He now
based his vague conjectures on the computations of Galba's age and
Otho's youth, and persuaded him that he would ascend the throne.
based his vague conjectures on the computations of Galba's age and
Otho's youth, and persuaded him that he would ascend the throne.
Tacitus
7.
[23] He died in A. D. 54. In the censorship and in two of his
consulships he had been Claudius' colleague.
[24] For the war with Vindex.
[25] See note 164. The fourth legion is III Gallica,
afterwards moved into Moesia.
[26] See note 163.
[27] ii. 1.
[28] Cp. _Ann. _, ii. 59. 'Amongst other secret principles of
his imperial policy, Augustus had put Egypt in a position by
itself, forbidding all senators and knights of the highest
class to enter that country without his permission. For Egypt
holds the key, as it were, both of sea and land' (tr. Ramsay).
Cp. iii. 8.
[29] i. e. to govern it by the emperor's private agents. The
province was regarded as part of the emperor's estate
(patrimonium). This post was the highest in the imperial
service.
[30] A member of a Jewish family settled in Alexandria and
thus entitled to Roman citizenship. He was a nephew of the
historian Philo; had been Procurator of Judaea and chief of
Corbulo's staff in Armenia.
[31] See chap. 7.
THE GERMAN REVOLT AND THE ADOPTION OF PISO
A few days after the first of January a dispatch arrived from 12
Belgica, in which Pompeius Propinquus,[32] the imperial agent,
announced that the legions of Upper Germany had broken their oath of
allegiance and were clamouring for a new emperor, but that by way of
tempering their treason they referred the final choice to the Senate
and People of Rome. Galba had already been deliberating and seeking
advice as to the adoption of a successor, and this occurrence hastened
his plans. During all these months this question formed the current
subject of gossip throughout the country; Galba was far spent in years
and the general propensity for such a topic knew no check. Few people
showed sound judgement or any spirit of patriotism. Many were
influenced by foolish hopes and spread self-interested rumours
pointing to some friend or patron, thereby also gratifying their
hatred for Titus Vinius,[33] whose unpopularity waxed daily with his
power. Galba's affability only served to strengthen the gaping
ambition of his newly powerful friends, for his weakness and credulity
halved the risk and doubled the reward of treason.
The real power of the throne was divided between the consul, Titus 13
Vinius, and Cornelius Laco, the prefect of the Guards; and an
influence as great was enjoyed by Icelus, one of Galba's freedmen, who
had been given the gold ring[34] and was now greeted by the name of
Marcianus. These three ordinarily disagreed, and followed each his own
interest in smaller matters: on the question of the succession they
fell into two camps. Vinius was for Marcus Otho. Laco and Icelus were
agreed not so much on any one as on any other. Galba was aware of the
friendship between Otho and Vinius. Otho was a bachelor and Vinius had
an unmarried daughter: so gossip, never reticent, pointed to them as
father and son-in-law. Galba, one may suppose, felt some concern for
his country, too. Why take the throne from Nero, if it was to be left
to Otho? Otho had led a careless boyhood and a dissolute youth, and
endeared himself to Nero by aping his vices. Thus it was to Otho, as
being already in the secret, that Nero entrusted his favourite
mistress, Poppaea Sabina,[35] until he could get rid of Octavia. Later
he grew jealous and removed Otho to the province of Lusitania under
cover of a governorship. Otho had been popular in his administration
of the province, and was one of the first to join Galba's party. Being
a man of action and one of the most distinguished of Galba's officers
in the war, when once he had conceived the hope of succeeding him, he
eagerly indulged it. Most of the soldiers were on his side and the
Court supported him as Nero's double.
After receiving the news of the German revolt, although Galba knew 14
nothing for certain of Vitellius' plans, he was fearful to what
lengths the outbreak of the troops might go; so, being unable to trust
the troops in the city,[36] he had recourse to what seemed his sole
remedy and held an Imperial Election. Besides Vinius and Laco he
summoned Marius Celsus, consul-elect and the City-Prefect Ducenius
Geminus. [37] After prefacing a few words about his own advanced age he
ordered Piso Licinianus[38] to be sent for, either on his own
initiative, or, as some believed, at the instance of Laco. Laco had
met Piso at Rubellius Plautus' house and they had formed a friendship,
but he cunningly pretended that he was supporting a stranger, and
Piso's good repute gave colour to this policy. Piso was a noble on
both sides, being the son of Marcus Crassus and Scribonia. There was
an old-world austerity in his face and bearing, and just critics spoke
of his strict morality: people who took a less favourable view thought
him soured. But while those who disliked this side of his character
carped at it, it was a recommendation in the eyes of the emperor who
intended to adopt him.
Galba is said to have taken Piso's hand and addressed him as 15
follows: 'Were I a private citizen, and were I to adopt you in the
presence of the Priests by the usual formality of a curial
statute,[39] it would be an honour for me to introduce into my family
a descendant of Cnaeus Pompeius and of Marcus Crassus, and for you it
would be a distinction to add to your noble ancestry the glories of
the Sulpician and Lutatian houses. [40] As it is, I have been called by
the consent of gods and men to be an emperor. Your distinguished
qualities and your patriotism have persuaded me to offer to you
peacefully and quietly the throne for which our ancestors fought on
the field of battle,[41] and which I too won by war. In so doing I am
following the precedent set by the sainted Augustus, who raised to the
rank next himself first his nephew Marcellus, then his son-in-law
Agrippa, then his daughter's sons,[42] and finally his stepson
Tiberius Nero. However, while Augustus looked for a successor in his
own family, I have searched throughout the country. Not that I lack
either kinsmen or supporters, but it was by no favour of birth that I
myself came to the throne, and, to prove my policy in this matter,
consider how I have passed over not only my own relatives but yours.
You have an elder brother,[43] as noble as yourself. He would have
been worthy of this position, but you are worthier. You are old enough
to have outlived youthful passions. Your life has been such that you
have nothing in your past to excuse. So far you have only experienced
misfortune. Prosperity probes the heart with a keener touch; misery
only calls for patience, but there is corruption in success. Honesty,
candour, and affection are the best of human qualities, and doubtless
you yourself have enough character to retain them. But the
complaisance of others will weaken your character. Flattery and
servile compliments will break down its defences and self-interest
too, the bane of all sincerity. What though you and I can talk plainly
with each other to-day? Others will address themselves not to us but
to our fortunes. To persuade an emperor what he ought to do is a
laborious task: any one can flatter him without a spark of sincerity.
'If the vast bulk of this empire could stand and keep its balance 16
without a guiding hand, the Republic might well have dated its birth
from me. As it is, things have long ago come to such a pass that
neither I in my old age can give the Roman people any better gift than
a good successor, nor you in your prime anything better than a good
emperor. Under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, Rome was the heirloom
of a single family. There is a kind of liberty in the free choice we
have begun to exercise. Now that the Julian and Claudian houses are
extinct, by the plan of adoption the best man will always be
discovered. Royal birth is the gift of fortune, and is but valued as
such. In adoption we can use a free judgement, and if we wish to
choose well, the voice of the country points the way. Think of Nero,
swollen with the pride of his long line of royal ancestry. It was not
Vindex with a powerless province at his back, nor I with a single
legion that freed Rome's shoulders of that burden: it was his own
cruelty and profligacy. And that was before there was any precedent
for the conviction of an emperor.
'We have been called to the throne by the swords of those who thought
us worthy. Our high state will not escape the eye of envy. You may be
sure of that. But there is no reason for you to feel alarm because in
this world-wide upheaval a couple of legions have not yet settled
down. I myself did not succeed to a safe and peaceful throne, and,
when once the news of your adoption is spread, I shall cease to be
charged with my advanced age, which is now the only fault they find in
me. The rascals will always miss Nero: you and I have got to see that
good citizens do not miss him too.
