No More Learning

Money was wanted for the war; it was
wanted for the absurd and ruinous charities of the Emperor, who, more
and more broken down by illness, thought of nothing but distributing
solidi aurei as a means of regaining health; it was wanted, above all, for
the Emperor's relations. Their rapacity was indeed the prime cause of
the intense unpopularity which before long was to sweep away the whole
tribe of these detested eunuchs. But John imagined himself safe from
attack, and in order to establish his authority more firmly he made a
momentary attempt, like Photius and Cerularius, to bring about the
abdication of Alexius, and have himself nominated Patriarch in his place,
thus getting the entire control of affairs, religious as well as political,
into his own hands. The manoeuvre was only defeated by the energy
of
Alexius, and fear of the complications which might ensue.
CH. IV.


## p. 104 (#146) ############################################

104
Death of Michael IV
While his brother and minister John Orphanotrophos was thus
governing the Empire, Michael, more and more affected by his epileptic
fits, and suffering besides from dropsy, paid scant attention to any-
thing beyond his charitable and devotional employments. He usually
spent his time at Salonica, at the tomb of St Demetrius, and from what
Psellus tells us only military matters could rouse his interest during his
lucid intervals. His state gave some anxiety to the chief minister. Every
contingency must be prepared for, if Constantinople, as he hoped, was to
be endowed with a new dynasty. Therefore, in the course of the year
1040, he decided on striking a decisive blow. As neither he nor his
brothers, who were all eunuchs, could perpetuate their name, he contrived
to persuade Michael IV to nominate as Caesar a very young nephew, son
of their sister Mary. Further, what seems almost incredible, in spite of
the rigorous treatment which both brothers had meted out to Zoë, John
and Michael, to ensure the success of their designs, prevailed on the Em-
press to become a party to them, and suggested to her the idea, to which
she cheerfully acceded, of adopting the young man. This was duly carried
out. Magnificent fêtes were given at Constantinople, in the course of
which Michael V, surnamed the Calaphates, was proclaimed Caesar and
adopted son of the imperial couple.
It was in these circumstances that at the end of the
year
1040
came of a rising in Bulgaria. By a supreme effort of will the Emperor
put himself at the head of his troops and, without hesitation, marched
into Bulgaria. A fierce struggle followed. For a moment the worst
disasters seemed to threaten the Empire. Finally, however, Michael
triumphed, and suppressed the revolt. But this burst of energy destroyed
him. He was still able to be present at the triumph decreed him by his
capital. His government even succeeded at this time in foiling a con-
spiracy, formed no doubt in consequence of the adoption of Michael V,
one of the moving spirits in which was that very Michael Cerularius
who was soon to become Patriarch. Then the end came. On 10 December
1041 he quitted the imperial palace without even taking leave of Zoë,
and betook himself to the monastery of the Holy Argyri, which was
his own foundation. There, laying aside his royal robes, he had himself
clothed in a serge frock, and thus as a monk he died on the same day,
having reigned seven years and eight months over the Empire.
news
Michael V (1041-1042).
The project which John Orphanotrophos had formed in inducing Zoë
to adopt his nephew Michael was not destined to succeed. Indeed it was
to lead to the ruin of the whole egregious family. The young man, as it
proved, had none of the strong points of his uncles, though he shared
in all their defects. Son of a sister of the Paphlagonians, and of Stephen,
a plain artisan employed in careening ships in the port of Constantinople,


## p. 105 (#147) ############################################

Michael V: fall of the Orphanotrophos
105
Michael, when fortune began to smile on his relations, had been ap-
pointed commander of the imperial guard, while his father, suddenly
placed at the head of the fleet, set out to distinguish himself in Sicily by
memorable and grievous defeats. It was from his functions in the palace
that John took his nephew to have him proclaimed Caesar and adopted
as heir to the throne. Unfortunately for both parties, Michael was an
exceedingly worthless young man, vicious, cruel, hypocritical, and un-
grateful, though not wanting in cleverness or shrewdness. An unfor-
tunate tension soon made itself felt in the relations between uncles and
nephew. Michael detested John, and despised his uncle the Emperor.
John began to distrust the Caesar, and Michael IV to be estranged.
The result of this was the rapid fall of the adopted son from favour, and
his banishment beyond the walls of the city. There he remained until
the death of Michael IV, and there he would no doubt have been left,
had he not been necessary to the vast schemes of the Paphlagonians. In
order to secure the continuance of the family the plan set on foot must
be carried out, and it was thus that Zoë, alone and abandoned without
defence to the faction of her brothers-in-law, was forced to allow Michael
to be consecrated, crowned, and proclaimed Emperor of Constantinople.
At first everything seemed to go smoothly. Michael appeared as
the humble servant of the Empress and the docile pupil of his uncle.
Honours were distributed to the nobles, and alms to the people. But
this was merely an attitude temporarily taken up. In reality, there were
serious dissensions between the brothers and the nephew. For a long
time Michael had been acting with his uncle Constantine against John,
whom they both detested. Thus the first care of the young Emperor
was to raise Constantine to the rank of nobilissimus, and his second to
find an opportunity to get rid of the Orphanotrophos. He took ad-
vantage of a debate, at the end of which the old eunuch had retired
in great dudgeon to his estates, to have him suddenly carried off and
deported to the monastery of Monobatae at a great distance. This was
Michael's first victim; his second was to cost him his throne and his
life.
Thus left master of the situation by the banishment of the Orphano-
trophos, who naturally seems to have disappeared unregretted by any-
one at Constantinople, Michael's one idea was to make use of the
power that he had acquired. Psellus tells us that, as a base upstart,
he bore a deadly hatred to the aristocracy and to all in whom he could
trace any marks of distinction. No one, as the historian says, could
live in peace or feel safe in the possession of his wealth and honours.
It was only the lowest of the populace who were in favour and who
seemed well-affected to the Emperor. Nevertheless, as Professor Bury
has aptly pointed out, it was he who restored to liberty and to his offices
and honours the great general, George Maniaces, who had been im-
prisoned during the late reign, as also Constantine Dalassenus, one of
CH. IV.


