No More Learning

In the first edi-
NIUS, No. 11), and Basileides of Scythopolis tion the Latin version and the notes formed separate
[Basileides, No. 2). Even if we accept the volumes. Heinsius did not follow either the ar-
reading of Syncellus, as representing the genuine rangement of his MS. or his own suggested arrange
text of Eusebius, it is not improbable that the state- ment in Tetralogia. The first edition of Davis,
ment may have arisen from the latter confounding fellow of Queen's College, Cambridge, with the
Claudius Maximus, the Stoic, with Maximus of version of Heinsius, whose arrangement he adopted,
Tyre. Tillemont contends earnestly (Hist. des and short notes, was published, 8vo. Cambridge,
Empereurs, vol. i. p. 550, note 11, sur l’Emp. Tite 1703 ; the second and more important edition, in
Antonin. ) for the identity of the two persons, fol- which the text was carefully revised and a different
lowing in this the judgment of Jos. Scaliger, Jac. arrangement of the Dissertationes was adopted, was
Cappellus, Dan. Heinsius, and Barthius. Accord published after the editor's death by Dr. Joha
ing to Suidas (s. v. Mážiuos Tópios) Maximus re- Ward, the Gresham professor, with valuable notes,
sided at Rome in the time of the emperor Commo- by Jeremiah Markland, 4to. London, 1740. This
dus, and the title of the MS. of the Dissertationes second edition of Davis was reprinted with some
Maximi, in the King's Library at Paris, used by corrections and additional notes by Jo. Jac. Reiske,
Heinsius, Mašluov Tuplov MatwVIKOÙ OLADO Ópou 2 vols. 8vo. Lips. 1774–5. The works Περί
των εν Ρώμη διαλέξεων της πρώτης επιδημίας | Ομήρου και τίς η παρ' αυτώ αρχαία φιλοσοφία,
nówoi ua', Marimi Tyrii Platonici Philosophi Dis De Homero et quae sit apud eum antiqua Philoso-
sertationum Romae, quum ibi primo versaretur, com- phia, and Ei kalws Ewkpáros củk dtredornoato,
positarum, &c. , gives reason to believe that he re- Rectene Socrates fecerit, quod accusatus non respon-
sided there at least twice. Davis, indeed, disputes derit, mentioned by Suidas (l. c. ), appear to be two
this, and conjectures from intimations contained in of the Dissertationes, Nos. 16 and 39, in the edi-
the work itself that only a few of the dissertations tions of Heinsius and first of Davis, and Nos. 32
(five or perhaps seven) were written at Rome, that and 9 in Davis's second and Reiske's editions.
others were written in Greece, in which country he Some Stholia in Cratylum Platonis, by Maximus
thinks Maximus passed a longer period of his life of Tyre, were formerly extant in the Palatine
than at Rome. Certainly, while his works con- Library. Fed. Morellus conjectured, but on in-
tain abundant allusions to Grecian history, there is sufficient grounds, that Maximus was the Tyrian
scarcely a single reference to that of Rome. In sophist mentioned by Libanius (Orat. xix. pro ·
one passage (Dissert. viii. 8), Maximus states that Saltatoribus) as having written an 'Evtágios Nóyos,
he had seen the sacred rivers Marsyas and Mnean- Oratio Funebris, for the Trojan Paris.
der at Celaenae in Phrygia. He probably also The merits of Maximus of Tyre bave been ra-
had visited Paphos, in the isle of Cyprus, Mount riously estimated. Reiske, who undertook the
Olympus, in Asia Minor, and perhaps Aetna, in charge of the Leipzig edition, at the request of the
Sicily, with which he contrasts Olympus ; and as bookseller, when worn down by increasing years
he had seen also the quadrangular stone which the and long literary labours, especially in editing
Arabs worshipped as an image or emblem of their Plutarch, speaks of Maximus as a tedious, affected
deity, it is most likely that he had been in Arabia writer, who degraded the most elevated and im-
(Maxim. Dissert. ibid. ) But he does not appear portant subjects by his trivial and puerile mode of
to have resided in these places, but only to have treating them. But Markland, while admitting
visited them in the course of his travels, which and blaming the haste and inaccuracy of Maximus,
must have been extensive. The time of his death praises his acuteness, ability, and learning. He
is not known.
ihinks that Maximus published two editions of his
sog
H.