'A longer sermon would ill befit the time and I have fulfilled my
purpose, if I have done right in choosing you. The soundest and
easiest criterion of right and wrong policy is to consider what you
would have approved or condemned in another emperor. For Rome is not
like the nations which are ruled by kings, where one house is supreme
and the rest are slaves. Your future subjects are men who cannot
endure the extremes either of bondage or of freedom. '
Galba spoke these words and more to the same effect in the tone of one
creating an emperor: the rest addressed Piso as though he were emperor
already. He is said to have betrayed no sign of amazement or 17
elation either before those who were then present, or later when
everybody's eyes centred upon him. His language to his emperor and
adoptive father was deeply respectful and he spoke modestly of
himself. He made no change in his expression or bearing, showing
himself more able than anxious to rule. A discussion then took place
whether the adoption should be announced before the people or in the
senate, or in the guards' camp. They decided in favour of the camp, on
the ground that it would be a compliment to the troops, whose goodwill
was hard to win by flattery or bribes, but was by no means to be
despised, if it could be won by good means. Meanwhile the curiosity of
the populace, impatient of any important secret, had brought together
crowds all round the Palace, and when once the rumour began to leak
out an attempt at suppression only resulted in spreading it.
The tenth of January was a dreary wet day, and an extraordinary 18
storm of thunder and lightning showed the displeasure of Providence.
Such phenomena were regarded in old days as a sign for the suspension
of public business, but they did not deter Galba from proceeding to
the camp. Either he disregarded such things as the result of pure
chance or else he felt that the blows of fate may be foretold but not
forestalled. He addressed a crowded assembly of the soldiers with true
imperial brevity, stating simply that in adopting Piso he was
following the example of the sainted Augustus, and the old military
custom whereby each man chose another. [44] He was afraid that by
suppressing the news of the German rebellion he might only seem to
exaggerate the danger, so he voluntarily declared that the Fourth and
Twenty-second legions had been led by a few traitors into seditious
murmurings but no further, and would soon return to their allegiance.
He made no attempt to enhance his words either by eloquence or
largess. However, the tribunes and centurions and those of the
soldiers who stood nearest to him gave well-sounding answers. The rest
were sorry and silent, for the war seemed to have lost them the
largess that had always been usual even in peace. Everybody agrees
that they could have been won over had the parsimonious old emperor
made the least display of generosity. He was ruined by his strict
old-fashioned inflexibility, which seems too rigorous for these
degenerate days.
From the camp they proceeded to the senate, and Galba's speech to 19
its members was no fuller or finer than to the soldiers. Piso spoke
graciously, and there was no lack of support in the senate. Many
wished him well. Those who did not were the more effusive. The
majority were indifferent, but displayed a ready affability, intent on
their private speculations without thought of the country's good. No
other public action is reported of Piso during the four days which
intervened between his adoption and assassination.
FOOTNOTES:
[32] i. e. the emperor's finance agent in the province of
Belgica.
[33] Cp. chap. 6.
[34] A gold signet-ring was the sign of a free-born Roman
knight. Its grant to freedmen was an innovation of which
Tacitus disapproved.
[35] Tacitus here follows the story told by Suetonius in his
life of Otho. In the _Annals_, xiii. 45, 46, Tacitus gives in
detail a more probable version. It is more likely that Poppaea
used Otho as a stepping-stone to Nero's favour than that Otho,
as Suetonius quotes, 'committed adultery with his own wife. '
[36] See chap. 5, note 10.
[37] One of the three Commissioners of Public Revenue
appointed by Nero in A. D. 62 (_Ann. _, xv. 18).
[38] Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus was the son of M.
Licinius Crassus Frugi, and adopted son of L. Calpurnius Piso
Frugi. His mother, Scribonia, was a descendant of Pompey.
[39] Adoption from one family into another needed in old days
the sanction of the Comitia Curiata. When that assembly became
obsolete, the priests summoned a formal meeting of thirty
lictors, and their sanction of an act of adoption was still
called _lex curiata_. Galba was now _Pontifex maximus_.
[40] Galba belonged to the _Gens Sulpicia_, and was connected
through his mother, Mummia, with Q. Lutatius Catulus, who had
led the senatorial party in the first half of the last
century.
[41] i. e. Galba's great-grandfather had fought for Caesar
against Piso's ancestor, Pompey.
[42] The children of Julia and Agrippa.
[43] Crassus Scribonianus, cp. chap. 47, and iv. 39.
[44] i. e. co-optation, employed in former days to raise a
special contingent for emergencies.
GALBA'S MEASURES OF PRECAUTION
Reports of the German rebellion grew daily more insistent and the
public was always ready to believe any news, provided it was bad.
Accordingly the senate decided that a commission must be sent to the
army in Germany. It was discussed in private whether Piso should go
himself to add dignity to the commission, since he could carry the
authority of the emperor, while the others represented the senate. It
was also proposed to send Laco, the prefect of the Guards, but he
objected. The senate had allowed Galba to nominate the commissioners
and he showed the most miserable indecision, now nominating members,
now excusing them, now making exchanges, yielding always to pressure
from people who wanted to go or to stay at home according as they were
determined by their hopes or their fears. The next question was 20
one of finance. After investigating all possible sources it seemed
most reasonable to recover the revenue from those quarters where the
cause of the deficit lay. Nero had squandered in lavish presents two
thousand two hundred million sesterces. [45] Galba gave instructions
that these monies should be recovered from the individual recipients,
leaving each a tithe of their original gift. However, in each case
there was scarcely a tenth part left, for these worthless spendthrifts
had run through Nero's money as freely as they had squandered their
own: they had no real property or capital left, nothing but the
apparatus of their luxury. Thirty of the knights were entrusted with
the duty of recovering the money. This commission, for which there was
no precedent, proved vastly unpopular owing to the scope of its
authority, and the large number of the victims. Every quarter seemed
beset with sales and brokers and lawsuits. And yet lively satisfaction
was caused by the discovery that the beneficiaries of Nero's bounty
were as poor as the victims of his greed.
At this time several officers were cashiered, Antonius Taurus and
Antonius Naso of the Guards, Aemilius Pacensis of the City Garrison,
and Julius Fronto of the Police. [46] However, this proved no remedy.
The others only began to feel alarmed, thinking that Galba's craft and
timidity had sacrificed a few, while his suspicions rested on them
all.
FOOTNOTES:
[45] About twenty-three million sterling of our money.
[46] i. e. of the cohorts which formed the police and
fire-brigade of the city. See chap. 5, note 10.
THE RISE OF OTHO
Meanwhile Otho had nothing to hope from a peaceful settlement: all 21
his plans demanded a disturbance. Many motives spurred him on: his
extravagance would have ruined a prince, and his poverty have
perplexed a private person: he was angry with Galba and jealous of
Piso. He also alleged fears for his safety, by way of whetting his
ambition. 'I proved a nuisance to Nero,' he would say, 'and can
scarcely expect the compliment of a second exile to Lusitania. [47]
Besides, monarchs always hate and suspect the man who is mentioned as
"next to the throne". This was what did me harm with the old emperor,
and it will weigh still more with the youthful Piso, who is naturally
savage and has been exasperated by a long period of exile. It would be
easy to kill me. I must do and dare while Galba's authority is on the
wane and Piso's not yet established. These times of change suit big
enterprises; inaction is more deadly than daring; there is no call for
delay. Death is the natural end for all alike, and the only difference
is between fame and oblivion afterwards. Seeing that the same end
awaits the innocent and the guilty, a man of spirit should at least
deserve his fate. '
Otho's character was by no means so effeminate as his person. His 22
intimate freedmen and slaves, who were allowed a licence unusual in
private households, dangled before him the baits for which he was
greedy: the luxuries of Nero's Court, the marriages he could make, the
adulteries he could commit, and all the other imperial pleasures. They
were his, they pointed out, if he would bestir himself; it was
shameful to lie quiet and leave them to others. He was also incited by
the astrologers, who declared that their study of the stars pointed to
great changes and a year of glory for Otho. Creatures of this class
always deceive the ambitious, though those in power distrust them.
Probably we shall go on for ever proscribing them and keeping them by
us. [48] Poppaea[49] had always had her boudoir full of these
astrologers, the worst kind of outfit for a royal ménage. One of them,
called Ptolemy, had gone with Otho to Spain[50] and foretold that he
would outlive Nero. This came true and Otho believed in him.
He now
based his vague conjectures on the computations of Galba's age and
Otho's youth, and persuaded him that he would ascend the throne. But,
though the man had no real skill, Otho accepted the prophecy as if it
was the finger of fate. Human nature always likes to believe what it
cannot understand.