## p. 106 (#148) ############################################

106
Exile of Zoë: popular rising
ני
the greatest nobles of the time. He it was, too, who founded the fortunes
of Constantine Lichudes, the future Patriarch and a statesman of
distinction. But besides this, another Byzantine historian, Michael
Attaliates, has left these words upon Michael V, which as it were fill in
the sketch of Psellus. “He conferred honours and dignities upon a great
number of good citizens, and also gave proof of great zeal for the main-
tenance of order and the rigorous administration of justice.
In truth, the most serious blunder of Michael was his attack upon
Zoë. From the first he consigned her to the gynaeceum, denying her
even necessaries and subjecting her to close supervision. Then, imagining
his position securely established at Constantinople and being urged on
by his uncle Constantine, suddenly, on 18 April 1042, he had the old
Empress torn from the palace, and having ordered a summary trial at
which she was found guilty of poisoning, without further formalities he
banished the lineal descendant of the Macedonian House to the convent
of Prinkipo, first having her hair cut off. The Patriarch Alexius, at the
same time, received orders to withdraw to a monastery.
In order to legalise his summary action, Michael V on 19 April
caused to be read to the Senate and the assembled people a message
in which he explained his conduct and accused the Empress and the
Patriarch of having plotted against his life. He felt himself sure of the
good effect of his message and of the general approbation. But in this
he was grossly deceived.
As soon as the populace learned the exile of its sovereign, there
burst forth almost instantly a perfect explosion of fury against the
Emperor. The Prefect of the City narrowly escaped being lynched.
Meanwhile, as the historian Ibn al-Athir relates, the Patriarch, thanks
to money gifts judiciously administered to the soldiers sent to murder
him, contrived to escape and to return in hot haste to Constanti-
nople, where he caused all the bells in the city to be rung. This was
probably about mid-day on Monday 19 April, for at that moment the
revolution broke out with terrific violence round the palace. The army
itself soon joined with the mob to liberate Zoë and kill the Calaphates.
The prisons were broken open, and the whole flood of people rushed
to set the imperial palace on fire and to pillage and destroy the houses
of the Paphlagonian family. Michael and Constantine quickly realised
the seriousness of the revolt, and felt that they had only one chance
of escape, namely, to recall Zoë and endeavour to defend themselves
meanwhile. But even this last shift failed. Zoë indeed arrived at
the palace and shewed herself to the people; but it was too late. The
revolution, under the leadership of the aristocracy and the clergy, was
thoroughly organised, was bent on having the Emperor's life, and
dreaded the feeble Empress' perpetual changes of purpose.
Quoted by Schlumberger, Epopée byzantine, III. p. 383.


## p. 107 (#149) ############################################

Fall of Michael V
107
It was at this moment that the mob, under the skilful guidance
of some of its leaders, suddenly bethought itself that there still existed
in the person of Theodora, forgotten in her convent at Petrion, a
genuine princess, born in the purple, daughter of Constantine VIII and
sister of Zoë. It was instantly resolved to go in search of her, and to
have her crowned and associated in the government. During the evening
of 19 April the Patriarch, who was probably the moving spirit in the
whole affair, officiated at St Sophia, and there he received and at once
proceeded to anoint this elderly woman, who probably hardly under-
stood the transaction in which she appeared as a chief figure. Mean-
while the Emperor was declared to be deposed, and all his partisans
were removed from their offices.
The Emperor felt at once that all was lost, and had only one wish
left, to Ay; but, urged on by his uncle the nobilissimus, he was obliged
to agree to defend himself in his palace, which was still surrounded and
besieged by the crowd. About three thousand men perished in the
assault, which finally, after a siege of two days and two nights, was
successful. The insurgents then made their way into the Sacred Palace, in
the night between Tuesday and Wednesday, smashing and plundering
right and left, but the man whom they sought was no longer there. He
had fled with his uncle and taken refuge in the Studion, where he pre-
cipitately had himself tonsured and clothed with the monastic habit.
This radical solution of the question did not avail to save Michael V
or Constantine. As soon as the mob learned the place of their retreat,
it rushed thither, bent on dragging them from the altar of the church
in which they had taken sanctuary and on putting them to death.
Throughout Wednesday the revolutionaries thundered outside the monas-
tery whither they had now hurried, but none dared violate the sacred
precincts. It was now that Theodora, from this time onward acting as
sovereign, ordered that both uncle and nephew should be removed and
their eyes put out. Surrounded by a mob mad with excitement, the two
Paphlagonians were brought to the Sigma, frightfully mutilated, and
finally condemned to banishment. Michael withdrew to the monastery
of Elcimon, the nobilissimus we know not where. The revolution was
accomplished on 21 April 1042.
Theodora and Zoë (April-June 1042).
On the morrow of Michael's disappearance, the two sisters con-
fronted one another, each with her own partisans. Zoë was the elder, and
might be supposed by many to be more capable of carrying on the
imperial administration than Theodora, who had only just taken leave of
her convent. She thus had claims to the chief share of power. Theodora,
for her part, had the advantage in that she was the younger, and that
not having, like her sister, been twice married already, she might without
CHIY.