Li
2


## p. 1001 (#1017) ##########################################

MAXIMUS.
J001
MAXIMUS.
I TE
1551,
by la
* Tx
aber
7614, and
Tara
bexi
Dissertationes ; in the second of which (represented | foreigners. No reasonable doubt can be enter
by the version of Paccius, the Parisian MS. fol. tained with regard to the period when he flou-
lowed by Heinsius, and the Harleian MS. , one of rished. The dedication is indeed couched in such
those employed by Davis for his second edition) general terms, that the adulation might apply to
he corrected the errors in argument of the first almost any Caesar ; but when we find the writer
edition, but left uncorrected the numerous errors speaking of himself as removed by two generations
as to bistorical facts. (Fabric. Biblioth. Graec. vol. only from M. Antonius the orator (vi. 8. ç 1),
i. p. 516, vol. iii. p. 77, vol. v. p. 515, &c. ; Hein- when we remark the studied abhorrence every-
sius, Davis, Markland, alii, Praefut. Notae &c. ad where expressed towards Brutus and Cassius (vi.
Opera Mairimi Tyri. )
(J. C. M. ] 4. & 5, i. 8. § 8), and the eager fattery so lavishly
MAXIMUS, VALERIUS. 1. M'. VALERIUS heaped upon the Julian line, we at once conclude
(VOLUSI F. ) VOLUSUS MAXIMUS, was the first of the that he lived under the first emperors. The de-
Valerian house who bore the surname of Maximus. scription of the reigning prince as one descended
He was a brother of P. Valerius Poplicola, and was from both of the two illustrious censors, Claudius
dictator in B. C. 494, when the dissensions between Nero and Livius Salinator (ix, 2. § 6), distinctly
the burghers and commonalty of Rome de Neris marks out Tiberius ; and, this point being fixed,
were at the highest. Valerius was popular with we can determine that the parricide, whose treason
the plebs, and induced them to enlist for the Sabine and destruction form the theme of a glowing invec-
and Aequian wars, by promising that when the tive (ix. 11. $ 4), must be the notorious Sejanus
enemy was repulsed, the condition of the debtors The opinion hazarded by some of the earlier scho-
(neri) should be alleviated. He defeated and lars, that we ought to regard this Valerius Maximus
triumphed over the Sabines ; but unable to fulfil as the same person with the consul of that name
his promise to the commons, resigned his dictator- who held office for the first time under Volusianus
ship. The plebs, seeing that Valerius at least had | in A. D. 253, and for a second time under Gallienus
kept faith with them, escorted him honourably in A. D. 256, seems to be totally devoid of any
home. As he was advanced in life at the time of foundation, and is directly contradicted not only by
his dictatorship, he probably died soon after the evidence recited above, but also by the fact
(Dionys vi. 39–45; Liv. ii. 30, 31 ; Cic. Brut. that the Valerius Maximus whom we are now con-
14. )
sidering is referred to by the elder Pliny (H. N.