Nor was Ptolemy himself slow to incite his master to crime, to 23
which it is only a short step from such ambitions. But whether his
criminal designs were deliberate or suddenly conceived, it is
impossible to say. He had long been courting the goodwill of the
soldiers either in the hope of being adopted by Galba or to prepare
the way for treason. On the road from Spain, while the men were
marching or on outpost duty, he would address the veterans by name,
reminding them how he and they had served together under Nero, and
calling them his comrades. He renewed acquaintance with some, asked
after others and helped them with money or influence, frequently
letting fall complaints and ambiguous remarks about Galba, using all
the arts which work upon uneducated minds. The soldiers grumbled
bitterly at the exertions of the march, the shortage of provisions,
and the strict discipline. What they were used to was a journey to the
Campanian Lakes or Greek seaports on board ship;[51] they found it
hard to struggle over the Pyrenees and Alps, and march immense
distances under arms.
While the soldiers were thus already fired with discontent, 24
Maevius Pudens, one of Tigellinus'[52] intimates, added fuel to their
feelings by luring on all who were naturally unstable or in need of
money, or rashly eager for a change. Eventually, whenever Galba dined
with him, Otho went the length of presenting a hundred sesterces to
each of the soldiers on guard, on the pretext that this was instead of
entertaining them. [53] This system of public largess Otho extended by
making presents in confidence to individuals, and such spirit did he
show in bribery that when a member of the Body Guard, Cocceius
Proculus, brought an action to claim part of his neighbour's farm,
Otho bought the whole property out of his own pocket and gave it to
him. He was enabled to do this by the inefficiency of the Prefect
Laco, who was no less blind to notorious than to secret scandals.
Otho then put Onomastus, one of his freedmen, in charge of the 25
projected crime, and Onomastus took into his confidence Barbius
Proculus, an aide-de-camp, and a subaltern named Veturius, both in the
Body Guard. [54] Having assured himself by many interviews that they
were both bold and cunning, Otho proceeded to load them with bribes
and promises, providing them with funds to enable them to test the
feelings of the others. And so a couple of common soldiers took it
upon them to transfer the Roman Empire: and they did it. A very few
were admitted as accomplices. These, by various devices, worked on the
indecision of the others. The non-commissioned officers who had been
promoted by Nymphidius felt themselves under suspicion; the private
soldiers were indignant and in despair at the constant postponement of
Galba's largess; some few were fired by the recollection of Nero's
régime and longed for the days of licence; all in common shared the
fear of being drafted out of the Praetorian Guards.
The infection of treason soon spread to the legions and 26
auxiliaries, whose excitement had been aroused as soon as they heard
that the armies of Germany were wavering in their allegiance. So, as
the disloyal were ready for treason and the loyal shut their eyes,
they at first determined to acclaim Otho as he was returning from
dinner on the night of the fourteenth. However, they hesitated: the
darkness spelt uncertainty, the troops were scattered all over the
town, and unanimity could scarcely be expected from drunken men. They
were not deterred by any affection for their country's honour, which
they were deliberately preparing to stain with its emperor's blood,
but they were afraid that, as Otho was unknown to the majority, some
one else might by mistake be offered to the Pannonian or German
legions and proclaimed emperor. Some evidence of the brewing plot
leaked out, but it was suppressed by the conspirators. Rumours even
reached Galba's ears, but Laco made light of them, being totally
ignorant of soldiers' characters, hostile to any suggestion, however
wise, that was not his own, and extremely obstinate with men who knew
more than he did.
On January 15, as Galba was sacrificing in front of the temple of 27
Apollo, the priest Umbricius declared the omens unfavourable: treason
was impending, and an enemy within the walls. Otho, who was standing
beside Galba, overheard and construed the omen as being from his own
point of view a good one, favourable to his plans. In a few moments
his freedman, Onomastus, announced that the architect and contractors
were waiting to see him. This had been agreed upon as the signal that
the troops were assembling and the conspiracy was ripe. On being asked
where he was going, Otho pretended that he was buying an old property,
but suspected its condition and so had to inspect it first. Thus,
leaning on his freedman's shoulder, he passed through Tiberius' house
into the Velabrum and thence to the Golden Milestone at the foot of
the Temple of Saturn. [55] There thirty-three soldiers of the Body
Guard saluted him as emperor. When he showed alarm at the smallness of
their number they put him hastily into a litter, and, drawing their
swords, hurried him away. About the same number of soldiers joined
them on the way, some accomplices, others merely curious. Some marched
along shouting and flourishing swords; others kept silent, intending
to take their cue from subsequent events.
Julius Martialis was the tribune on duty in the camp. He was so 28
overcome by the magnitude of this unexpected crime and so afraid that
the treason was widespread in the camp, and that he might be killed if
he offered any opposition, that he led most people to suppose he was
in the plot. So, too, the other tribunes and centurions all preferred
present safety to a risky loyalty. In fact the general attitude was
this: few dared to undertake so foul a crime, many wished to see it
done, and everybody was ready to condone it.
FOOTNOTES:
[47] Cp. chap. 13.
[48] Decrees excluding astrologers from Italy had been passed
in B. C. 33, A. D. 16, and again in A. D. 52. Vitellius passed
another. See ii. 62.
[49] Nero's wife. Cp. chap. 13.
[50] i. e. to Lusitania. See chap. 13.
[51] They were 'Guards' who had escorted Nero on his singing
tours through Greece. Perhaps some of them came to meet Galba
on his way from Spain. Otherwise they could not have shared
the toils of this march.
[52] See chap. 72.
[53] The public dinner given in older days by patrons to their
clients had long ago been commuted for a 'tip' (sportula).
Pudens, instead of providing dinner for Galba's guard, sought
their favour by giving them about 17_s. _ apiece.
[54] The English terms do not of course represent the exact
position of these soldiers. The former was one of the
emperor's personal body-guard (speculatores), who received the
watchword (tessera) and passed it round: the latter was one to
whom a centurion had delegated some part of his work.
[55] Plutarch explains this. 'He passed through Tiberius'
house, as it is called, and walked down to the Forum, where
stands the golden pillar to which all the high-roads of Italy
lead. ' The Velabrum lies between the Forum, the Tiber, and the
Aventine.
THE FALL OF GALBA
Meanwhile Galba in total ignorance and intent upon his sacrifices 29
continued to importune the gods of an empire that had already ceased
to be his. First there came a rumour that some one or other of the
senators was being hurried to the camp, then that it was Otho.
Immediately people who had met Otho came flocking in from all quarters
of Rome; some in their terror exaggerated the truth, some minimized
it, remembering even then to flatter. After discussion it was decided
that the temper of the cohort on guard in the palace should be tested,
but not by Galba himself. His authority was held in reserve for more
heroic remedies. The troops were summoned. Piso, standing out on the
steps of the palace, addressed them as follows:
'Fellow soldiers, it is now five days since I was made a Caesar. I
knew nothing of the future nor whether the name was more to be desired
or feared. It now lies with you to decide whether or no my adoption is
to prove a calamity for my house and for my country. In saying this, I
do not dread disaster on my own account. I have known misfortune, and
I am now discovering to the full that prosperity is just as dangerous.
But for the sake of my adoptive father, of the senate, and of the
whole empire, I deplore the thought that we may have to-day either to
die or--what for good men is as wretched--to kill. In the recent
revolution our comfort was that Rome was spared the sight of blood,
and the transfer was effected without disturbance. We thought that my
adoption would be a safeguard against an outbreak of civil war even
after Galba's death.
'I will make no claims to rank or respectability. To compare 30
myself with Otho, I need not recite my virtues. His vices are all he
has to be proud of. They ruined the empire, even when he was only
playing the part of an emperor's friend. Why should he deserve to be
emperor? For his swaggering demeanour? For his effeminate costume?
Extravagance imposes on some people. They take it for liberality. They
are wrong. He will know how to squander money, but not how to give it
away. His mind is full of lechery and debauchery and intrigues with
women. These are in his eyes the prerogatives of the throne. And the
pleasure of his vices would be all his, the blushes of shame would be
ours. No man has ever ruled well who won the throne by bad means.