## p. 108 (#150) ############################################

108
Zoë and Theodora
raising a scandal provide the Empire with a master capable of defending
it effectively. In any case, she must be immediately admitted to a share
in the government.
This was the solution finally decided on. The two sisters were recon-
ciled—or made a show of it—and it was agreed that Zoë should take
precedence of Theodora, but that the two should govern the Empire
jointly. The government, in the hands of these two aged women, who
were popular with their subjects, lasted for a few weeks and seems to have
been fortunate. Except in the case of Michael V's family and his declared
partisans, who were deprived of their offices, no change was made in the
administration or in the personnel of the higher imperial officials. The
two sisters presided at the councils, which were managed by the leading
ministers, and distributed pardons, favours, and money to great and small.
Several wise edicts were issued against the traffic in judicial posts; vacant
offices were filled up with a view to the best interests of the State.
Maniaces, the famous general, was sent back to Italy to take up the
supreme command of the Byzantine troops in the West.
In spite of these things, however, this strange government could not
last. The sovereigns were too unlike each other in character, too disunited
at heart, too old and too weak, to accomplish anything durable or fruitful.
Furthermore, faction was busy all around them. It was absolutely
necessary to have a man at the head of affairs, who would attend to the
finances with an object other than of depleting them, as Zoë unceasingly
did, and to the army, so as to keep at a distance foes ever on the watch
to take advantage of Byzantine weakness.
It was owing to this need that marriage schemes at once began to be
canvassed. As Theodora positively refused to take any husband whatso-
ever, the court fell back upon Zoë who, despite her sixty-two years,
resolutely demanded a third partner. After several projects had ended
in nothing, the choice of Zoë and the court fell upon Constantine Mono-
machus, who espoused his sovereign on 11 June 1042. On the morrow
he was crowned Emperor of Constantinople.
Zoë, Theodora, and Constantine IX Monomachus (1042-1055).
Up to the moment of his accession the new Emperor had led a
somewhat stormy life. The son of a certain Theodosius, Constantine
was the last representative of one of the most illustrious Byzantine
families. Having lost his first wife, he had married as his second the
daughter of Pulcheria, the stately sister of Romanus Argyrus, and in
this way had acquired an important social position. A great favourite at
court, it is said that even as such he had made early advances to Zoë,
not without success. Unfortunately the rise of the Paphlagonians had
blighted his hopes of a great future, and John Orphanotrophos had
banished him to Mitylene. It was there that news was brought him


## p. 109 (#151) ############################################

Constantine IX associated in the Empire
109
that Zoë had made choice of him for her husband, and he returned in
triumph to Constantinople for the celebration of the marriage which was
to seat him upon the throne.
Constantine was thus by no means an upstart; he was, moreover, a
man of keen intelligence, cultivated, fond of luxury and elegance, but
unfortunately not a little given to debauchery. It has been said that after
a government of women came a government of loose livers and men of
pleasure, but it was, nevertheless, a government fairly fortunate for Con-
stantinople. At all events, it was more representative than the Paphla-
gonian régime, and was even, in its happier hours, as skilful as it was
enterprising.
Constantine had been accustomed to lead a dissolute life, and his
first thought was to enjoy his new position of power to the full.
Among his mistresses were two who have left a name behind them,
Sclerena, and an Alan princess whom we shall meet again later. Sclerena
was a niece of Pulcheria and a grand-daughter of Bardas Sclerus. Being
left a widow, she lost no time in attaching herself to Constantine,
and so strong had been the feeling between them that Sclerena had
followed her lover to his exile at Lesbos. Then when he reached
supreme
power Constantine could not rest until he had recalled her to his side.
Soon, under the benevolent patronage of Zoë, Sclerena appeared as
maîtresse en titre, had her own apartments at the palace, and received the
title of Sebaste or Augusta. Stranger still, she contrived to live on
excellent terms with Theodora, who also dwelt at the palace, and divided
her time between her devotions and attention to her fortune, accumulating
money to her heart's content. The system amounted to something like a
government by four, and it narrowly escaped causing the Empire a fresh
dynastic crisis. For though the four heads of the government regarded
each other's amusements with much complaisance and joined in princely
depredations on the exchequer, the public quite rightly considered that
the scandal had gone far enough, and was not quite easy as to the safety
of the two aged sovereigns. This opinion was conveyed to Constantine
by the popular support given to a revolt of 9 March 1044, during which
it would have gone hard with him but for the intervention of Zoë and
Theodora. Strong measures were taken, the foreigners, “ Jews, Musulmans,
and Armenians,” being driven from Constantinople, but, in spite of this
rigorous repression, the revolt would doubtless have burst forth anew and
for the same reasons, had not Sclerena very opportunely died, no doubt
soon after the rising of 1044.
If at the palace nothing was thought of but amusement, it must
be allowed that, in contrast with what had been the case at other
periods, Constantine and his female colleagues had been careful to
surround themselves with distinguished men, capable of managing public
affairs efficiently. From the beginning of his reign the new Emperor had
had recourse to the wisdom of the famous Michael Cerularius, and when
CH. IV.