2 M. VALERIUS M'. F. VOLUSI N. LACTUCA i. ind. lib. vii. ), by Plutarch (Marcell. sub fin. ),
MAXIMUS, son of the preceding, was consul in B. c. and by Aulus Gellius (xii. 7), the testimony of
456. He opposed Icilius, tribune of the plebs, in the last especially being quite impregnable. Of
his efforts to assign the Aventine hill to the com- his personal history we know nothing, except the
mons (Dionys. . 31-33; Liv. iii. 31. ) The solitary circumstance, recorded by himself, that he
cognomen Lactuca, lettuce, a favourite esculent of accompanied, but in what capacity we are not told,
the early Romans (Mart. Ep. . 14) belongs to the Sex. Pompeius into Asia (ii. 6. § 8), the Sextus
same class of surnames as Cicer (Cicero) (Plin. Pompeius apparently who was consul a. D. 14, at
H. N. xviii. 3; Plut. Cic. 1) and Stolo in the the time when Augustus died, and who was the
Licinian family. (Varr. R. R. i. 2. )
first to render homage to his successor.
3. M. VALERIUS M. F. M. N. LACTUCINUS The subjects treated of are of a character so
MAXIMUS, was one of the military tribunes, with miscellaneous, that it would be impossible, without
consular power, in B. C. 398 and 395. (Liv. v. 14, transcribing the short notices placed at the head of
24. )
each chapter, to convey a clear idea of the contents.
4. M. VALERIUS M. f. M. n. MAXIMUS, was In some books the topics selected for illustration
four times praetor and consul in B. C. 312. His are closely allied to each other, in others no bond
province was Samnium, and it afforded him a of union can be traced. Thus the first book is en-
triumph, De Samnitibus Soruneisque (Fasti). He tirely devoted to matters connected with sacred
was legatus to the dictator, Papirius Cursor, in rites, and we have a succession of narratives : De
BC 308, and censor in B. C. 307, when he ex- Religione Observata, De Religione Neglecta, De Re-
tended or improved the roads through the demesne ligione Simulata, De Religione Peregrina Rejecta,
lands. (Liv. ix. 29, 40, 41, 43. )
De suspiciis, De Ominibus, De Prodigüs, De
5. M. VALERIUS M. F. M. N. MAXIMUS, with Somniis, De Miraculis ; the second book relates
the agnomen CORVINUS, derived from his father, chiefly to certain remarkable civil institutions ; the
M. Valerius Corvus, who was five times consul in third, fourth, fifth and sixth, to the more prominent
the Samnite wars. He was consul in B. c.
289 social virtues ; but in the seventh the chapters De
(Fasti). From the loss of Livy's second decade, Strategematis, De Repulsis, are abruptly followed
the history of his consulship is lost.
by those De Necessitate, De Testamentis Rescissis,
6. M. VALERIUS Maximus, with the agnomen De Ratis Testamentis et Insperatis. Upon observing
Potitus, was consul in B. c. 286. The agitation the symmetry which prevails in some places with
attending the Hortensian laws occupied the consuls the disorder 80 perceptible in others, we feel
of this year. (Fast. ; Plin. H. N. xvi. 10. ) strongly disposed to conjecture that particular sec-
7. M. VALERIUS MAXIMUS, was consul in A. D. tions may have been at one time circulated sepa-
253, 256. (Fasti. )
(W. B. D. ) rately, and afterwards collected without due atten-
MA'XIMUS, VALE'RIUS, to whom the prae tion being paid to their proper collocation ; while at
nomen Marcus is assigned in one of the best MSS. , the same time we are impressed with the conviction
and that of Publius in another, is known to us as that a much more suitable and natural disposition
the compiler of a large collection of historical anec of the different parts might be introduced. In this
dotes, er:titled De Factis Dictisque Memorabilibus way something like a general plan would become
Libri IX. , arranged under different heads, the say- visible; for without going so far as to assert that
ings and doings of Roman worthies being, more the whole ought to be regarded in the light of a
over, kept distinct in each division from those of formal treatise on morality, taught by examples, it
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## p. 1002 (#1018) ##########################################

1002
MAXIMUS.
MAXIMUS.
