"
It is also peculiar to what a small extent he shared in
the triumphant tone displayed everywhere after the
war.
It is also peculiar to what a small extent he shared in
the triumphant tone displayed everywhere after the
war.
Treitschke - 1914 - Life and Works
"
Filled by the desire to continue the worthy labours of
the year 1866 he enthusiastically adopted Mathy's idea
to include Baden in the North German Convention, and
thought it unkind that Bismarck failed to honour Mathy's
memorandum on the subject with a reply. If Prussia
should not carry out her plans he was afraid the Pan-
Germans in Baden would again become masters of the
situation, and he added: "If Bavaria, Wtirtemberg, and
Baden should go with Austria, even the European situa-
tion will assume a different physiognomy. " All the same,
he was at that time too closely in touch with Bismarck to
advocate too strongly the Mathy plan in the "Annuals. "
Treitschke stigmatized as obtrusive the Lasker Par-
liamentary Bill of February, 1871, Lasker acting as
attorney for the Badenese Government, which he was not,
and surprising Bismarck with his proposal without having
first consulted him.
Mathy's death on February 4th, 1868, affected Treitschke
all the more as Mathy had influenced him considerably
in his decision to gain for a second time a footing in Baden.
Besides, Treitschke warmly remembered Mathy's beautiful
trait in assisting younger men whom he considered promis-
ing. "You belong to the few," Freytag admitted to
him, " who have fully grasped Mathy's love and faith. "
It was, however, not only Mathy's sweetness of character
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? 56 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
which he had detected beneath the caustic ways of the
old Ulysses, but also his political reliability. "I still cannot
get over it," he mournfully wrote to Freytag; "among all
the old gentlemen of my acquaintance he was to me
the dearest and the one deserving of greatest respect. "
"The real Badenese," he said in another letter, " never
really cared for their first politician, and your book again
shows clearly the sin for which Mathy never will be
pardoned--character. " Another letter to the same
friend in August, 1868, runs as follows: "Here in the South
the disintegration of order continues. The recent Constitu-
tional Festival has vividly reminded me of our never-
to-be-forgotten Mathy. How the world has changed
in twenty-five years since Mathy organized the last
Badenese Constitutional Festival. Thank goodness, the
belief in this particularist magnificence has to-day com-
pletely disappeared. The festival was an ostensible failure,
a forced and feigned demonstration. The Ultramontanes
kept aloof because they hated Jolly and Beyer, and the
Nationalists who participated for that reason openly
admitted that they had longed for the happy end of the
old man. " His depreciative opinion of the conditions in
Baden finally developed into slight when a few weeks
after the Constitutional Festival the ministerial candidates
Bluntschli, Lamey, and Keifer, who had gone over on
the formation of the new Ministry, attempted to overthrow
the Ministry favourably disposed towards Prussia by
convoking the Liberal deputies at Offenburg. In the
Prussian Annuals he now called upon his North German
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 57
friends in disdainful terms to study the pamphlet of these
gentlemen against Jolly, in order to gain a somewhat more
correct idea of the political state of affairs in Baden.
In his opinion it was a sort of " Ziiriputsch " arranged by
the Swiss gentlemen, Bluntschli, Schenkel, and Renaud.
It might have applied as far as Heidelberg was concerned,
but the country was really attached to Lamey, whose
name was tied up with the fall of the Concordate, and
whose canon laws of 1860, making a Catholic country
of Baden, were at that time praised by all of us as the
corner-stone of liberty and political wisdom. Treitschke's
only answer to Bluntschli's agitation for energetic revision
of the Constitution was to leave the Paragon State in its
present form until Prussia would absorb the whole. The
attempt to overthrow the Ministry failed as the Regent
had been left out of account. In Heidelberg, Treitschke,
at an assembly of citizens, took up the cudgels for Jolly,
and was principally opposed by Schenkel, who declared
that he would not allow himself to be threatened by the
sword of Herr von Beyer. Surprised, Bluntschli, however,
wrote in his diary that the citizens applauded Treitschke,
who spoke for Jolly, no less than Schenkel, who spoke
against him. When the whole question was brought
before a second and very largely-frequented assembly
of the Liberal Party in Offenburg, Bluntschli made
Goldschmidt and Treitschke's other friends promise
that Treitschke should abstain from speaking as he would
upset all peace proposals. The latter, however, immediately
declared he could not be forced to maintain silence. At
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? 58 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
least a thousand men congregated from all parts of the
country, more than the big hall "Zum Salmen " was
capable of holding. Eckard, subsequently Manheim bank
manager, sat in the chair; on the part of the Fronde,
Kieper, instructed by Jolly, spoke, and for Jolly, Kusel
from Karlsruhe addressed the meeting. Treitschke as a
Prussian allowed the Badenese to speak first, and only
towards the finish did he ascend the platform. A con-
tributor of the Taglische Rundschau gave the following
account: "The meeting had lasted for a considerable
time, and the audience, after standing for hours closely
packed in the heavy, hot air, was tired, when a person
unknown to us started speaking. His delivery was slow
and hesitating, with a peculiar guttural sound, and his
intonation was monotonous. Citizens and peasants
amongst whom I stood looked at each other astonished
and indignant. Who was this apparently not very happy
speaker who dared to claim the patience of the assembly?