## p. 110 (#152) ############################################

110
Revolt of Maniaces
in 1043 Cerularius became Patriarch, his former office was given to a man
of great talent, Constantine Lichudes. Besides these valuable ministers,
men of solid culture and integrity, there were employed a whole crowd
of clerks, notaries, and minor officials, such as Psellus, Xiphilin, and
others, who certainly were not chosen at haphazard.
As always happened on the accession of a new Emperor, the court,
in order to gain the support of all classes, made lavish distributions of
honours to the great and of money to the populace, turned out certain
office-holders, and made certain political changes. Constantine. IX, we
know not why, sent John Orphanotrophos to Mitylene where he put
him later to a violent death ; Michael V he sent to Chios, and Constan-
tine the nobilissimus to Samos. On the other hand, he raised Romanus
Sclerus, Sclerena's brother, to the highest dignities. This was the be-
ginning of a very serious revolt, which was not without influence upon
Sclerena's unpopularity.
Romanus Sclerus had within the Empire a formidable and powerful
foe in the person of that Maniaces whom the ephemeral authority of
Michael V had sent back to Italy. In his new position of favourite,
Romanus desired above all things to make use of his influence to avenge
himself. He prevailed upon Constantine to recall his enemy, and in the
meantime ravaged Maniaces' estates and offered violence to his wife.
Maniaces was not of a temper to submit to such usage. Supported by his
troops he raised the standard of revolt against the Emperor, and caused
his own successor, sent out by the Emperor, to be assassinated. He then
began his campaign by marching upon Constantinople, there to have
· himself proclaimed Emperor. But he met with a check at Otranto, and
in February 1043 he embarked, landing soon afterwards at Dyrrhachiun,
whence he advanced upon Salonica in the hope of drawing after him
Bogislav's Serbs, who had recently defeated some Byzantine troops in
1042 near Lake Scutari. But, unfortunately for him, his successes soon
came to an end. At Ostrovo he encountered the army sent against him
by Constantine. He was defeated and killed. The Empire was saved.
At about the same time the chroniclers Scylitzes and Zonaras speak
of another revolt, hatched this time in Cyprus by Theophilus Eroticus,
which, however, does not appear to have involved the government in
serious danger. Such did not prove to be the case with a rising which
broke out in September 1047, and for three months threatened to
deprive Constantine of the throne. Its leader was Leo Tornicius. Con-
stantine IX in his heart cared little for the defence of the Empire, and
consequently neglected the army; the depredations on the treasury
went on apace; there were pressing dangers on the eastern and western
frontiers; and, because of all this, malcontents were numerous. The
rising broke out at Hadrianople, among military commanders who had
been displaced or passed over, and Tornicius put himself at its head.
This man was of Armenian origin and traced his descent from the


## p. 111 (#153) ############################################

Revolt of Tornicius
111
Bagratid kings. Besides all the wrongs which he shared with the other
generals, he had special grievances of his own: in the first place, Con-
stantine's policy in Armenia; then, probably, a love-affair which the
Emperor had broken off. Tornicius, who was a cousin of the Emperor,
was on very intimate terms with a sister of his, named Euprepia. Now
between Constantine and Euprepia relations were somewhat strained,
and it was to punish his sister as well as his cousin, for whom, be it
said, he had no liking, that he sent him to the provinces in honour-
able exile as strategus, and later compelled him to become a monk.
It was this which led Tornicius to resolve upon rebellion, and to take
the leadership of a movement which had long existed in the
army.
On
15 June the whole body of conspirators met at Hadrianople, and soon
afterwards Leo was proclaimed Emperor. Thereupon the insurgents
set out for Constantinople with the army corps from Macedonia. In
these circumstances, Constantine shewed remarkable energy. In spite of
the illness by which he was just then tormented, he set to work to arm
the troops in Constantinople, who barely numbered a thousand, and gave
orders to summon the imperial army by forced marches from the depths
of Armenia. If Tornicius, who had reached the walls of Constantinople,
had made the smallest exertion, he would have had the Empire in his
grasp, but hoping to be acclaimed by the people and unwilling to shed
blood, he remained inactive beneath the ramparts of the town. Mean-
while, Constantine on the other hand was acting. He scattered money
among the enemy's troops, won over officers and men, and could then
await the army from the East and the Bulgarian contingents which he
had demanded. Matters were at this point when, in the beginning of
October, Tornicius left Constantinople to take up a position on the road
from Hadrianople to Arcadiopolis, and to engage in a fruitless siege of
the little town of Rhaedestus. After this he relapsed into inactivity. It
was then, in the month of December, that the army from Armenia reached
Constantinople. Constantine, feeling himself sure of ultimate victory
over a foe so strangely passive, was reluctant to shed blood. The hostile
army was gradually overcome by bribes, hunger, and promises, and
Tornicius soon found himself, with his lieutenant Vatatzes, practically
deserted. Both were made prisoners, their eyes were put out on
24 December 1047, and a little later they suffered death.
While within the borders of his empire Constantine's government
was disturbed by the revolts of Maniaces and Tornicius, outside it
the enemies of Byzantium were also on the alert. In 1043 it became
necessary to take arms against the Russians, who were defeated. As
a result of this campaign and in order to seal the peace which followed,
a Greek princess was married to Yaroslav's son, Vsevolod. Next year,
in 1044, there broke out the war with Armenia which ended in the
complete and lamentable overthrow of that ancient kingdom, and the
appearance on the frontiers of the Empire of the Seljūq Turks. Ani
CH. IN.