J. HOE
pablisha
without
the att
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iarze 223
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first, and
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1534;
blanks fi
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is even now very evident that the greater numberſ and Nepotianus are concerned, by the researches of
of the stories are designed to illustrate some great Angelo Mai, who detected in the library of the
moral principle. In an historical point of view the Vatican MSS. of these very abridgements, and
work is by no means without value, since it pre printed them in his “ Scriptorum Veterum Nova
serves a record of many curious events not to be Collectio e Vaticanis Codicibus edita,” 4to. Rom.
found elsewhere ; but from the errors actually de 1828, vol. iii. pt. iii. p. 1–116. The abridgement
tected upon points where we possess more precise of Julius Paris includes the whole of the nine books,
information, it is manifest that we must not repose and also the Liber Decimus de Praenominibus, which
implicit confidence in the statements unless where terminates, it would seem, abruptly, for the index at
they are corroborated by collateral testimony. The the beginning of the MS. promises six chapters,
writer is much too eager to make a strong impres-De Praenominibus, De Nominibus, De Cognominibus,
sion, and is willing to sacrifice both simplicity and De Agnominibus, De Appellationibus, De Verbis, of
probability for the sake of astonishing and con- which the first only is extant. There is a dedica-
founding his readers. The style, in like manner, tion likewise to a Licinius Cyriacus, in which Paris
although not destitute of force and point, is through declares “ decem Valerii Maximi libros dictorum et
out constrained and ambitious, full of violent anti- factorum memorabilium ad unum volumen epitomae
theses and harsh metaphors, cumbrous and obscure. coegi. ” This piece was unquestionably executed
The Latinity which was pronounced by Erasmus at a very early period, for the phraseology is very
to bear no more resemblance to that of Cicero than pure, and is by no means a close transcript of the
a mule does to a man, is of such an inferior stamp original, from which the epitomator departs not only
that many critics have been unable to persuade in words, but occasionally in facts also, as may be
themselves that it could have proceeded from one seen from the examples quoted in Mai (praef. xxii. ).
who bordered closely upon the Augustan age, and The abridgement of Nepotianus again is very im-
hence have been driven to adopt the hypothesis perfect, breaking off in the second chapter of the
that what we now possess is not really the produc- third book : it belongs to a later epoch than the
tion of Valerius Maximus, but a series of extracts former, but is quite independent of it, it is more
from him, collected and compressed by a later hand, brief, passes over several of the examples given by
according to the plan pursued by Justin towards Valerius, and substitutes others in their room. We
Trogus Pompeius (JUSTINUS); and Vossius sup- are led to surmise that the same MS. may at one
poses that this task was performed by a certain time have embraced the abridgement of Probus
Julius Paris. Without dwelling upon the à priori also, for subjoined to the conclusion of Julius Paris
argument, which is, however, very convincing, that we read the title C. TITI PROBI FINIT EPITOMA
the pages now before us contain many ornaments, HISTORIARUM DIVERSORUM EXEMPLORUMQUE
many diffuse descriptions, and many grandiloquent ROMANORUM. FELICITER EMENDAVI DESCRIP-
periods, which would have been omitted, curtailed, TUM RABENNAE RUSTICIUS HELPIDIUS Dom-
and tamed down by an epitomator, we must make nULUS, V. C. If these words stand upon a separate
some inquiries into the extent of the original work, leaf, which is not quite certain from the description
and these will be found to bear directly upon the of Mai, we should be induced to conclude that a
origin and plausibility of the theory which we have large number of sheets had been left out in binding
just stated.
up the MS. , and that these had comprehended the
All the most important MSS. and the earliest five missing sections, “ De Nominum Ratione,”
printed editions present us with nine books and no together with the whole abridgement of Probus.
