illyrian sea, and which gave name also to the Adriatic, is a Greek city; 10 and Diomedes, being driven by shipwreck, after the destruction of Troy, into those parts, built Arpi. 11 Pisae, likewise, in Liguria, had Grecian founders; and Tarquinii, in Etruria, as well as Spina in Umbria, has its origin from the Thessalians; Perusia was founded by the Achaeans. 12 Need I mention Caere? Or the people of Latium, who were settled by Aeneas? 13 Are not the Falisci, are not Nola and Abella, colonies of the Chalcidians? 14 What is all the country of Campania? What are the Bruttii and Sabines? What are the Samnites? 15 What are the Tarentines, whom we understand to have come from Lacedaemon, and to have been called Spurii? 16 The city of Thurii they say that Philoctetes built; and his monument is seen there to this day, as well as the arrows of Hercules, on which the fate of Troy depended, laid up in the temple of Apollo.

[20. 2] L The people of Metapontum, too, show in their temple of Minerva, the iron tools with which Epeus, by whom their city was founded, built the Trojan horse. 2 Hence all that part of Italy was called Greater Greece. 3 But soon after they were settled, the Metapontines, joining with the Sybarites and Crotonians, formed a design to drive the rest of the Greeks from Italy. 4 Capturing, in the first place, the city Siris, they slew, as they were storming it, fifty young men that were embracing the statue of Minerva, and the priest of the goddess dressed in his robes, between the very altars; 5 suffering, on this account, from pestilence and civil discord, the Crotonians, first of all, consulted the oracle at Delphi, 6 and answer was made to them, that "there would be an end of their troubles, if they appeased the offended deity of Minerva, and the manes of the slain. " 7 After they had begun, accordingly, to make statues of proper size for the young men, and especially for Minerva, the Metapontines, learning what the oracle was, and thinking it expedient to anticipate them in pacifying the manes of the goddess, erected to the young men smaller images of stone, and propitiated the goddess with offerings of bread. 8 The plague was thus ended in both places, one people showing their zeal by their magnificence, and the other by their expedition. 9 After they had recovered their health, the Crotonians were not long disposed to be quiet; 10 and being indignant that, at the siege of Siris, assistance had been sent against them by the Locrians, they made war on that people. 11 The Locrians, seized with alarm, had recourse to the Spartans, begging their assistance with humble entreaties. 12 But the Spartans, disliking so distant an expedition, told them "to ask assistance from Castor and Pollux. " 13 This answer, from a city in alliance with them, the deputies did not despise, but going into the nearest temple, and offering sacrifice, they implored aid from those gods. 14 The signs from the victims appearing favourable, and their request, as they supposed, being granted, they were no less rejoiced than if they were to carry the gods with them; and, spreading couches for them in the vessel, and setting out with happy omens, they brought their countrymen comfort though not assistance.

[20. 3] L This affair becoming known, the Crotonians themselves also sent deputies to the oracle at Delphi, asking the way to victory and a prosperous termination of the war. 2 The answer given was, that "the enemies must be conquered by vows, before they could be conquered by arms. " 3 They accordingly vowed the tenth of the spoil to Apollo, but the Locrians, getting information of this vow, and the god's answer, vowed a ninth part, keeping the matter however secret, that they might not be outdone in vows. 4 When they came into the field, therefore, and a hundred and twenty thousand Crotonians stood in arms against them, the Locrians, contemplating the smallness of their own force (for they had only fifteen thousand men), and abandoning all hope of victory, devoted themselves to certain death; 5 and such courage, arising out of despair, was felt by each, that they thought they would be as conquerors, if they did not fall without avenging themselves. 6 But while they sought only to die with honour, they had the good fortune to gain the victory; nor was there any other cause of their success but their desperation. 7 While the Locrians were fighting, an eagle constantly attended on their army, and continued flying about them till they were conquerors. 8 On the wings, also, were seen two young men fighting in armour different from that of the rest, of an extraordinary stature, on white horses and in scarlet cloaks; nor were they visible longer than the battle lasted. 9 The incredible swiftness of the report of the battle made this wonderful appearance more remarkable; for on the same day on which it was fought in Italy, the victory was published at Corinth, Athens, and Lacedaemon.

[20. 4] L After this event the Crotonians ceased to exercise their valour, or to care for distinction in the field. 2 They hated the arms which they had unsuccessfully taken up, and would have abandoned their former way of life for one of luxury, had not Pythagoras arisen among them. 3 This philosopher was born at Samos, the son of Demaratus, a rich merchant, and after being greatly advanced in wisdom, went first to Egypt, and afterwards to Babylon, to learn the motions of the stars and study the origin of the universe, and acquired very great knowledge. 4 Returning from thence, he went to Crete and Lacedaemon, to instruct himself in the laws of Minos and Lycurgus, which at that time were in high repute. 5 Furnished with all these attainments, he came to Croton, and, by his influence, recalled the people, when they were giving themselves up to luxury, to the observance of frugality. 6 He used daily to recommend virtue, and to enumerate the ill effects of luxury, and the misfortunes of states that had been ruined by its pestilential influence; 7 and he thus produced in the people such a love of temperance, that it was at length thought incredible that any of them should be extravagant. 8 He frequently gave instruction to the women apart from the men, and to the children apart from their parents. 9 He impressed on the female sex the observance of chastity, and submission to their husbands; on the rising generation, modesty and devotion to learning. 10 Through his whole course of instruction he exhorted all to love temperance, as the mother of every virtue; 11 and he produced such an effect upon them by the constancy of his lectures, that the women laid aside their vestments embroidered with gold, and other ornaments and distinctions, as instruments of luxury, and, bringing them into the temple of Juno, consecrated them to the goddess, 12 declaring that modesty, and not fine apparel, was the true adornment of their sex. 13 How much he gained upon the young men, his victory over the stubborn minds of the women may serve to indicate. 14 Three hundred of the young men, however, being united by an oath of fraternity, and living apart from the other citizens, drew the attention of the city upon them, as if they met for some secret conspiracy; 15 and the people, when they were all collected in one building, proceeded to burn them in it. 16 In the tumult about sixty lost their lives; the rest went into exile.