## p. 112 (#154) ############################################

112
Annexation of Armenia: Michael Cerularius
was betrayed to the Greeks, and the last King of Armenia, Gagik II, went
forth to live in gilded exile at Bizou. The Katholikos Petros, who had
engineered the surrender of Ani, was also deported, first to Constanti-
nople and later to Sebastea, where he died some years afterwards. To the
misfortune of both, Armenia was made into a Byzantine province, so
that the Empire, without a buffer-state, from this time onwards had to
encounter single-handed the race who, in the end, were one day to
conquer it. To complete the picture, it will be shewn elsewhere that Asia
Minor was not the only ground on which the Byzantine troops were to
measure their strength during the reign of Monomachus. With varying
success, their generals were obliged to confront Arabs, Patzinaks, Lom-
bards, and Normans.
Every frontier was threatened, South Italy was lost,
and as a final calamity Michael Cerularius was about to make a complete
and definitive breach with the Roman Church, which alone might per-
haps have been able to save the ancient Greek Empire.
On the death of the Patriarch Alexius on 22 February 1043,
Constantine's government raised to the Patriarchal throne, with circum-
stances of considerable irregularity, the first minister of the Empire,
the man who was to be famous as Michael Cerularius. His consecration
took place on 25 March. Cerularius' ordination was merely an incident
in his career. In 1040, as a result of the conspiracy which he had
organised against the Emperor Michael with a view to taking his place,
he had been condemned to deportation and had been forced to assume
the monastic habit. Still, if Michael found himself on the patriarchal
throne merely through a chapter of accidents, he brought to it, not
indeed any striking virtues, but a fine intellect, wide culture, and iron
will. And, moreover, in all that he did he had a definite aim. Now that
he had reached the highest ecclesiastical position in the Empire and was
second only to the Basileus, he attempted to set up on the shores of the
Bosphorus a Pontificate analogous to that of the Pope at Rome, so that
he would have been in fact Emperor and Patriarch at the same time.
This was, indeed, the real cause of the Schism and of his conduct towards
Constantine IX. It was at the very close of the reign of Constantine
Monomachus, when the Emperor was well known to be ill and near his
end, that Cerularius threw down the brand of discord.
Throughout the pontificate of Alexius relations with Rome had been
excellent, and there were no signs whatever of a conflict when in 1053 it
suddenly burst forth. Cerularius had chosen his opportunity with skill.
The Emperor had grown old and seemed to have no energy left; the Pope,
Leo IX, was unfortunately placed in Italy under the yoke of the
Normans. That Leo, in spite of his misfortunes, should have attempted
to extend his authority over the Greek sees in southern Italy is possible,
and indeed probable enough, for the authority of Constantinople had
sunk extremely low in the West. Nevertheless, the provocation came from
Cerularius. Through the medium of Leo, Archbishop of Ochrida, Ceru-


## p. 113 (#155) ############################################

Schism of the Eastern and Western Churches
113
larius wrote to John of Trani a letter, which was really intended for the
Pope and the West generally. In this letter he attacked the customs of
the Latin Church, particularly the use of unleavened bread and the ob-
servance of Saturday as a fast. At the same time a violent composition
by the monk Nicetas Stethatus was circulated in the Byzantine Church,
in which these two charges were taken up afresh, and an attack was
also made on the celibacy of the clergy. These usages were declared to
be heretical. Questions of dogma were not touched upon. Finally
Cerularius of his own authority closed all those churches in Constanti-
nople which observed the Latin ritual.
Leo IX replied at once; without discussing the trivial charges of the
Patriarch, he removed the controversy to its true ground, namely, the
Roman claim to primacy of jurisdiction, and demanded, before entering
on any discussion, the submission of the Patriarch. The latter at first
yielded, and wrote to the Pope a letter respectful in tone and favourable
to union. It is certain, however, that he was compelled to take this step
by the Emperor, who was himself urged on by the Greeks living in Italy,
among others by the Catapan Argyrus. Leo IX wrote in January 1054
to Constantine, entrusting his letter to three legates who arrived in
April, bearing also a letter to Cerularius very sharp and harsh in tone
and deeply irritating to the Patriarch, as was also the attitude assumed
towards him by the three legates? . On the other hand, Constantine was
won over to the Roman cause by the very affectionate epistle addressed
to him by Leo IX, and immediately proceeded to carry out the Pope's
wishes. Unfortunately at this juncture Leo IX died, on 19 April, and
his successor was not chosen until April 1055. The legates no longer
had sufficient authority to enable them to act, and Cerularius, taking
advantage of his position, began to write and intrigue, with a view to
winning over Eastern Christendom to his cause, beginning with Peter,
Patriarch of Antioch. The legates, for their part, in spite of their
diminished authority, solemnly excommunicated Cerularius and his sup-
porters. The step turned out a mistake on the Latin side. The Patriarch
was only waiting for this opportunity to shew himself in his true colours.
He demanded, indeed, an interview with the legates, who had already
quitted Constantinople on 17 July 1054, but were recalled by the
Emperor's orders. Suddenly, however, suspicions of Cerularius arose.
The Emperor, fearing an ambush, again sent off the legates, for it was
rumoured that the Patriarch intended to stir up the people to assas-
sinate them. It was upon the Emperor that the brunt of Cerularius'
anger fell. At his instigation a rising was let loose in Constantinople, and
Constantine was forced to abase himself before the victorious Patriarch.
With the Emperor's sanction, he at once held a synod in St Sophia on
20 July, the Roman bull was condemned, an anathema was pronounced,
1 See infra, Chapter 1x. pp. 268-69.
C. JIED, H. VOL. IV. CH. IV.
8