We were told it was Professor Treitschke of Heidelberg.
At first ill-humoured, but soon with growing interest,
we followed his speech, which gradually became more
animated. The power and depth of thoughts the com-
pelling logic proofs adduced, the clearness and force of
language, and above all the fire of patriotism, all this
captivated the listeners and carried them irresistibly away.
The outward deficiencies of the lecturer were now unob-
served; attentively, with breathless excitement, these
simple people listened to the orator, who spoke with the
force of the holiest conviction; and when finishing with
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 59
the exhortation to set aside all separating barriers for
the sake of the country, a real hurricane of enthusiasm
broke forth. The audience crowded round the speaker
and cheered him; he was lifted by strong arms amid
ceaseless enthusiasm. It was the climax of the day.
Never since have I witnessed a similar triumph of
eloquence. "
He had appealed particularly to the peasants present
by his outspoken and simple words. Schenkel likewise
was disarmed. Heidelberg friends related how Schenkel,
who in Heidelberg had contested Treitschke's speech
in favour of Jolly, immediately afterwards advanced
towards the platform in order to speak, but Treitschke's
utterances had rendered unnecessary a rejoinder. When,
on the other hand, I asked Treitschke after his return
whether in his opinion peace would be a lasting one, he
replied: "Oh, Lord, no! the lack of character is much
too great. " In a still more disdainful manner and full of
passionate exasperation against Bluntschli he wrote to
Freytag: "Jolly understands very well how to assert
himself here; daily he cuts a piece off the big Liberal list
of wishes, but immediately a new one grows beneath.
Where is this to lead? Moreover, there are blackguards
like this miserable Bluntschli at the head of the patriots!
Nokk, my brother-in-law, who is well able to judge the
situation, has long ago despaired of a peaceful solution. "
In January, 1870, whilst staying at Heidelberg, and
shortly before the outbreak of war, the second collection
of historic political essays was published. The editor's
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? 60 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
intention was to publish them before Christmas, but
Treitschke delayed matters. "I hate everything sug-
gestive of business," he told me, "and I don't want to
belong to the Christmas authors. " He was also averse
to editions in parts. The essay on Cavour, which shortly
afterwards appeared translated in Italian, brought him
the Italian Commander Cross--a necklace, as his wife
said. When one of his friends had fallen in disgrace
on account of a biting article in the Weser Zeilung
attributed to him, Treitschke said: "If the man wants
to carry a chamberlain's key and six decorations, he
might as well have the muzzle belonging to it " ; and
when asking him whether this also applied to him, he
replied: "No, but I have not been asking for it. " This
volume of historic essays contained the treatise on the
Republic of the Netherlands--full of sparkling descriptions
of Holland and her national life, which proved that not
in vain had he brought his Brief je van de uuren van hat
vertrekk, i. e. his railway booklet for the [land of the frogs
and the ducats. Particularly weighty, however, was his
essay on French Constitution and Bonapartism, in which
he proved that Bonapartism had revived, thanks to the
Napoleonic fundaments of State having remained, a
circumstance which even after the fall of Napoleon III,
and in spite of all their defeats, made him believe in the
return of the Bonapartes. His essay "On the Consti-
tutional Kingdom" forming part of this collection, and
containing views on the wretchedness of Small State
Court Life; on the poverty of thought and the rudeness
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 61
of the South German Press; on the South German's
respectful awe of the deeds of Napoleon, the national
arch-enemy; and on the bustling vanity of Church autho-
rities, could not create a great impression after his
previous and much stronger dissertations. He himself
was dejected owing to the scantiness of enthusiasm aroused
by his persistent appeals "to discard decayed political
power," to upset the Napoleonic crowns and to continue
the laudable efforts of 1866. Some friends likened his
situation to that of Borne, who is the object of criticism
in one of the essays, and who, in his Paris letters,
always predicted anew the revolution which always
failed to materialise. By Napoleon's declaration of
war "this sturdy century " took the last stride towards
its goal.
Being a border power, Baden naturally feared the
war which Treitschke was pining for. At that time
already his mind was clear as to the weakness of the
Empire, and the profligate stupidity of the French people.
Being constantly in touch with Berlin he was better
informed regarding certain developments than we were.
When speaking to him for the first time after the declara-
tion of war he solemnly said: "I think of the humilia-
tion we escaped! If Bismarck had not drawn up so
cleverly the telegram on the Benedetti affair the King
would have yielded again. " At the general drinking
bout improvised by the students prior to going to the
front or to barracks, Treitschke was received as if he
had been the commander-in-chief, and he certainly
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? 62 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
was on that evening. The speech of Pro-Rector
Bluntschli, opening the ball, had a decidedly sobering effect.
He pointed out how many a young life would come to
an early end, how many a handsome fortune would be
lost, how many a house and village would be burned to
ashes, etc. The speech was written down, and when
shown to Treitschke he merely said, "S'isch halt a
Schwizer" ("He is, after all, only a Swiss"). Capital
words by Zeller followed: "We have heard the crowing
of the Gallic cock, and the roaring of Mars; but there is
only one to tame wild Ares, and that is Pallas Athene,
the Goddess of Clever Strategy, and upon her we rely. "
When, subsequently, Treitschke rose, applause and
acclamations prevented him for some time from making
himself heard. His speech expressed joy at the events
happening in our lifetime, and exhortations to prove
as worthy as the fighters of 1813. Ideas and colour of
speech were as countless as the bubbles in a glass of
champagne, but they intoxicated. His magnificent
peroration terminated approximately in the following
manner: "Fichte dismissed German youth to the Holy
War with the motto, 'Win or die' ; but we say, 'Win
at any price I'" Already he had received a more
cordial reception than anyone, but now hundreds rushed
forward with raised glasses eager to drink his health.