'The whole Roman world agreed to give Galba the title of Caesar. Galba
with your approval gave that title to me. Even if the "country", the
"senate", the "people", are empty terms, it is to your interest, my
fellow soldiers, to see that it is not the rascals who create an
emperor. From time to time one hears of the legionaries being in
mutiny against their generals. But your good faith and your good name
have stood to this day unimpaired. It was not you who deserted Nero:
he deserted you. Are you going to allow less than thirty deserters and
renegades to bestow the crown? Why! no one would tolerate their
choosing so much as a centurion or a tribune for themselves. Are you
going to allow this precedent, and by your acquiescence make their
crime your own? You will soon see this lawless spirit spreading to the
troops abroad, and in time the treason will recoil on us and the war
on you. Besides, innocence wins you as much as the murder of your
emperor: you will get from us as large a bounty for your loyalty as
you would from others for your crime. '
The members of the Body Guard dispersed. The rest of the cohort 31
paid some heed to his speech. Aimlessly, as happens in moments of
confusion, they seized their standards, without as yet any fixed plan,
and not, as was afterwards believed, to cloak their treachery. Marius
Celsus had been dispatched to the picked detachments of the Illyrian
army, which were quartered in the Vipsanian arcade,[56] while
instructions had been given to two senior centurions,[57] Amullius
Serenus and Domitius Sabinus, to summon the German troops from the
Hall of Liberty. They distrusted the legion of marines, who had been
alienated by Galba's butchery of their comrades on his entry into
Rome. [58] Three officers of the guards, Cetrius Severus, Subrius
Dexter, and Pompeius Longinus, also hurried to the camp in the hope
that the mutiny was still in its early stages and might be averted by
good advice before it came to a head. The soldiers attacked Subrius
and Cetrius with threats and forcibly seizing Longinus disarmed him,
because he had not come in virtue of his military rank, but simply as
one of Galba's private friends; and for his loyalty to his master the
rebels disliked him all the more. The marines without any hesitation
joined the guards. The Illyrian draft[59] drove Celsus away at the
point of their javelins. The German detachments[59] wavered for some
time. They were still in poor condition physically, and inclined to be
passive. Nero had dispatched them as an advance-guard to
Alexandria;[60] the long voyage back again had damaged their health,
and Galba had spared no expense in looking after them.
The whole populace of Rome was now crowding into the palace 32
together with a good sprinkling of slaves. With discordant shouts they
demanded the death of Otho and the doom of the conspirators. They
might have been in the circus or the theatre, clamouring for
entertainment. There was neither sense nor sincerity in their
behaviour. They were quite ready on the same day to clamour for the
opposite with equal zeal. But it is an established custom to flatter
any emperor with unbridled cheering and meaningless enthusiasm.
Meanwhile Galba was torn between two opinions. Titus Vinius maintained
that they ought to remain within the palace, employ the slaves to
offer resistance and block up all the doors, instead of going out to
face the angry troops. 'This will give time,' he urged, 'for the
disloyal to repent and the loyal to unite their forces. Crimes demand
haste, good counsels profit by delay. Besides, if need be, we shall
have the same chance of leaving the palace later: if we leave and
repent of it, it will not be in our power to return. '
All the others voted for immediate action before the conspiracy 33
gathered strength and numbers. 'Otho,' they argued, 'will soon lose
heart. He crept away by stealth and was introduced in a litter to a
parcel of strangers, and now because we dally and waste time he has
leisure to rehearse his part of emperor. What is the good of waiting
until Otho sets his camp in order and approaches the Capitol, while
Galba peeps out of a window? Are this famous general and his gallant
friends to shut the doors and not to stir a foot over the threshold,
as if they were anxious to endure a siege? Much help may we hope from
slaves, when once the unwieldy crowd loses its unity and their first
indignation, which counts for so much, begins to cool. No, cowardice
is too risky. Or if we must fall, let us meet the danger half-way, and
cover Otho with disgrace, ourselves with honour. '
When Vinius resisted this proposal, Laco, prompted by Icelus,
assailed him with threats, persisting in his private quarrel to the
ruin of his country. Galba without further delay supported those 34
whose plan would look best. However, Piso was first dispatched to the
camp. The young man had a great name, his popularity was still fresh,
and moreover, he disliked Titus Vinius, or, if he did not, Vinius'
enemies hoped he did: it is so easy to believe in hatred. Scarcely had
Piso departed, when there arrived a rumour that Otho had been killed
in the camp. At first it was vague and uncertain, but eventually, as
so often happens with daring lies, people began to assert that they
had been present and seen the deed. Some were glad and some
indifferent, so the news gained easy credence. Many, however, thought
that the report had been concocted and disseminated by friends of
Otho, who now mingled in the crowd and tried to lure Galba out by
spreading this agreeable falsehood. At this point not only the 35
populace and the inexperienced mob but many of the knights and
senators as well broke out into applause and unbridled enthusiasm.
With their fear they had lost their caution. Breaking open the palace
gates they rushed in and presented themselves before Galba,
complaining that they had been forestalled in the task of revenge. All
the cowards who, as events proved, could show no pluck in action,
indulged in excessive heroics and lip-courage. Nobody knew, everybody
talked. At last, for lack of the truth, Galba yielded to the consensus
of error. When he had put on his breastplate he was lifted into a
chair, for he was too old and infirm to stand against the crowds that
kept flocking in. In the palace he was met by Julius Atticus, of the
Body Guard, who displayed a dripping sword and shouted out that he had
killed Otho. 'Comrade,' said Galba, 'who bade you? ' Galba had a
remarkable power of curbing soldiers' presumption, for he was not
afraid of threats nor moved by flattery.
Meanwhile in Otho's camp there was no longer any doubt of the 36
soldiers' unanimity. Such was their enthusiasm that they were not
content with carrying Otho shoulder-high in procession; they placed
him among the standards on the platform, where shortly before a gilt
statue of Galba had stood, and made a ring round him with their
colours. [61] Tribunes and centurions were allowed no approach: the
common soldiers even called out, 'Beware of the officers. ' The whole
camp resounded with confused shouts of mutual encouragement. It was
quite unlike the wavering and spiritless flattery of a civil mob. As
new adherents streamed in, directly a soldier caught sight of one of
them, he grasped him by the hand, flung his arms round him, kept him
at his side, and dictated the oath of allegiance. Some commended their
general to his soldiers, and some the soldiers to their general. Otho,
for his part, was not slow to greet the crowd with outstretched hand
and throw kisses to them. In every way he played the slave to gain a
throne. When the whole legion of the marines had sworn allegiance, he
gained confidence in his strength, and, considering that those whom he
had incited individually needed a few words of general encouragement,
he stood out on the rampart and began as follows:--'In what guise 37
I come forward to address you, Fellow Soldiers, I cannot tell. Dubbed
emperor by you, I dare not call myself a private citizen: yet
"emperor" I cannot say with another on the throne. And what am I to
call you? That too will remain in doubt until it is decided whether
you have here in your camp an enemy or an emperor of Rome. You hear
how they clamour at once for my death and your punishment. So clear is
it that we must fall or stand together. Doubtless Galba--such is his
clemency--has already promised our destruction. Is he not the man who
without the least excuse butchered thousands of utterly innocent
soldiers? [62] I shudder whenever I recall his ghastly entry into the
city, when before the face of Rome he ordered the decimation of the
troops whom at their humble petition he had taken under his
protection. That is Galba's only "victory". These were the auspices
under which he made his entry; and what glory has he brought to the
throne he occupies, save the murder of Obultronius Sabinus and
Cornelius Marcellus in Spain, of Betuus Cilo in Gaul, of Fonteius
Capito in Germany, of Clodius Macer in Africa, of Cingonius on his
march to Rome, of Turpilianus in the city, and of Nymphidius in the
camp? What province is there in the empire that has not been polluted
with massacre? He calls it "salutary correction". For his "remedies"
are what other people call crimes: his cruelty is disguised as
"austerity", his avarice as "economy", while by "discipline" he means
punishing and insulting you. It is but seven months since Nero's
death, and already Icelus alone has embezzled more than all the
depredations of Polyclitus and Vatinius and Aegialus[63] put together.
Why, Vinius would have been less greedy and lawless had he been
emperor himself. As it is, he treats us as his own subjects and
despises us as Galba's. His own fortune alone could provide the
largess which they daily cast in your teeth but never pay into your
pocket.
'Nor in Galba's successor either is there any hope for you. Galba 38
has seen to that. He has recalled from exile the man whose avarice and
sour temper he judged most like his own. You witnessed for yourselves,
my comrades, the extraordinary storm which signified Heaven's
abhorrence at that ill-starred adoption. The Senate and People of Rome
feel the same. They are counting on your courage. You alone can give
strength to the right policy: it is powerless without you, however
good it be. It is not to war and danger that I call you. All the
troops are with us.