## p. 114 (#156) ############################################

114
Literary renaissance
and a few days later the bull was burned. The separation was an
accomplished fact. Its unhappy consequences were to make themselves
soon and lastingly felt.
From the point of view of civilisation, the reign of Constantine
Monomachus must be considered one of the most fortunate, for a true
literary renaissance flourished at Constantinople under the auspices of
the Emperor. Though not himself learned, Constantine was a man
of taste, and liked to surround himself with cultivated people. His
court was the resort of the most intellectual men of the day, and it was
owing to their entreaties that he decided to re-open the University of
Constantinople. The most distinguished scholars at that time were John
Xiphilin, Constantine Lichudes, Cerularius, John Mauropus, Psellus, and
Nicetas Byzantius. They were all bound together by friendship, all loved
and pursued letters and jurisprudence, and some, like Xiphilin, Lichudes,
and Cerularius, were destined to reach the highest positions in Church
and State. The first foundation of Constantine goes back to 1045. With
the help of his friends, he began the restoration of the science of juris-
prudence, founding a School of Law by his Novel περί του Νομοφύλακος.
Then he decided that in the new University all branches of learning
should be taught. Psellus was entrusted with the teaching of philosophy,
Nicetas Byzantius and Mauropus with that of grammar, rhetoric, and
orthography. Thus was formed the School of St Peter, so called from
the place where the new“masters” lectured. Law was lodged at St George
of Mangana, the faculty took the name of the School of the Laws, and
Xiphilin became its head. A library was added to the school. It was
there that the historian Michael Attaliates taught. In these schools of
higher learning law was taught in the first place, but the other branches
of humane learning were not neglected. Plato, Homer, the ancient his-
torians, and theology found their commentators. Psellus was undoubtedly
the most conspicuous of the professors, the most applauded and discussed.
Unfortunately these savants were not endowed only with learning and
virtues. They had also defects, of which vanity and arrogance were not
perhaps the worst. Before long, quarrels broke out between them and the
courtiers, then disputes arose among the learned themselves, then difficulties
grew up even with the Emperor to such an extent that by about 1050 the
enterprise was ruined. Constantine IX was forced to close his University,
and to disgrace Lichudes and Mauropus. Xiphilin became a monk, and
Psellus joined him at Olympus, only, however, to return before long on
the death of Monomachus.
From the artistic standpoint, the reign of Constantine Monomachus
is memorable for that stately building, St George of Mangana, which
made heavy demands upon the treasury. The Emperor also beautified
St Sophia, and enriched it with precious objects intended to serve for
divine worship. We also know that he built several hospitals and refuges
for the poor.


## p. 115 (#157) ############################################

Deaths of Zoë and Constantine IX
115
יר
Life in the women's apartments of the palace remained throughout
the reign what it had been at the beginning, that is to say very far
from edifying. Zoë, as she grew old, devoted herself to distilling per-
fumes, and flinging away public money on innumerable absurd caprices.
Theodora, a good deal neglected, spent her time in devotion, and in
counting her fortune which she hoarded up with care.
with care. Constantine fell
under the dominion of a dwarf, at whose hands he narrowly escaped
assassination, and was then subjugated by a young Alan princess, whom
he loaded with presents and looked forward to marrying at some future
time. Meanwhile Zoë died in 1050, and Constantine it appears greatly
lamented the aged Empress. By rights Theodora should now have
regained power. But she never thought of doing so, and the only
concession which Constantine made to her feelings was to refrain from
marrying the Alan princess. “The aged sovereign,” says Psellus, “would
never have endured to be at once Empress and first subject of an
upstart. ” He contented himself, as in Sclerena's case, with bestowing on
his mistress the title of Augusta, indulging in countless acts of insensate
prodigality for her and her family, and putting himself thus in the
most ridiculous position to the delight of his enemies and the grief of
Psellus.
In the early days of 1055 the Emperor, whose health was failing
more and more and who had besides broken with his sister-in-law and
caused her to quit the palace, retired to his favourite monastery, St
George of Mangana. Feeling himself dying, he summoned a council to
his side to choose his successor, regardless of Theodora. The choice fell
on an obscure man named Nicephorus, at that time in Bulgaria. But
there still existed in the capital a party which had remained loyal to the
princess born in the purple. It was this party which, without waiting
for the arrival of Nicephorus or the death of the Emperor, proclaimed
Theodora afresh as the sole Empress of Constantinople, and sent orders
to have the pretender arrested at Salonica. He was then deported to the
interior of Asia Minor. Constantine IX died on 11 January 1055, and
was solemnly buried besides Sclerena in the monastery of Mangana.
Once again Theodora, now aged seventy-five, was momentarily to resume
the government of the Empire.
Theodora (1055–1056).
With this aged virgin the glorious history of the Macedonian House
comes to an end. Founded in blood in the ninth century, it dies out in
the eleventh in barrenness, weakness, and shame, the wretched but just
reward of a long series of moral iniquities. We know not with what feelings
the Byzantines watched its extinction, nor what presentiments visited
them as to the future of the State. One fact alone is known to us, that
Theodora supported and favoured Cerularius and his faction, and that it
CH. IV.
8–2


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116
Death of Theodora. Michael VI Stratioticus
בל
was owing to this party of intriguers that she again took up the govern-
ment. It is probable that the Patriarch had views of his own, and was
awaiting the propitious moment when he might quietly pass from the
patriarchal palace to the imperial. But, in the first place, Theodora's
reign proved a very brief one. It did not last eighteen months. And,
besides, strange to relate, when Cerularius put himself forward to "give
the law,” he found that Theodora stood her ground, resisted, and in the
end disgraced the Patriarch. With him were dismissed several of the
great generals, among them Bryennius and Comnenus, and the reign of
the eunuchs began. If this was a misfortune for the Empire, it proved
at least that the Empress had a will of her own and meant to be obeyed.
As might have been expected, the court immediately began to urge
projects of marriage on Theodora, but the Empress was no more disposed
at the close of her life than in earlier days to accept an expedient which
had turned out so ill in the case of her sister Zoë. Without any support
or counsel but such as she could obtain from her eunuchs, she took up
the task of governing, and of holding in check the whole military party
whose two chief leaders had been disgraced. At the head of affairs she
set an ecclesiastic, Leo Paraspondylus, the protosyncellus, a man of great
merit, upright, honest, and intelligent, but abrupt and dictatorial to a
degree, which accounts for the unpopularity he soon incurred. In addition
to this, the Empress' parsimony and the intrigues of Cerularius helped to
cool the attachment which the Byzantines had shewn for their sovereign.
A seditious outbreak was plainly imminent when Theodora died, rather
unexpectedly, on 31 August 1056. As soon as the first symptoms of her
malady appeared, there was great agitation among the palace eunuchs.
The party in power was by no means ready to throw up
the
game.
Leo
Paraspondylus therefore hastily summoned a council to meet around the
dying Theodora's bed and provide for the succession. They made choice
of an old patrician, who had spent his life in camps, Michael Stratioticus,
who seemed to have the qualities requisite for letting himself be governed
and at the same time commanding the support of the army. Cerularius
was at once consulted, and after some hesitation, before the closing eyes
of the sovereign and authorised by a faint sign of consent from her, he
crowned and proclaimed Stratioticus Emperor.
Michael VI Stratioticus (1056–1057).
Michael VI, the poor old man who was now to affix his trembling
signature to the last page of the history of the Macedonian family, be-
longed to the aristocracy of Constantinople and was descended from
that Joseph Bringas who had been chief minister under Romanus II.
To the clique who hoped to govern in his name he was a mere figure-
head. His age, his want of capacity, the weakness of his position, un-
supported by any party in the State, were for the eunuchs and especially