But to a few codices a short tract is found Although the question with respect to the tenth
appended on the history and import of the praeno- book of Valerius is involved in greater obscurity
men among the Romans. To this are usually pre-than ever by the result of the above investigations,
fixed two brief introductions, first published from we may now feel certain that the second and third
MSS. by Pighius. One professes to be C. Titi of the three propositions by which Vossius endea-
Probi in Epitomen suam Praefatio, the other is voured to get rid of the difficulties by which the
anonymous ; but both regard this fragment as be subject is embarrassed, cannot be maintained.
longing to an abridgment of a tenth book of Valerius These were: 1. That Julius Paris was the epito-
Maximus, which is supposed to have discussed all mator of the nine books of Valerius Maximus ; 2.
the different names in use ; and the second preface That he was the author of the essay “ De Nominum
ascribes the abridgement expressly to “ Julius Ratione ;” 3. That Probus merely drew up an
Paris, the abbreviator of Valerius," who, it is epitome of the essay by Julius Paris.
added, entitled it Liber Decimus de Praenominibus Finally, we must not omit to point out that even
et similibus. Now, although the “Epitome de before the discovery of Mai the abridgment by
Nominum Ratione,” as it is sometimes called, does Paris was not altogether unknown. There is a
not, as it stands, bear the slightest resemblance in blank in the MSS. of Valerius Maximus extending
form or in substance to the Memorabilia, and from i. 1. § 5, of the “ externa exempla," down to
although it is hard to understand how it could, the end of chapter IV. This hiatus Aldus filled
from whatever source derived, have been in any up by an extract supplied to him by Cuspinianus,
way connected with it, we are fully entitled to from the epitome of Paris then existing at Vienna;
iufer from these little prefaces that Valerius Max- and this has been retained in all subsequent edi-
imus had been abridged by a Titus Probus, and by tions, so that what we now read within the above
a Julius Paris; and, in addition to these two, a limits are not the words of Maximus, but of
letter published by Labbe (Biblioth. MSS. vol. i. Paris.
p. 669) furnishes us with the name of a third epi- Besides the abridgements already specified, Mai
tomator, Januarius Nepotianus. The belief, how- found no less than three more among the MSS. of
ever, that what now passes as the work of Valerius the Vatican, two of them anonymous ; the third
Maximus was, in truth, one of these abridgments, by “ John the son of Andrew ;” and so late as the
has been completely overthrown, in so far as Paris end of the fifteenth century Robert de Valle and
more.
Vorstics
Tenius, 4
standard
duced by
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English
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There is
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as early
1405, an
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Paris, 18
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were scat
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30, &c. 7
MAZA.
who, wit
against the


## p. 1003 (#1019) ##########################################

MAZAEUS.
1003
? MEDEIA.
2011
9109
ore
Pro
XER
J. Honorius arranged similar excerpta, which were | Ochus, while the latter was preparing to march
published, the former in 4to. , without date and against them in person, B. C. 351 (Diod. xvi. 42).
without name of place or printer, but about 1500, 2. A Persian officer who was sent by Darcius, at
the latter at Leipzig, 4to. 1503. These facts prove the head of a small force, to guard the passage of
how highly the Memorabilia was valued as a store- the Euphrates, at Thapsacus, and ravage the dis-
house where rhetoricians could at all times find a trict through which Alexander was likely to pass.
large and varied stock of striking illustrations ready He prevented the troops sent forwards by Alex-
for use; and Paris informs us that his epitome was ander from completing the bridges which they had
intended to render these treasures more available to begun to throw across the river, but retired on the
debaters and declaimers.
approach of Alexander himself, and rejoined Dareius.