[23] He died in A. D. 54. In the censorship and in two of his
consulships he had been Claudius' colleague.
[24] For the war with Vindex.
[25] See note 164. The fourth legion is III Gallica,
afterwards moved into Moesia.
[26] See note 163.
[27] ii. 1.
[28] Cp. _Ann. _, ii. 59. 'Amongst other secret principles of
his imperial policy, Augustus had put Egypt in a position by
itself, forbidding all senators and knights of the highest
class to enter that country without his permission. For Egypt
holds the key, as it were, both of sea and land' (tr. Ramsay).
Cp. iii. 8.
[29] i. e. to govern it by the emperor's private agents. The
province was regarded as part of the emperor's estate
(patrimonium). This post was the highest in the imperial
service.
[30] A member of a Jewish family settled in Alexandria and
thus entitled to Roman citizenship. He was a nephew of the
historian Philo; had been Procurator of Judaea and chief of
Corbulo's staff in Armenia.
[31] See chap. 7.
THE GERMAN REVOLT AND THE ADOPTION OF PISO
A few days after the first of January a dispatch arrived from 12
Belgica, in which Pompeius Propinquus,[32] the imperial agent,
announced that the legions of Upper Germany had broken their oath of
allegiance and were clamouring for a new emperor, but that by way of
tempering their treason they referred the final choice to the Senate
and People of Rome. Galba had already been deliberating and seeking
advice as to the adoption of a successor, and this occurrence hastened
his plans. During all these months this question formed the current
subject of gossip throughout the country; Galba was far spent in years
and the general propensity for such a topic knew no check. Few people
showed sound judgement or any spirit of patriotism. Many were
influenced by foolish hopes and spread self-interested rumours
pointing to some friend or patron, thereby also gratifying their
hatred for Titus Vinius,[33] whose unpopularity waxed daily with his
power. Galba's affability only served to strengthen the gaping
ambition of his newly powerful friends, for his weakness and credulity
halved the risk and doubled the reward of treason.
The real power of the throne was divided between the consul, Titus 13
Vinius, and Cornelius Laco, the prefect of the Guards; and an
influence as great was enjoyed by Icelus, one of Galba's freedmen, who
had been given the gold ring[34] and was now greeted by the name of
Marcianus. These three ordinarily disagreed, and followed each his own
interest in smaller matters: on the question of the succession they
fell into two camps. Vinius was for Marcus Otho. Laco and Icelus were
agreed not so much on any one as on any other. Galba was aware of the
friendship between Otho and Vinius. Otho was a bachelor and Vinius had
an unmarried daughter: so gossip, never reticent, pointed to them as
father and son-in-law. Galba, one may suppose, felt some concern for
his country, too. Why take the throne from Nero, if it was to be left
to Otho? Otho had led a careless boyhood and a dissolute youth, and
endeared himself to Nero by aping his vices. Thus it was to Otho, as
being already in the secret, that Nero entrusted his favourite
mistress, Poppaea Sabina,[35] until he could get rid of Octavia. Later
he grew jealous and removed Otho to the province of Lusitania under
cover of a governorship. Otho had been popular in his administration
of the province, and was one of the first to join Galba's party. Being
a man of action and one of the most distinguished of Galba's officers
in the war, when once he had conceived the hope of succeeding him, he
eagerly indulged it. Most of the soldiers were on his side and the
Court supported him as Nero's double.
After receiving the news of the German revolt, although Galba knew 14
nothing for certain of Vitellius' plans, he was fearful to what
lengths the outbreak of the troops might go; so, being unable to trust
the troops in the city,[36] he had recourse to what seemed his sole
remedy and held an Imperial Election. Besides Vinius and Laco he
summoned Marius Celsus, consul-elect and the City-Prefect Ducenius
Geminus. [37] After prefacing a few words about his own advanced age he
ordered Piso Licinianus[38] to be sent for, either on his own
initiative, or, as some believed, at the instance of Laco. Laco had
met Piso at Rubellius Plautus' house and they had formed a friendship,
but he cunningly pretended that he was supporting a stranger, and
Piso's good repute gave colour to this policy. Piso was a noble on
both sides, being the son of Marcus Crassus and Scribonia. There was
an old-world austerity in his face and bearing, and just critics spoke
of his strict morality: people who took a less favourable view thought
him soured. But while those who disliked this side of his character
carped at it, it was a recommendation in the eyes of the emperor who
intended to adopt him.
Galba is said to have taken Piso's hand and addressed him as 15
follows: 'Were I a private citizen, and were I to adopt you in the
presence of the Priests by the usual formality of a curial
statute,[39] it would be an honour for me to introduce into my family
a descendant of Cnaeus Pompeius and of Marcus Crassus, and for you it
would be a distinction to add to your noble ancestry the glories of
the Sulpician and Lutatian houses. [40] As it is, I have been called by
the consent of gods and men to be an emperor. Your distinguished
qualities and your patriotism have persuaded me to offer to you
peacefully and quietly the throne for which our ancestors fought on
the field of battle,[41] and which I too won by war. In so doing I am
following the precedent set by the sainted Augustus, who raised to the
rank next himself first his nephew Marcellus, then his son-in-law
Agrippa, then his daughter's sons,[42] and finally his stepson
Tiberius Nero. However, while Augustus looked for a successor in his
own family, I have searched throughout the country. Not that I lack
either kinsmen or supporters, but it was by no favour of birth that I
myself came to the throne, and, to prove my policy in this matter,
consider how I have passed over not only my own relatives but yours.
You have an elder brother,[43] as noble as yourself. He would have
been worthy of this position, but you are worthier. You are old enough
to have outlived youthful passions. Your life has been such that you
have nothing in your past to excuse. So far you have only experienced
misfortune. Prosperity probes the heart with a keener touch; misery
only calls for patience, but there is corruption in success. Honesty,
candour, and affection are the best of human qualities, and doubtless
you yourself have enough character to retain them. But the
complaisance of others will weaken your character. Flattery and
servile compliments will break down its defences and self-interest
too, the bane of all sincerity. What though you and I can talk plainly
with each other to-day? Others will address themselves not to us but
to our fortunes. To persuade an emperor what he ought to do is a
laborious task: any one can flatter him without a spark of sincerity.
'If the vast bulk of this empire could stand and keep its balance 16
without a guiding hand, the Republic might well have dated its birth
from me. As it is, things have long ago come to such a pass that
neither I in my old age can give the Roman people any better gift than
a good successor, nor you in your prime anything better than a good
emperor. Under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, Rome was the heirloom
of a single family. There is a kind of liberty in the free choice we
have begun to exercise. Now that the Julian and Claudian houses are
extinct, by the plan of adoption the best man will always be
discovered. Royal birth is the gift of fortune, and is but valued as
such. In adoption we can use a free judgement, and if we wish to
choose well, the voice of the country points the way. Think of Nero,
swollen with the pride of his long line of royal ancestry. It was not
Vindex with a powerless province at his back, nor I with a single
legion that freed Rome's shoulders of that burden: it was his own
cruelty and profligacy. And that was before there was any precedent
for the conviction of an emperor.
'We have been called to the throne by the swords of those who thought
us worthy. Our high state will not escape the eye of envy. You may be
sure of that. But there is no reason for you to feel alarm because in
this world-wide upheaval a couple of legions have not yet settled
down. I myself did not succeed to a safe and peaceful throne, and,
when once the news of your adoption is spread, I shall cease to be
charged with my advanced age, which is now the only fault they find in
me. The rascals will always miss Nero: you and I have got to see that
good citizens do not miss him too.
'A longer sermon would ill befit the time and I have fulfilled my
purpose, if I have done right in choosing you. The soundest and
easiest criterion of right and wrong policy is to consider what you
would have approved or condemned in another emperor. For Rome is not
like the nations which are ruled by kings, where one house is supreme
and the rest are slaves. Your future subjects are men who cannot
endure the extremes either of bondage or of freedom. '
Galba spoke these words and more to the same effect in the tone of one
creating an emperor: the rest addressed Piso as though he were emperor
already. He is said to have betrayed no sign of amazement or 17
elation either before those who were then present, or later when
everybody's eyes centred upon him. His language to his emperor and
adoptive father was deeply respectful and he spoke modestly of
himself. He made no change in his expression or bearing, showing
himself more able than anxious to rule. A discussion then took place
whether the adoption should be announced before the people or in the
senate, or in the guards' camp. They decided in favour of the camp, on
the ground that it would be a compliment to the troops, whose goodwill
was hard to win by flattery or bribes, but was by no means to be
despised, if it could be won by good means. Meanwhile the curiosity of
the populace, impatient of any important secret, had brought together
crowds all round the Palace, and when once the rumour began to leak
out an attempt at suppression only resulted in spreading it.