## p. 117 (#159) ############################################

Discontent of the army. Revolt under Isaac Comnenus 117
יי
for Leo Paraspondylus so many pledges that they would be confirmed
in all their authority. By way of precaution, however, the court, on
raising him to the throne, exacted from him an oath that he would never
act contrary to the wishes of his ministers. It is plain that they were
counting without the strength of the great feudal families, every one of
which aspired to sovereign power, and also without the popular outbreaks
which they expected to crush without difficulty. In reality the eunuchs
were grossly deceived in their calculations.
On the very morrow, indeed, of Michael's proclamation Theodosius,
the president of the Senate, attempted to organise an outbreak. He
was a cousin of Constantine IX, and in this capacity fancied that he
had rights to the succession. But he had no supporters either in the
army or the palace or among the clergy. At the head of a troop of
dependents, the most he could do was to break open the prisons and to
appear in front of the palace and St Sophia. The doors were shut against
him ; no difficulty was found in arresting him and he was sent into exile
at Pergamus. Michael VI and his court fancied that their troubles had
ended with this slight attempt at a revolt; they were already dis-
tributing profuse gifts to the Senate and the people and planning some
few changes in the official staff, when, in rapid succession, the Emperor
quarrelled with some of the most popular commanders in the army, with
Catacalon Cecaumenus whom he dismissed, with the “Francopol” Hervé
whom he ill-treated, with Nicephorus Bryennius to whom he refused the
restoration of his estates formerly confiscated by Theodora, and, above
all, with Isaac Comnenus. On Easter Day 1057 he denied to all of
them the favours which they came to ask, and by the advice of his
minister launched out into a flood of invective against each of them.
It was the divorce of the court from the army which he so unthinkingly
pronounced. There was only one sequel to so sinister a beginning, and
that was revolt.
The conspirators immediately gathered at St Sophia, and in concert
with the Patriarch deliberated how they might best get rid of the
Emperor and his eunuchs. Without further delay they hailed Isaac
Comnenus as the future Emperor, afterwards returning to their estates
in Asia Minor to prepare for war. It was on 8 June 1057 in the plain
of Gunaria in Paphlagonia that Isaac was proclaimed Emperor. Imme-
diately afterwards the rebel army began its march upon Constantinople
and reached Nicaea. Everywhere the pretender was recognised, the Asiatic
themes submitting to his authority. Michael VI for his part, as soon as
he learned what had taken place, attempted to organise the defence.
Unfortunately he had no commanders of any capacity on his side, though
on the other hand his army was more numerous than that of his
opponents. The imperial troops set forth, led by a certain Theodore,
and made their way towards Nicaea. At Petroë they halted, not far
from the camp of Comnenus, and here it was that the battle took place
CH. IV.


## p. 118 (#160) ############################################

118
Fall of Michael VI
on 20 August. It was waged with fury, and degenerated into a mas-
sacre. Though at first defeated, in the end Isaac Comnenus was the
victor, thanks to Catacalon, who came up in time to reinforce the
wavering centre and left wing of the rebels.
Even after the battle of Petroë, the unfortunate Michael still
hoped to save his crown by winning over the Senate and the popu-
lace of Constantinople. Unluckily for himself, the poor Emperor had
now contrived to fall out with Michael Cerularius, who for his part
was busy plotting against him. Though feeling at heart that all was
lost, Michael VI nevertheless tried to negotiate with Comnenus. Through
Psellus and two other senators, he offered Isaac the title of Caesar, en-
gaging also to adopt him and name him his successor, as well as to pardon
all the rebels. This was on 24 August. The revolted troops were already
at Nicomedia, and the embassy sent in Michael's name had been secretly
won over to the cause of Comnenus. After an exchange of views had
taken place, and some counter-proposals had been made on behalf of
Isaac, the envoys returned to Constantinople. There, while ostensibly
rendering an account of their mission to the Emperor, in reality during
the whole of 29 August they were, with Cerularius, organising the revolt
and weaving the conspiracy which ended in the abdication of Michael VI.
As soon as all was completed, Michael VI's embassy, consisting of the
same men as before, set out again for Comnenus' camp, and on the
same day, 30 August, the revolt broke out at Constantinople. The struggle
was not a bloody one, but was marked by the personal intervention of
the Patriarch, who suddenly at St Sophia openly ranged himself on the
side of the rebels, sanctioned the proclamation of Comnenus as Emperor,
and took the direction of the revolutionary movement into his own
hands. His first care was to send a number of bishops to the palace with
instructions to tonsure the Emperor at once, to clothe him with the
monastic habit, and to send him to a convent in Constantinople, where
soon afterwards he died. On 31 August 1057 amid indescribable en-
thusiasm Comnenus made his triumphal entry into the Sacred Palace.
The next day, or the day after, he was crowned by the Patriarch. Thus
was the dynasty of the Comneni solemnly inaugurated. That of the
Macedonians had become extinct.