The Editio Princeps of Valerius Maximus, ac- His name occurs several times in the account of
cording to the best bibliographers, is a folio in the manoeuvres which preceded the battle of Gau-
Gothic characters, without date and without any gamela, and in the battle itself he headed the
name of place or printer, but which is known to Persian cavalry, with which he sorely presscd
have been the work of J. Mentelin of Strasburg, Parmenio, while a detachment by his orders as-
and to have appeared about 1470: this and two saulted the Macedonian camp. After the flight of
other very old impressions, one by Peter Schoyfer, Dareius he retreated with the remnants of the army
fol. Mogunt. 1471, the other by Vindelin de Spira, to Babylon, but made a voluntary surrender on the
fol. Venet. 1471, contest the honour of being the approach of Alexander, who appointed him satrap
first, and in addition, upwards of fourteen distinct of Babylon, B. C. 331. (Arrian, iii. 7. $ 2, iv. 18.
editions, were published before 1490, a sure indi- $ 4, vii
. 18. 81; Curt. iv. 9. &S 7, 12, 14, iv. 12.
cation of the high estimation in which the book $S 1, 15, iv. 15. § 5, iv. 16. $$ 1, 7, v. l. $S 17,
was held.
43, v. 8. § 12. )
(C. P. M. ]
The first critical edition was that of Aldus, 8vo. MAZARES (Mašápns), a Mede, was sent by
Venet. 1502 ; and the text was gradually improved Cyrus into Lydia, about' B. c. 545, to carry into
by the labours of Paulus Manutius, 8vo. Venet. effect there the suggestion of Croesus, that the
1534; of Steph. Pighius, who filled up many Lydians should be prevented from bearing arms
blanks from MSS. , but did not bestow sufficient and be rendered as effeminate as possible. Mazares
time upon his task, 8vo. Antv. Plantin. 1657 ; of was also commissioned to bring Pacteas, the
Vorstius, 8vo. Berol. 1672 ; and especially of Tor- rebel, back to Cyrus, as a prisoner. He compelled
renius, 4to. Leid. 1726, whose text is still the the Lydians to submit to the new regulations of
standard, although some improvements were intro- the conqueror, and he succeeded in getting Pactyas
duced by Kappius, 8vo. Lips. 1782 ; and much into his power. He then went against the rebels,
still remains in a most unsatisfactory condition. who had besieged Tabalus, the Persian governor,
We have an English translation, "The History in the citadel of Sardis ; and, having enslaved the
of the Acts and Sayings of the Ancient Romans, Prienians, he overran the region about the Maean-
written by Valerius axin translated into der and the Magnesian plain. Soon after he was
English by W. Speed, 8vo. Lond. 1678 ;” another attacked by a disease which proved fatal. (Herod.
by Charles Lloyd was advertised in 1814 ; but it i. 156–161. )
(E. E. )
seems doubtful whether it' was ever published. MEBARSAPES (Mngapoánns), king of Adia-
There is a very old half translation, half com- bene, a province of Assyria, was attacked by Tra-
mentary, in French, by Simon de Hesdin and jan in his expedition against the Parthians. (Dion
Nicolas de Gonesse, commenced by the former Cass. Ixviii. 22, with the note of Reimarus. )
as early as 1364, finished by the latter about MECHANEUS (Mnxaveús), skilled in invent-
1405, and printed without date or name of ing, was a sumame of Zeus at Argos (Paus. ii. 22,
place about 1476. See Mémoires de l'Académie $ 3). The feminine form, Mechanitis (Mnxavītis),
de Belles Lettres, vol. xxxvi. p. 165. There are occurs as a surname of Aphrodite, at Megalopolis,
also several translations into French, Italian, and and of Athena, in the same neighbourhood. (Paus.
German, the most recent in the three languages viii. 31, § 3, 36, $ 3. )
(L. S. ]
respectively being those by Fremion, 3 vols. 8vo. MECHO'PHANES, a disciple of Pausias, and
Paris, 1827; by Michaele Battagia, 2 vols. 8vo. apparently a distinguished painter of the Sicyonian
Treviro, 1821 ; and by Hoffmann, 5 vols. 16mo. school, is thus described by Pliny :“Sunt quibus
Stuttgard, 1828.
(W. R. ] et Mechophanes, ejusdem Pausiae discipulus, placeat
MĂZA'CES (Mašákns), a Persian, satrap of diligentia, alias durus in coloribus, et sile multus.