The tenth of January was a dreary wet day, and an extraordinary 18
storm of thunder and lightning showed the displeasure of Providence.
Such phenomena were regarded in old days as a sign for the suspension
of public business, but they did not deter Galba from proceeding to
the camp. Either he disregarded such things as the result of pure
chance or else he felt that the blows of fate may be foretold but not
forestalled. He addressed a crowded assembly of the soldiers with true
imperial brevity, stating simply that in adopting Piso he was
following the example of the sainted Augustus, and the old military
custom whereby each man chose another. [44] He was afraid that by
suppressing the news of the German rebellion he might only seem to
exaggerate the danger, so he voluntarily declared that the Fourth and
Twenty-second legions had been led by a few traitors into seditious
murmurings but no further, and would soon return to their allegiance.
He made no attempt to enhance his words either by eloquence or
largess. However, the tribunes and centurions and those of the
soldiers who stood nearest to him gave well-sounding answers. The rest
were sorry and silent, for the war seemed to have lost them the
largess that had always been usual even in peace. Everybody agrees
that they could have been won over had the parsimonious old emperor
made the least display of generosity. He was ruined by his strict
old-fashioned inflexibility, which seems too rigorous for these
degenerate days.
From the camp they proceeded to the senate, and Galba's speech to 19
its members was no fuller or finer than to the soldiers. Piso spoke
graciously, and there was no lack of support in the senate. Many
wished him well. Those who did not were the more effusive. The
majority were indifferent, but displayed a ready affability, intent on
their private speculations without thought of the country's good. No
other public action is reported of Piso during the four days which
intervened between his adoption and assassination.
FOOTNOTES:
[32] i. e. the emperor's finance agent in the province of
Belgica.
[33] Cp. chap. 6.
[34] A gold signet-ring was the sign of a free-born Roman
knight. Its grant to freedmen was an innovation of which
Tacitus disapproved.
[35] Tacitus here follows the story told by Suetonius in his
life of Otho. In the _Annals_, xiii. 45, 46, Tacitus gives in
detail a more probable version. It is more likely that Poppaea
used Otho as a stepping-stone to Nero's favour than that Otho,
as Suetonius quotes, 'committed adultery with his own wife. '
[36] See chap. 5, note 10.
[37] One of the three Commissioners of Public Revenue
appointed by Nero in A. D. 62 (_Ann. _, xv. 18).
[38] Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus was the son of M.
Licinius Crassus Frugi, and adopted son of L. Calpurnius Piso
Frugi. His mother, Scribonia, was a descendant of Pompey.
[39] Adoption from one family into another needed in old days
the sanction of the Comitia Curiata. When that assembly became
obsolete, the priests summoned a formal meeting of thirty
lictors, and their sanction of an act of adoption was still
called _lex curiata_. Galba was now _Pontifex maximus_.
[40] Galba belonged to the _Gens Sulpicia_, and was connected
through his mother, Mummia, with Q. Lutatius Catulus, who had
led the senatorial party in the first half of the last
century.
[41] i. e. Galba's great-grandfather had fought for Caesar
against Piso's ancestor, Pompey.
[42] The children of Julia and Agrippa.
[43] Crassus Scribonianus, cp. chap. 47, and iv. 39.
[44] i. e. co-optation, employed in former days to raise a
special contingent for emergencies.
GALBA'S MEASURES OF PRECAUTION
Reports of the German rebellion grew daily more insistent and the
public was always ready to believe any news, provided it was bad.
Accordingly the senate decided that a commission must be sent to the
army in Germany. It was discussed in private whether Piso should go
himself to add dignity to the commission, since he could carry the
authority of the emperor, while the others represented the senate. It
was also proposed to send Laco, the prefect of the Guards, but he
objected. The senate had allowed Galba to nominate the commissioners
and he showed the most miserable indecision, now nominating members,
now excusing them, now making exchanges, yielding always to pressure
from people who wanted to go or to stay at home according as they were
determined by their hopes or their fears. The next question was 20
one of finance. After investigating all possible sources it seemed
most reasonable to recover the revenue from those quarters where the
cause of the deficit lay. Nero had squandered in lavish presents two
thousand two hundred million sesterces. [45] Galba gave instructions
that these monies should be recovered from the individual recipients,
leaving each a tithe of their original gift. However, in each case
there was scarcely a tenth part left, for these worthless spendthrifts
had run through Nero's money as freely as they had squandered their
own: they had no real property or capital left, nothing but the
apparatus of their luxury. Thirty of the knights were entrusted with
the duty of recovering the money. This commission, for which there was
no precedent, proved vastly unpopular owing to the scope of its
authority, and the large number of the victims. Every quarter seemed
beset with sales and brokers and lawsuits. And yet lively satisfaction
was caused by the discovery that the beneficiaries of Nero's bounty
were as poor as the victims of his greed.
At this time several officers were cashiered, Antonius Taurus and
Antonius Naso of the Guards, Aemilius Pacensis of the City Garrison,
and Julius Fronto of the Police. [46] However, this proved no remedy.
The others only began to feel alarmed, thinking that Galba's craft and
timidity had sacrificed a few, while his suspicions rested on them
all.
FOOTNOTES:
[45] About twenty-three million sterling of our money.
[46] i. e. of the cohorts which formed the police and
fire-brigade of the city. See chap. 5, note 10.
THE RISE OF OTHO
Meanwhile Otho had nothing to hope from a peaceful settlement: all 21
his plans demanded a disturbance. Many motives spurred him on: his
extravagance would have ruined a prince, and his poverty have
perplexed a private person: he was angry with Galba and jealous of
Piso. He also alleged fears for his safety, by way of whetting his
ambition. 'I proved a nuisance to Nero,' he would say, 'and can
scarcely expect the compliment of a second exile to Lusitania. [47]
Besides, monarchs always hate and suspect the man who is mentioned as
"next to the throne". This was what did me harm with the old emperor,
and it will weigh still more with the youthful Piso, who is naturally
savage and has been exasperated by a long period of exile. It would be
easy to kill me. I must do and dare while Galba's authority is on the
wane and Piso's not yet established. These times of change suit big
enterprises; inaction is more deadly than daring; there is no call for
delay. Death is the natural end for all alike, and the only difference
is between fame and oblivion afterwards. Seeing that the same end
awaits the innocent and the guilty, a man of spirit should at least
deserve his fate. '
Otho's character was by no means so effeminate as his person. His 22
intimate freedmen and slaves, who were allowed a licence unusual in
private households, dangled before him the baits for which he was
greedy: the luxuries of Nero's Court, the marriages he could make, the
adulteries he could commit, and all the other imperial pleasures. They
were his, they pointed out, if he would bestir himself; it was
shameful to lie quiet and leave them to others. He was also incited by
the astrologers, who declared that their study of the stars pointed to
great changes and a year of glory for Otho. Creatures of this class
always deceive the ambitious, though those in power distrust them.
Probably we shall go on for ever proscribing them and keeping them by
us. [48] Poppaea[49] had always had her boudoir full of these
astrologers, the worst kind of outfit for a royal ménage. One of them,
called Ptolemy, had gone with Otho to Spain[50] and foretold that he
would outlive Nero. This came true and Otho believed in him.
He now
based his vague conjectures on the computations of Galba's age and
Otho's youth, and persuaded him that he would ascend the throne. But,
though the man had no real skill, Otho accepted the prophecy as if it
was the finger of fate. Human nature always likes to believe what it
cannot understand.