The shouts of enthusiasm threatened the safety of floor
and ceiling. As one crowd receded, so another surged
round him, just as waves beget waves. I have seen
many teachers honoured under similar circumstances,
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 63
all with a smile of flattered vanity on their lips, but
never had homage assumed such proportions. Treitschke's
face showed outspoken joy at these warmhearted young
people, who surely would not fail to give a good account
of themselves, and it was distinctly annoying to him
that the following winter he had to give lectures to those
who had not joined the ranks. He was, however, deeply
moved at the nation having risen as one man, and he
apologized for all the unkind words he had uttered
previously. Later on, he wrote: "During these days
in Germany it seemed as if humanity had improved. "
The song on the Prussian eagle, which from Hohen-
zollern flew towards the North and now returns south-
wards--a subject inspired by Baumgarten--is a beautiful
memento of his elated feelings at that time.
During the ensuing period he led a surprisingly retired
life, and we heard only that he was writing. When meet-
ing him shortly before the days of Saarbruck, he looked
pale and excited. "What a long time it takes," he
said, "for such great armies to be brought together.
The tension is almost unbearable. " He was visibly ill
with excitement. When the days of Worth and Spichern
had happily passed, we met at the Museum to study the
telegrams which arrived hourly. He, however, failed to
turn up, and it was said he was writing. There was a
good deal of simulated activity about, but for him there
was nothing in particular to do. At last his excellent
essay, "What we Demand of France," saw the light of
day, and at the same time it appeared in the Prussian
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? 64 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
Annuals. Now it was evident what he had been doing
in seclusion. Everybody was amazed at the mass of
detail collected during the short interval, in order to
impress the reader with the thoroughly German character
of Alsace. Of almost every little town he knew a story
by which it became intertwined with the German past.
There was Alsatian local tradition galore in the book,
as if he at all times had lived with these people. To his
mind the fact that the Alsatians at the time would not
hear of Germany did not make them French. "The
mind of a nation is not formed by contemporary genera-
tions only, but by those following. " Erwin von Stein-
bach and Sebastian Brandt, also, were of some account,
and, after reviewing the German past of the country, he
asks: "Is this millennium, rich in German history, to be
wiped out by two centuries of French supremacy? "
In regard to the future of Alsace he was from the first
convinced it would have to become a Prussian province,
as Prussian administration alone possessed the power to
rapidly assimilate it. Only when convinced of the
realisation of Unitarian ideas a Prussian, as he now
always called himself, could desire to see a frontier of
Prussia extending from Aachen to Mulhouse. To make
out of Alsace an independent State, enjoying European
guarantee of neutrality, as proposed by Roggenbach in
the Reichsrath, would have meant creating a new Bel-
gium on our south-west coast, in which the Catholic
Church would have been the only reality, and Treitschke,
in his essay of 1870, replied thereto by referring to the
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 65
"disgusting aspect of the nation Luxemburgoise,"
although in the Annuals he ostensibly spared the
quaint statesman, who was his friend. "Let us attach
Alsace to the Rhine Province," he said; "we shall then
have a dozen more opposition votes in Parliament, and
what does that matter? The rest you leave to Prussian
administration. " Neither we nor he could foresee that
in thirty years it would not achieve more; but he did not
fail to point out that the only cause of the failure was
the creation of the "Reichsland," a hybrid which was
neither fish nor flesh. He, however, shared Freytag's
aversion for the title of Emperor, which, in his opinion,
bore too much of black, red, gold, and Bonapartist
reminiscences. Both wished for a German King; but
finally Bluntschli's common-sense prevailed, he having
suggested, " The peasant knows that an Emperor is more
than a King, and for that reason the Chief of an Empire
must be called Emperor; besides, it will be better for
the three Kings; they will then know it, too," saying
which the stout Swiss laughed heartily.
On the other hand, Treitschke never became reconciled
to Bavaria's reserved rights. He spoke of a new treaty
of Ried, similar to that which, in 1813, guaranteed
sovereignty to Bavaria, and expressed anger at the
weakly Constitution which reverted again to federalism.
With malicious joy he reported that the former Pan-
Austrian fogy, when examining students for the degree
of Doctor of Law, now always questioned on Bavarian
reserved rights. The whole arrangement with Bavaria
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? 66 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
and Wiirtemberg appeared to him "like a Life Insur-
ance Policy of the Napoleonic crowns with his magnani-
mous Prussia, which compelled him to adjourn his
Unitarian plans ad Grcecas calendas.
"
It is also peculiar to what a small extent he shared in
the triumphant tone displayed everywhere after the
war. Sybel's essay, "What we might Learn of France,"
had his full approval. He was disgusted with the way
the journalists in the newspapers, the teacher in the
chair, and the clergyman in the pulpit gave vent to their
patriotic effusions. In his letters he likewise spoke
slightingly of the modern customary orations regarding
German virtue and French vice. The more he disliked
the remnants of particularism in the new Constitution,
the less he was disposed to admire the Germans, who,
in his opinion, had forfeited the greatest reward of great
times by their own individualism. This it was which
distinguished him from the ordinary Chauvinist, and
only too well he realised in how many things the nation,
in spite of all successes, had remained behind his ideals.