## p. 119 (#161) ############################################

119
CHAPTER V.
(A)
THE STRUGGLE WITH THE SARACENS (717-867).
At the accession of Leo III (25 March 717), when the great Arab
army was encamped in western Asia Minor and the Anatolic troops had
gone to Constantinople to place their strategus on the throne, the posi-
tion of the Empire seemed almost desperate; and the Arab commander,
Maslamah, having some understanding with Leo, was confident of reducing
it to subjection. During the spring he took Sardis and Pergamus; and,
when it became clear that no assistance was to be expected from Leo, he
advanced to Abydos, crossed to Thrace, destroyed the forts on the road,
and encamped before Constantinople (July). On 1 September a fleet under
a certain Sulaimān joined him, and was followed by another under Omar
ibn Hubaira ; but, while the ships were sailing round the city, twenty
of them became separated from the rest and were destroyed by fire-ships
(3 September). After this the fleet was content with inactivity and
safety; but an offer of ransom was refused, and in the severe winter the
army lost heavily in horses and camels. In the spring fresh ships came
from Egypt and Africa besides military reinforcements, and an attack by
Slavs was repulsed; but Omar was defeated by the Bulgarians whom Leo
had called to his assistance, and in Bithynia a foraging party was routed.
Moreover, the Egyptian sailors deserted, and through information obtained
from them Leo destroyed with Greek fire many newly-arrived ships.
After this the blockade on the sea side was practically raised, while the
besiegers were starving. Accordingly Omar II, who succeeded the Caliph
Sulaimān in September 717, recalled the Muslim armament (15 August
718); but many ships were destroyed by a storm or captured on the
retreat, and only a few reached Syria. The garrison of Taranta, which
was thought to be too much exposed, was then withdrawn, and no more ex-
peditions were made while Omar lived. To prevent a recrudescence of the
Arab sea-power, after the accession of the Caliph Yazid II (February 720)
a Roman fleet sailed to Egypt and attacked Tinnis. The expedition of
716-718 was in fact the last attempt upon Constantinople, and the
neglect of the fleet which followed the removal of the capital from
Damascus to Babylonia in 750 made a repetition impossible; hence the
war was reduced to a series of plundering raids, until the occupation of
Crete and Sicily by western Arabs caused the naval warfare to revive
under new conditions. The character of these incursions was so well
CH. V.


## p. 120 (#162) ############################################

120
Character of the Wars
understood on the Arab side that in the ninth century it was an accepted
rule that two raids were made each year, one from 10 May to 10 June
when grass was abundant, and, after a month's rest for the horses, another
from 10 July to 8 September, with sometimes a third in February and
March ; and the size of the forces may be gauged from the fact that a
commander was once superseded for retreating when he had still 7000
men. Longer expeditions were often made; but even these rarely had any
object but plunder or blackmail. A frontier fortress was indeed occa-
sionally occupied, but it was often recovered after a short interval, and
more frequently forts were taken only that they might be destroyed and the
enemy thereby deprived of a base; and the whole result of 150 years of war
was only the annexation by the Arabs of the district between the Sarus
and the Lamus, which however included the important towns of Tarsus
and Adana and the strong fortress of Lulum. Raids through the Cilician
Gates were signalled to Constantinople by a chain of beacons, and a
cluster of fortresses was erected on the heights of the Taurus range; but the
Romans were generally content to hold the strong places, and, when
opportunity offered, overwhelm parties of marauders. Occasionally they
made counter-raids; but these had even less permanent result than those
of the Arabs, until under the rule of the energetic Caesar Bardas a
blow was dealt after which the decaying Caliphate never recovered its
offensive power, and the way was laid open for a Roman advance.
Under Yazid only sporadic raids were made, with little result. Omar
ibn Hubaira won a victory in Armenia Quarta (721), and a fortress in
Cilicia was taken (723); but ‘Abbās ibn al-Walīd after taking a fort in
Paphlagonia allowed his men to scatter, and most of the parties were anni-
hilated (722). After Caliph Hishām's accession, however, more systematic
plans were adopted. In 724 his son Sa'īd and his cousin Marwān with
the combined forces of Syria and Mesopotamia, coming from Melitene,
stormed a fort and massacred the garrison, though a detachment under
Kathir? was cut to pieces; and this was followed by the capture of the
great fortress of Camacha on the Euphrates (which the Romans must
have recovered since 711); and in 726 Maslamah took Neo-Caesarea. After
this a series of raids was carried out by Hishām's son Mu‘āwiyah, who in
727 took Gangra, which he demolished, and Tataeum', and with naval as-
sistance besieged Nicaea. In 728 he took Semaluos in the Armeniac theme;
in 729 he raided northern Asia Minor, while Sa'id, coming from the south,
reached Caesarea, and an Egyptian fleet harried the coast. In 730 Mu'a-
wiyah took the fortress of Charsianum; in 731 he found the frontier too
well guarded to cross in force, and his lieutenant, Battāl, was routed;
but in 732 he plundered Paphlagonia and penetrated to Acroïnon (Prym-
nessus), though on the retreat his rearguard was annihilated, while his
brother Sulaimān reached Caesarea. In 733 the two brothers joined forces
i Theoph. Xon (corrupt); corr. from Mahbūb Xeonp.
2 Theoph. ’Areoüs, Arab.