Nor was Ptolemy himself slow to incite his master to crime, to 23
which it is only a short step from such ambitions. But whether his
criminal designs were deliberate or suddenly conceived, it is
impossible to say. He had long been courting the goodwill of the
soldiers either in the hope of being adopted by Galba or to prepare
the way for treason. On the road from Spain, while the men were
marching or on outpost duty, he would address the veterans by name,
reminding them how he and they had served together under Nero, and
calling them his comrades. He renewed acquaintance with some, asked
after others and helped them with money or influence, frequently
letting fall complaints and ambiguous remarks about Galba, using all
the arts which work upon uneducated minds. The soldiers grumbled
bitterly at the exertions of the march, the shortage of provisions,
and the strict discipline. What they were used to was a journey to the
Campanian Lakes or Greek seaports on board ship;[51] they found it
hard to struggle over the Pyrenees and Alps, and march immense
distances under arms.
While the soldiers were thus already fired with discontent, 24
Maevius Pudens, one of Tigellinus'[52] intimates, added fuel to their
feelings by luring on all who were naturally unstable or in need of
money, or rashly eager for a change. Eventually, whenever Galba dined
with him, Otho went the length of presenting a hundred sesterces to
each of the soldiers on guard, on the pretext that this was instead of
entertaining them. [53] This system of public largess Otho extended by
making presents in confidence to individuals, and such spirit did he
show in bribery that when a member of the Body Guard, Cocceius
Proculus, brought an action to claim part of his neighbour's farm,
Otho bought the whole property out of his own pocket and gave it to
him. He was enabled to do this by the inefficiency of the Prefect
Laco, who was no less blind to notorious than to secret scandals.
Otho then put Onomastus, one of his freedmen, in charge of the 25
projected crime, and Onomastus took into his confidence Barbius
Proculus, an aide-de-camp, and a subaltern named Veturius, both in the
Body Guard. [54] Having assured himself by many interviews that they
were both bold and cunning, Otho proceeded to load them with bribes
and promises, providing them with funds to enable them to test the
feelings of the others. And so a couple of common soldiers took it
upon them to transfer the Roman Empire: and they did it. A very few
were admitted as accomplices. These, by various devices, worked on the
indecision of the others. The non-commissioned officers who had been
promoted by Nymphidius felt themselves under suspicion; the private
soldiers were indignant and in despair at the constant postponement of
Galba's largess; some few were fired by the recollection of Nero's
régime and longed for the days of licence; all in common shared the
fear of being drafted out of the Praetorian Guards.
The infection of treason soon spread to the legions and 26
auxiliaries, whose excitement had been aroused as soon as they heard
that the armies of Germany were wavering in their allegiance. So, as
the disloyal were ready for treason and the loyal shut their eyes,
they at first determined to acclaim Otho as he was returning from
dinner on the night of the fourteenth. However, they hesitated: the
darkness spelt uncertainty, the troops were scattered all over the
town, and unanimity could scarcely be expected from drunken men. They
were not deterred by any affection for their country's honour, which
they were deliberately preparing to stain with its emperor's blood,
but they were afraid that, as Otho was unknown to the majority, some
one else might by mistake be offered to the Pannonian or German
legions and proclaimed emperor. Some evidence of the brewing plot
leaked out, but it was suppressed by the conspirators. Rumours even
reached Galba's ears, but Laco made light of them, being totally
ignorant of soldiers' characters, hostile to any suggestion, however
wise, that was not his own, and extremely obstinate with men who knew
more than he did.
On January 15, as Galba was sacrificing in front of the temple of 27
Apollo, the priest Umbricius declared the omens unfavourable: treason
was impending, and an enemy within the walls. Otho, who was standing
beside Galba, overheard and construed the omen as being from his own
point of view a good one, favourable to his plans. In a few moments
his freedman, Onomastus, announced that the architect and contractors
were waiting to see him. This had been agreed upon as the signal that
the troops were assembling and the conspiracy was ripe. On being asked
where he was going, Otho pretended that he was buying an old property,
but suspected its condition and so had to inspect it first. Thus,
leaning on his freedman's shoulder, he passed through Tiberius' house
into the Velabrum and thence to the Golden Milestone at the foot of
the Temple of Saturn. [55] There thirty-three soldiers of the Body
Guard saluted him as emperor. When he showed alarm at the smallness of
their number they put him hastily into a litter, and, drawing their
swords, hurried him away. About the same number of soldiers joined
them on the way, some accomplices, others merely curious. Some marched
along shouting and flourishing swords; others kept silent, intending
to take their cue from subsequent events.
Julius Martialis was the tribune on duty in the camp. He was so 28
overcome by the magnitude of this unexpected crime and so afraid that
the treason was widespread in the camp, and that he might be killed if
he offered any opposition, that he led most people to suppose he was
in the plot. So, too, the other tribunes and centurions all preferred
present safety to a risky loyalty. In fact the general attitude was
this: few dared to undertake so foul a crime, many wished to see it
done, and everybody was ready to condone it.
FOOTNOTES:
[47] Cp. chap. 13.
[48] Decrees excluding astrologers from Italy had been passed
in B. C. 33, A. D. 16, and again in A. D. 52. Vitellius passed
another. See ii. 62.
[49] Nero's wife. Cp. chap. 13.
[50] i. e. to Lusitania. See chap. 13.
[51] They were 'Guards' who had escorted Nero on his singing
tours through Greece. Perhaps some of them came to meet Galba
on his way from Spain. Otherwise they could not have shared
the toils of this march.
[52] See chap. 72.
[53] The public dinner given in older days by patrons to their
clients had long ago been commuted for a 'tip' (sportula).
Pudens, instead of providing dinner for Galba's guard, sought
their favour by giving them about 17_s. _ apiece.
[54] The English terms do not of course represent the exact
position of these soldiers. The former was one of the
emperor's personal body-guard (speculatores), who received the
watchword (tessera) and passed it round: the latter was one to
whom a centurion had delegated some part of his work.
[55] Plutarch explains this. 'He passed through Tiberius'
house, as it is called, and walked down to the Forum, where
stands the golden pillar to which all the high-roads of Italy
lead. ' The Velabrum lies between the Forum, the Tiber, and the
Aventine.
THE FALL OF GALBA
Meanwhile Galba in total ignorance and intent upon his sacrifices 29
continued to importune the gods of an empire that had already ceased
to be his. First there came a rumour that some one or other of the
senators was being hurried to the camp, then that it was Otho.
Immediately people who had met Otho came flocking in from all quarters
of Rome; some in their terror exaggerated the truth, some minimized
it, remembering even then to flatter. After discussion it was decided
that the temper of the cohort on guard in the palace should be tested,
but not by Galba himself. His authority was held in reserve for more
heroic remedies. The troops were summoned. Piso, standing out on the
steps of the palace, addressed them as follows:
'Fellow soldiers, it is now five days since I was made a Caesar. I
knew nothing of the future nor whether the name was more to be desired
or feared. It now lies with you to decide whether or no my adoption is
to prove a calamity for my house and for my country. In saying this, I
do not dread disaster on my own account. I have known misfortune, and
I am now discovering to the full that prosperity is just as dangerous.
But for the sake of my adoptive father, of the senate, and of the
whole empire, I deplore the thought that we may have to-day either to
die or--what for good men is as wretched--to kill. In the recent
revolution our comfort was that Rome was spared the sight of blood,
and the transfer was effected without disturbance. We thought that my
adoption would be a safeguard against an outbreak of civil war even
after Galba's death.
'I will make no claims to rank or respectability. To compare 30
myself with Otho, I need not recite my virtues. His vices are all he
has to be proud of. They ruined the empire, even when he was only
playing the part of an emperor's friend. Why should he deserve to be
emperor? For his swaggering demeanour? For his effeminate costume?
Extravagance imposes on some people. They take it for liberality. They
are wrong. He will know how to squander money, but not how to give it
away. His mind is full of lechery and debauchery and intrigues with
women. These are in his eyes the prerogatives of the throne. And the
pleasure of his vices would be all his, the blushes of shame would be
ours. No man has ever ruled well who won the throne by bad means.