Nobody, however, has given more beautiful expres-
sion to the deep and serious thoughts with which
we celebrated peace in 1871. Like a prayer-book
we read the essay in the Annuals, in which he opened
his heart. He himself had lost his only brother at
Gravelotte, my wife hers at La Chartre. The Prussian
nobility was in mourning; he, however, consoled us:
"May common grief still more than great successes unite
our people formerly at variance with each other. Rapidly
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 67
die away the shouts of victory, long remain the deep lines
of grief. Who will count the tears which have been shed
around the Christmas-tree? Who has seen the hun-
dred thousand grieved hearts from the Alps to the sea,
who, like a big, devout community, have pinned their
faith again to the splendour of the Fatherland? "
Actuated by the same sentiments, I had preached,
shortly before, in the Church of the Holy Spirit, on
"Blessed are ye who have suffered," and therefore
could doubly appreciate his efforts to touch the
people's innermost feelings. His words have never been
forgotten.
V.
The few years which Treitschke spent in Heidelberg
after the war were, as he himself admitted, the happiest
of his life. His tiny house, overlooking the Neckar and
Rhine Valley, was for him a constant source of joy, and
proudly he would take his visitors to the top of the vine-
yard, from which the Speyer Dom and Donner Mountain,
near Worms, were visible. Immediately adjacent to his
property excavations had been made in times gone by,
and even now bricks and fragments of pottery, bearing
the stamp of the Roman Legation, were to be found.
Thus he had historical ground even under his feet.
When, occasionally, on my return from a visit about mid-
night, I still saw lights in his study, I could not refrain
from thinking of Schiller, who, likewise, found the late
hours of night most propitious for his creations. It
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? 68 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
would be a mistaken idea to think that Treitschke,
vivaciously as he lectured, wrote his works without
exhaustive preparations. He just served as a proof
that genius and industry go hand-in-hand. Thanks to
his iron constitution, he could work until two o'clock in
the morning, yet be gay and full of life the following day.
Surrounded by his small crowd of children--two girls
and a boy--and with his elegant and slim-looking wife
by his side, he felt truly happy. It was a thoroughly
aristocratic and harmonious home, which in every detail
betrayed the gentle and tasteful hand of his spouse.
There was something distinctly humorous in his peculiar
ways, which made the visitor feel at home. Above all,
he was completely unaware of the noise he made. Baum-
gartcn, who was nervous, and worked with him in the
Archives, declared that not only was the throwing of
books and constant moving of his chair unbearable,
but also his uncontrollable temper. On one occasion,
Treitschke took up the register he had been studying,
and, jumping about the room on one leg, shouted,
"Aegidi, Aegidi! " It appeared that in the Ambassa-
dor's Report of the Prussian Diet of 1847 he had found
a memorial of his friend Aegidi stud, juris in Heidelberg,
which the Ambassador had communicated to Berlin
with a view to showing the present spirit of German
students, and which started with the following declara-
tion: "Like the Maid of Orleans before the King of
her country, so I, a German youth, come before the
noble Diet in order to give proof of the patriotic wishes
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 69
agitating youth. " Similar humorous outbursts of his
temperament occurred, of course, at home as well. He at
times experienced difficulties with his toilette. The ladies,
then, had to manipulate him into a corner to adjust his
tie or collar. In Scheveningen, where he occupied a room
next his family, he once rushed out on the general
balcony when unable to manipulate a button, shouting,
"Help! help! " so that the phlegmatic Dutch neigh-
bours looked out of the windows, thinking a great mis-
fortune had happened. The importunity with which
some people asked for autographs, and others for copies
of his books, his photograph, or a memento of some kind,
provided his keen sense of propriety with excellent
material for displaying originality. All this, however,
was done in such a humorous fashion that his company
proved most amusing. He behaved towards his students
with strictness, although he was gay enough when
addressing them from the chair. They idolized him,
but at all times he kept them at a distance.
When the University filled again for the winter term,
1871-1872, Treitschke had gained among the students
a position second to none. His lectures on modern
history, politics, and the Reformation, were crowded,
and his descriptive powers always thrilled his audience.
Hausser's force had been in his irony; with Treitschke,
humour and pathos alternated like thunder and light-
ning. Even listeners of more matured age admitted
that they had never heard anything that could be com-
pared with his natural elementary eloquence. Unable
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? 70 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
to hear the clock strike, he had arranged with those
sitting in front to make a sign at a given hour ; but, as
nobody wished him to discontinue, he often unduly
prolonged his lectures. Now and then ladies turned up.
At first he informed them by letter that he could not
permit their presence, but when they persisted in coming
he told the porter to refuse them entrance, and angrily
added his intention of putting up a notice similar to
those in front of anatomical theatres: "For gentlemen
only! " When meeting his colleagues he never even
hinted at the striking success he scored with his audience.
His disposition was anything but over-confident, and he
associated just as cordially with those whose academic
failures were notorious--provided he appreciated them
otherwise--as with the past-masters, whose level was
as high as his own. He never referred at all to the
demonstrations which students made in his favour.
In the choice of his friends, as well as in the choice of
his enemies, he was aristocratic, but vain he was not.
Enthusiastic patriotism was the keynote of his life, and
this explains its aesthetics. A sensitive admirer of
nature, appreciating as keenly as anybody the lovely
scenery of the ruins of Heidelberg Castle, he nevertheless
favoured the re-building of the same, obsessed by the
idea that it must become the palace of the German King.
His literary opinions could easily be gauged, as his com-
pass always pointed towards Prussia. When he invited
us to an evening, we knew beforehand we should read
the Prince of Homburg, or some similar work. This
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 71
explains also his predilection for Kleist, and for Uhland,
the patriot. Of Hebbel's works--he was about to pre-
pare an analysis of them in a new form for publication
in the essays--the Nibelungs were his favourite. Did
he not himself bear resemblance to Siegfried, who plans
to chain up the perfidious Danish Kings outside the gate,
where, as they had behaved like dogs, they were to bark
on his arrival and departure? This was quite his style
of thinking, just as at the Theatre Francais my travelling
companion, when listening to the patriotic ravings of
Ernani, the highwayman, whispered to me: "Exactly
like Treitschke! " Not only "The Trousers of Herr
von Bredow," of which he knew considerable parts by
heart, but Brandenburg poetry in general gave him great
pleasure. He even shielded Hesekiel and Scherenberg
against attacks; and the scruples of learned men
respecting Freytag's "Ingo and Ingraban" were sup-
pressed by him. Turbulent men were to his liking; the
criticisms of German Law History and of the Spruner
Atlas regarding these descriptions had, to his mind,
nothing to do with poetry. Whatever met with the
approval of his patriotism could be sure of his apprecia-
tion. My first two novels met with a very friendly
reception in the Press, as, thanks to my pseudonym,
"George Taylor," quite different authors had been sus-
pected. No sooner, however, had the wise men from
the East discovered that a theologian had been the
author than, on the appearance of the third novel,
entitled "Jetta," they vented their rage at having been
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? 72 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
deceived. Treitschke, however, declared " Jetta " to be
the best of the three books. He liked the Alemans for
the thrashing they had given the Romans, and that
settled the matter as far as he was concerned. The way
the learned fraternity censured Hermann Grimm ap-
peared stupid to him, like school pedantry. He realised
as well as anybody else the defects and mistakes, but he
called it childish spite to take to task such an ingenious
author for all sorts of blunders and amateurish triviali-
ties when he had original views, and had created a
picture of culture, such as the life of Michelangelo.
In the same way he stood up for living and not for
dead writers, in spite of the opposition of the learned
fraternity; but he did not, however, defend their super-
ficiality or phrase-making.
The great literary post-bellum events were "The Old
and the New Faith," by Strauss, and the revival of
Schopenhauer pessimism by Hartmann and Nietzsche,
books which--albeit different in form, yet related in
their fundamental views of the world--appeared to
Treitschke, in view of the melancholy tone adopted, like
an inexplicable phenomenon. How could anybody be
a pessimist in times like the present, when it was a
pleasure to be alive? Of Hartmann he said: "This is
the philosophy of the Berliner when suffering from
phthisis. " With Olympic roars of laughter he derided,
over a glass of beer, Hartmann's sentimentality and
his many discussions whether the feelings of pleasure
or displeasure predominate in human nature. After all,
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 73
Hartmann had left us the consolation of Nirvana; but
Nietzsche, by his revival theory, deprived us of the
consoling thought of pcacefulness after death. Nietzsche's
first essay on the origin of tragedy had met with Treit-
schke's approval. Was he not himself to adopt the
Nietzschean phrase of "a dithyrambic disposition "?
and, to him, Socratic natures were likewise unsym-
pathetic. In his criticism on Strauss he gave proof
of his aversion to Socratic dispositions, an aversion
which he shared with Nietzsche. He was the only one
of our circle who defended Nietzsche's essay and criti-
cized Strauss' "Old and New Faith. " He would not
admit the merits of a book which represents the material-
istic theory in transparent clearness, and thereby brings
defects to light which cannot be overlooked. He
simply went by results. A book, which as far as we,
the enlightened ones, were concerned, sought a last
consolation in music, had to be somewhat disagreeable
to him, deaf as he was. But he would not even admit
Strauss' beauty of style. "Beautiful style by itself
does not exist," he said. "A style is beautiful when the
writer is represented by it. Style should faithfully
express the nature and temperament of the author. With
Lessing, I admire the clear statements, because they are
natural to this clear dialectician; but with Strauss they
do not belong to the man, as with Lessing, but to the
essay. " Strauss' style just lacked the personal element.