'The whole Roman world agreed to give Galba the title of Caesar. Galba
with your approval gave that title to me. Even if the "country", the
"senate", the "people", are empty terms, it is to your interest, my
fellow soldiers, to see that it is not the rascals who create an
emperor. From time to time one hears of the legionaries being in
mutiny against their generals. But your good faith and your good name
have stood to this day unimpaired. It was not you who deserted Nero:
he deserted you. Are you going to allow less than thirty deserters and
renegades to bestow the crown? Why! no one would tolerate their
choosing so much as a centurion or a tribune for themselves. Are you
going to allow this precedent, and by your acquiescence make their
crime your own? You will soon see this lawless spirit spreading to the
troops abroad, and in time the treason will recoil on us and the war
on you. Besides, innocence wins you as much as the murder of your
emperor: you will get from us as large a bounty for your loyalty as
you would from others for your crime. '
The members of the Body Guard dispersed. The rest of the cohort 31
paid some heed to his speech. Aimlessly, as happens in moments of
confusion, they seized their standards, without as yet any fixed plan,
and not, as was afterwards believed, to cloak their treachery. Marius
Celsus had been dispatched to the picked detachments of the Illyrian
army, which were quartered in the Vipsanian arcade,[56] while
instructions had been given to two senior centurions,[57] Amullius
Serenus and Domitius Sabinus, to summon the German troops from the
Hall of Liberty. They distrusted the legion of marines, who had been
alienated by Galba's butchery of their comrades on his entry into
Rome. [58] Three officers of the guards, Cetrius Severus, Subrius
Dexter, and Pompeius Longinus, also hurried to the camp in the hope
that the mutiny was still in its early stages and might be averted by
good advice before it came to a head. The soldiers attacked Subrius
and Cetrius with threats and forcibly seizing Longinus disarmed him,
because he had not come in virtue of his military rank, but simply as
one of Galba's private friends; and for his loyalty to his master the
rebels disliked him all the more. The marines without any hesitation
joined the guards. The Illyrian draft[59] drove Celsus away at the
point of their javelins. The German detachments[59] wavered for some
time. They were still in poor condition physically, and inclined to be
passive. Nero had dispatched them as an advance-guard to
Alexandria;[60] the long voyage back again had damaged their health,
and Galba had spared no expense in looking after them.
The whole populace of Rome was now crowding into the palace 32
together with a good sprinkling of slaves. With discordant shouts they
demanded the death of Otho and the doom of the conspirators. They
might have been in the circus or the theatre, clamouring for
entertainment. There was neither sense nor sincerity in their
behaviour. They were quite ready on the same day to clamour for the
opposite with equal zeal. But it is an established custom to flatter
any emperor with unbridled cheering and meaningless enthusiasm.
Meanwhile Galba was torn between two opinions. Titus Vinius maintained
that they ought to remain within the palace, employ the slaves to
offer resistance and block up all the doors, instead of going out to
face the angry troops. 'This will give time,' he urged, 'for the
disloyal to repent and the loyal to unite their forces. Crimes demand
haste, good counsels profit by delay. Besides, if need be, we shall
have the same chance of leaving the palace later: if we leave and
repent of it, it will not be in our power to return. '
All the others voted for immediate action before the conspiracy 33
gathered strength and numbers. 'Otho,' they argued, 'will soon lose
heart. He crept away by stealth and was introduced in a litter to a
parcel of strangers, and now because we dally and waste time he has
leisure to rehearse his part of emperor. What is the good of waiting
until Otho sets his camp in order and approaches the Capitol, while
Galba peeps out of a window? Are this famous general and his gallant
friends to shut the doors and not to stir a foot over the threshold,
as if they were anxious to endure a siege? Much help may we hope from
slaves, when once the unwieldy crowd loses its unity and their first
indignation, which counts for so much, begins to cool. No, cowardice
is too risky. Or if we must fall, let us meet the danger half-way, and
cover Otho with disgrace, ourselves with honour. '
When Vinius resisted this proposal, Laco, prompted by Icelus,
assailed him with threats, persisting in his private quarrel to the
ruin of his country. Galba without further delay supported those 34
whose plan would look best. However, Piso was first dispatched to the
camp. The young man had a great name, his popularity was still fresh,
and moreover, he disliked Titus Vinius, or, if he did not, Vinius'
enemies hoped he did: it is so easy to believe in hatred. Scarcely had
Piso departed, when there arrived a rumour that Otho had been killed
in the camp. At first it was vague and uncertain, but eventually, as
so often happens with daring lies, people began to assert that they
had been present and seen the deed. Some were glad and some
indifferent, so the news gained easy credence. Many, however, thought
that the report had been concocted and disseminated by friends of
Otho, who now mingled in the crowd and tried to lure Galba out by
spreading this agreeable falsehood. At this point not only the 35
populace and the inexperienced mob but many of the knights and
senators as well broke out into applause and unbridled enthusiasm.
With their fear they had lost their caution. Breaking open the palace
gates they rushed in and presented themselves before Galba,
complaining that they had been forestalled in the task of revenge. All
the cowards who, as events proved, could show no pluck in action,
indulged in excessive heroics and lip-courage. Nobody knew, everybody
talked. At last, for lack of the truth, Galba yielded to the consensus
of error. When he had put on his breastplate he was lifted into a
chair, for he was too old and infirm to stand against the crowds that
kept flocking in. In the palace he was met by Julius Atticus, of the
Body Guard, who displayed a dripping sword and shouted out that he had
killed Otho. 'Comrade,' said Galba, 'who bade you? ' Galba had a
remarkable power of curbing soldiers' presumption, for he was not
afraid of threats nor moved by flattery.
Meanwhile in Otho's camp there was no longer any doubt of the 36
soldiers' unanimity. Such was their enthusiasm that they were not
content with carrying Otho shoulder-high in procession; they placed
him among the standards on the platform, where shortly before a gilt
statue of Galba had stood, and made a ring round him with their
colours. [61] Tribunes and centurions were allowed no approach: the
common soldiers even called out, 'Beware of the officers. ' The whole
camp resounded with confused shouts of mutual encouragement. It was
quite unlike the wavering and spiritless flattery of a civil mob. As
new adherents streamed in, directly a soldier caught sight of one of
them, he grasped him by the hand, flung his arms round him, kept him
at his side, and dictated the oath of allegiance. Some commended their
general to his soldiers, and some the soldiers to their general. Otho,
for his part, was not slow to greet the crowd with outstretched hand
and throw kisses to them. In every way he played the slave to gain a
throne. When the whole legion of the marines had sworn allegiance, he
gained confidence in his strength, and, considering that those whom he
had incited individually needed a few words of general encouragement,
he stood out on the rampart and began as follows:--'In what guise 37
I come forward to address you, Fellow Soldiers, I cannot tell. Dubbed
emperor by you, I dare not call myself a private citizen: yet
"emperor" I cannot say with another on the throne. And what am I to
call you? That too will remain in doubt until it is decided whether
you have here in your camp an enemy or an emperor of Rome. You hear
how they clamour at once for my death and your punishment. So clear is
it that we must fall or stand together. Doubtless Galba--such is his
clemency--has already promised our destruction. Is he not the man who
without the least excuse butchered thousands of utterly innocent
soldiers? [62] I shudder whenever I recall his ghastly entry into the
city, when before the face of Rome he ordered the decimation of the
troops whom at their humble petition he had taken under his
protection. That is Galba's only "victory". These were the auspices
under which he made his entry; and what glory has he brought to the
throne he occupies, save the murder of Obultronius Sabinus and
Cornelius Marcellus in Spain, of Betuus Cilo in Gaul, of Fonteius
Capito in Germany, of Clodius Macer in Africa, of Cingonius on his
march to Rome, of Turpilianus in the city, and of Nymphidius in the
camp? What province is there in the empire that has not been polluted
with massacre? He calls it "salutary correction". For his "remedies"
are what other people call crimes: his cruelty is disguised as
"austerity", his avarice as "economy", while by "discipline" he means
punishing and insulting you. It is but seven months since Nero's
death, and already Icelus alone has embezzled more than all the
depredations of Polyclitus and Vatinius and Aegialus[63] put together.
Why, Vinius would have been less greedy and lawless had he been
emperor himself. As it is, he treats us as his own subjects and
despises us as Galba's. His own fortune alone could provide the
largess which they daily cast in your teeth but never pay into your
pocket.
'Nor in Galba's successor either is there any hope for you. Galba 38
has seen to that. He has recalled from exile the man whose avarice and
sour temper he judged most like his own. You witnessed for yourselves,
my comrades, the extraordinary storm which signified Heaven's
abhorrence at that ill-starred adoption. The Senate and People of Rome
feel the same. They are counting on your courage. You alone can give
strength to the right policy: it is powerless without you, however
good it be. It is not to war and danger that I call you. All the
troops are with us.