If Strauss, on the other hand, found Treitschke's style
indigestible, the contrast is thereby quite correctly
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? 74 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
characteristic. While patriotic pathos dominated the
one, the other one was, throughout, reflective and
logical; that is to say, the one was a dithyramb and the
other one a Socratic nature. I could not always share
Treitschke's clearly formed opinions, but we were all
grateful to him for the interest with which he invested
conversation, and for his ability to maintain it. His
own activity was that of an artist as well as that of a
scientist. Impressions of his travels through all the
valleys of Germany, poetry, newspaper extracts, con-
versations and humorous stories of friends, were always
at his command, and these combined with accurate studies
from the Archives and information verbally received
enabled him to shape his work. Considering his system
of gathering information, it was inevitable that occa-
sionally he was provided with unauthentic news, for, as
soon as conversation arose on a subject useful to him,
his pocket-book appeared, and he asked to have the
story put down. When I once wrote for him that, at
the outbreak of the Army mutiny in Karlsruhe, a
picture of Grand Duke Leopold was exhibited in all
the libraries, with the verse:
Zittert ein Tyrann von Revolutionen.
Du Leopold kannst ruhig thronen.
Dein Volk verlasst Dich nicht
(Though a tyrant may dread revolution,
Thou, O, Leopold, mayest safely reign.
Thy people will not forsake thee),
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 75
he immediately placed the piece of paper separately and
said, "This will appear in the sixth volume " ; but it
never saw the light of day. I personally could vouch
for the correctness of my story, but how easy it was to
obtain wrong information under these circumstances,
and, as a matter of fact, all sorts of protests against his
anecdotes were raised after each publication. It is
notorious how circumstantially he subsequently had to
explain or contradict the story of the silver spoon of Prince
Wrede, the Red Order of the Eagle of Privy Councillor
Schmalz, and many other things, and much more fre-
quently still he promised correction in the subsequent
edition to those who had lodged complaints. We were
very much annoyed at the injustice with which he, in
the fifth volume, characterized the Grand Duke Leopold,
who was exceedingly conscientious and benevolent.
When attacking him for it in our domestic circle, he
declared that every petty State had its idol, and that
we ought to break ourselves of it as others had done.
Treitschke's tales from the Reichstag provided a rich
source of amusement. When entering Parliament, in
1871, all friends were of opinion the deaf man would not
stand it long, and his enemies mockingly remarked:
"It is right he should be there. " But the canvassing tour
in itself proved a great recreation for him, and if he had
achieved nothing beyond the strengthening, by his fiery
speeches, of the German sentiment of people on the
Hunsruck and in the Nahe Valley, this gain alone was
worth the trouble. His efficiency in Berlin exceeded
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? 76 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
all expectations. He sat next to the shorthand
writers, and after having grasped their system of
abbreviations, he followed the speeches, and thus was
often better informed than those who sneered at the deaf
deputy. It was more difficult for him to attend at
Committee sittings, but his friend Wehrenpfennig
kept him informed as far as possible. As all parties
decided in committee how to vote, Treitschke's speeches
in plenum really were of value for the public only, but the
reputation of the Reichsrath certainly was considerably
enhanced by the fact that people who liked reading the
parliamentary proceedings were able to find the speeches
reproduced in the newspapers. The orations of "the deaf
man who had no business in Parliament" are, with the
exception of Bismarck's, after all, the only ones which,
after his death, have been edited in book form from the
protocols, and even to-day they are a source of political
information and patriotic elevation. It was a great event
when the circle of friends in Heidelberg heard that
Treitschke had delivered his maiden speech in the
Reichstag, and great was our joy when we read that in
this first speech he had vehemently attacked the Ultra-
montanes.
Deputy Reichensperger moved that, with a view to
safeguarding the liberty of the Press, Unions and the
Church Articles III--V of the Frankfort fundamental
laws should be incorporated in the Constitution of the
Empire. Treitschke started by declaring that the
nation's hope of a temporary continuance, at any rate
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Filled by the desire to continue the worthy labours of
the year 1866 he enthusiastically adopted Mathy's idea
to include Baden in the North German Convention, and
thought it unkind that Bismarck failed to honour Mathy's
memorandum on the subject with a reply. If Prussia
should not carry out her plans he was afraid the Pan-
Germans in Baden would again become masters of the
situation, and he added: "If Bavaria, Wtirtemberg, and
Baden should go with Austria, even the European situa-
tion will assume a different physiognomy. " All the same,
he was at that time too closely in touch with Bismarck to
advocate too strongly the Mathy plan in the "Annuals. "
Treitschke stigmatized as obtrusive the Lasker Par-
liamentary Bill of February, 1871, Lasker acting as
attorney for the Badenese Government, which he was not,
and surprising Bismarck with his proposal without having
first consulted him.
Mathy's death on February 4th, 1868, affected Treitschke
all the more as Mathy had influenced him considerably
in his decision to gain for a second time a footing in Baden.
Besides, Treitschke warmly remembered Mathy's beautiful
trait in assisting younger men whom he considered promis-
ing. "You belong to the few," Freytag admitted to
him, " who have fully grasped Mathy's love and faith. "
It was, however, not only Mathy's sweetness of character
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? 56 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
which he had detected beneath the caustic ways of the
old Ulysses, but also his political reliability. "I still cannot
get over it," he mournfully wrote to Freytag; "among all
the old gentlemen of my acquaintance he was to me
the dearest and the one deserving of greatest respect. "
"The real Badenese," he said in another letter, " never
really cared for their first politician, and your book again
shows clearly the sin for which Mathy never will be
pardoned--character. " Another letter to the same
friend in August, 1868, runs as follows: "Here in the South
the disintegration of order continues. The recent Constitu-
tional Festival has vividly reminded me of our never-
to-be-forgotten Mathy. How the world has changed
in twenty-five years since Mathy organized the last
Badenese Constitutional Festival. Thank goodness, the
belief in this particularist magnificence has to-day com-
pletely disappeared. The festival was an ostensible failure,
a forced and feigned demonstration. The Ultramontanes
kept aloof because they hated Jolly and Beyer, and the
Nationalists who participated for that reason openly
admitted that they had longed for the happy end of the
old man. " His depreciative opinion of the conditions in
Baden finally developed into slight when a few weeks
after the Constitutional Festival the ministerial candidates
Bluntschli, Lamey, and Keifer, who had gone over on
the formation of the new Ministry, attempted to overthrow
the Ministry favourably disposed towards Prussia by
convoking the Liberal deputies at Offenburg. In the
Prussian Annuals he now called upon his North German
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 57
friends in disdainful terms to study the pamphlet of these
gentlemen against Jolly, in order to gain a somewhat more
correct idea of the political state of affairs in Baden.
In his opinion it was a sort of " Ziiriputsch " arranged by
the Swiss gentlemen, Bluntschli, Schenkel, and Renaud.
It might have applied as far as Heidelberg was concerned,
but the country was really attached to Lamey, whose
name was tied up with the fall of the Concordate, and
whose canon laws of 1860, making a Catholic country
of Baden, were at that time praised by all of us as the
corner-stone of liberty and political wisdom. Treitschke's
only answer to Bluntschli's agitation for energetic revision
of the Constitution was to leave the Paragon State in its
present form until Prussia would absorb the whole. The
attempt to overthrow the Ministry failed as the Regent
had been left out of account. In Heidelberg, Treitschke,
at an assembly of citizens, took up the cudgels for Jolly,
and was principally opposed by Schenkel, who declared
that he would not allow himself to be threatened by the
sword of Herr von Beyer. Surprised, Bluntschli, however,
wrote in his diary that the citizens applauded Treitschke,
who spoke for Jolly, no less than Schenkel, who spoke
against him. When the whole question was brought
before a second and very largely-frequented assembly
of the Liberal Party in Offenburg, Bluntschli made
Goldschmidt and Treitschke's other friends promise
that Treitschke should abstain from speaking as he would
upset all peace proposals. The latter, however, immediately
declared he could not be forced to maintain silence. At
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? 58 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
least a thousand men congregated from all parts of the
country, more than the big hall "Zum Salmen " was
capable of holding. Eckard, subsequently Manheim bank
manager, sat in the chair; on the part of the Fronde,
Kieper, instructed by Jolly, spoke, and for Jolly, Kusel
from Karlsruhe addressed the meeting. Treitschke as a
Prussian allowed the Badenese to speak first, and only
towards the finish did he ascend the platform. A con-
tributor of the Taglische Rundschau gave the following
account: "The meeting had lasted for a considerable
time, and the audience, after standing for hours closely
packed in the heavy, hot air, was tired, when a person
unknown to us started speaking. His delivery was slow
and hesitating, with a peculiar guttural sound, and his
intonation was monotonous. Citizens and peasants
amongst whom I stood looked at each other astonished
and indignant. Who was this apparently not very happy
speaker who dared to claim the patience of the assembly?
We were told it was Professor Treitschke of Heidelberg.
At first ill-humoured, but soon with growing interest,
we followed his speech, which gradually became more
animated. The power and depth of thoughts the com-
pelling logic proofs adduced, the clearness and force of
language, and above all the fire of patriotism, all this
captivated the listeners and carried them irresistibly away.
The outward deficiencies of the lecturer were now unob-
served; attentively, with breathless excitement, these
simple people listened to the orator, who spoke with the
force of the holiest conviction; and when finishing with
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 59
the exhortation to set aside all separating barriers for
the sake of the country, a real hurricane of enthusiasm
broke forth. The audience crowded round the speaker
and cheered him; he was lifted by strong arms amid
ceaseless enthusiasm. It was the climax of the day.
Never since have I witnessed a similar triumph of
eloquence. "
He had appealed particularly to the peasants present
by his outspoken and simple words. Schenkel likewise
was disarmed. Heidelberg friends related how Schenkel,
who in Heidelberg had contested Treitschke's speech
in favour of Jolly, immediately afterwards advanced
towards the platform in order to speak, but Treitschke's
utterances had rendered unnecessary a rejoinder. When,
on the other hand, I asked Treitschke after his return
whether in his opinion peace would be a lasting one, he
replied: "Oh, Lord, no! the lack of character is much
too great. " In a still more disdainful manner and full of
passionate exasperation against Bluntschli he wrote to
Freytag: "Jolly understands very well how to assert
himself here; daily he cuts a piece off the big Liberal list
of wishes, but immediately a new one grows beneath.
Where is this to lead? Moreover, there are blackguards
like this miserable Bluntschli at the head of the patriots!
Nokk, my brother-in-law, who is well able to judge the
situation, has long ago despaired of a peaceful solution. "
In January, 1870, whilst staying at Heidelberg, and
shortly before the outbreak of war, the second collection
of historic political essays was published. The editor's
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? 60 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
intention was to publish them before Christmas, but
Treitschke delayed matters. "I hate everything sug-
gestive of business," he told me, "and I don't want to
belong to the Christmas authors. " He was also averse
to editions in parts. The essay on Cavour, which shortly
afterwards appeared translated in Italian, brought him
the Italian Commander Cross--a necklace, as his wife
said. When one of his friends had fallen in disgrace
on account of a biting article in the Weser Zeilung
attributed to him, Treitschke said: "If the man wants
to carry a chamberlain's key and six decorations, he
might as well have the muzzle belonging to it " ; and
when asking him whether this also applied to him, he
replied: "No, but I have not been asking for it. " This
volume of historic essays contained the treatise on the
Republic of the Netherlands--full of sparkling descriptions
of Holland and her national life, which proved that not
in vain had he brought his Brief je van de uuren van hat
vertrekk, i. e. his railway booklet for the [land of the frogs
and the ducats. Particularly weighty, however, was his
essay on French Constitution and Bonapartism, in which
he proved that Bonapartism had revived, thanks to the
Napoleonic fundaments of State having remained, a
circumstance which even after the fall of Napoleon III,
and in spite of all their defeats, made him believe in the
return of the Bonapartes. His essay "On the Consti-
tutional Kingdom" forming part of this collection, and
containing views on the wretchedness of Small State
Court Life; on the poverty of thought and the rudeness
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 61
of the South German Press; on the South German's
respectful awe of the deeds of Napoleon, the national
arch-enemy; and on the bustling vanity of Church autho-
rities, could not create a great impression after his
previous and much stronger dissertations. He himself
was dejected owing to the scantiness of enthusiasm aroused
by his persistent appeals "to discard decayed political
power," to upset the Napoleonic crowns and to continue
the laudable efforts of 1866. Some friends likened his
situation to that of Borne, who is the object of criticism
in one of the essays, and who, in his Paris letters,
always predicted anew the revolution which always
failed to materialise. By Napoleon's declaration of
war "this sturdy century " took the last stride towards
its goal.
Being a border power, Baden naturally feared the
war which Treitschke was pining for. At that time
already his mind was clear as to the weakness of the
Empire, and the profligate stupidity of the French people.
Being constantly in touch with Berlin he was better
informed regarding certain developments than we were.
When speaking to him for the first time after the declara-
tion of war he solemnly said: "I think of the humilia-
tion we escaped! If Bismarck had not drawn up so
cleverly the telegram on the Benedetti affair the King
would have yielded again. " At the general drinking
bout improvised by the students prior to going to the
front or to barracks, Treitschke was received as if he
had been the commander-in-chief, and he certainly
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? 62 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
was on that evening. The speech of Pro-Rector
Bluntschli, opening the ball, had a decidedly sobering effect.
He pointed out how many a young life would come to
an early end, how many a handsome fortune would be
lost, how many a house and village would be burned to
ashes, etc. The speech was written down, and when
shown to Treitschke he merely said, "S'isch halt a
Schwizer" ("He is, after all, only a Swiss"). Capital
words by Zeller followed: "We have heard the crowing
of the Gallic cock, and the roaring of Mars; but there is
only one to tame wild Ares, and that is Pallas Athene,
the Goddess of Clever Strategy, and upon her we rely. "
When, subsequently, Treitschke rose, applause and
acclamations prevented him for some time from making
himself heard. His speech expressed joy at the events
happening in our lifetime, and exhortations to prove
as worthy as the fighters of 1813. Ideas and colour of
speech were as countless as the bubbles in a glass of
champagne, but they intoxicated. His magnificent
peroration terminated approximately in the following
manner: "Fichte dismissed German youth to the Holy
War with the motto, 'Win or die' ; but we say, 'Win
at any price I'" Already he had received a more
cordial reception than anyone, but now hundreds rushed
forward with raised glasses eager to drink his health.
The shouts of enthusiasm threatened the safety of floor
and ceiling. As one crowd receded, so another surged
round him, just as waves beget waves. I have seen
many teachers honoured under similar circumstances,
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 63
all with a smile of flattered vanity on their lips, but
never had homage assumed such proportions. Treitschke's
face showed outspoken joy at these warmhearted young
people, who surely would not fail to give a good account
of themselves, and it was distinctly annoying to him
that the following winter he had to give lectures to those
who had not joined the ranks. He was, however, deeply
moved at the nation having risen as one man, and he
apologized for all the unkind words he had uttered
previously. Later on, he wrote: "During these days
in Germany it seemed as if humanity had improved. "
The song on the Prussian eagle, which from Hohen-
zollern flew towards the North and now returns south-
wards--a subject inspired by Baumgarten--is a beautiful
memento of his elated feelings at that time.
During the ensuing period he led a surprisingly retired
life, and we heard only that he was writing. When meet-
ing him shortly before the days of Saarbruck, he looked
pale and excited. "What a long time it takes," he
said, "for such great armies to be brought together.
The tension is almost unbearable. " He was visibly ill
with excitement. When the days of Worth and Spichern
had happily passed, we met at the Museum to study the
telegrams which arrived hourly. He, however, failed to
turn up, and it was said he was writing. There was a
good deal of simulated activity about, but for him there
was nothing in particular to do. At last his excellent
essay, "What we Demand of France," saw the light of
day, and at the same time it appeared in the Prussian
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? 64 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
Annuals. Now it was evident what he had been doing
in seclusion. Everybody was amazed at the mass of
detail collected during the short interval, in order to
impress the reader with the thoroughly German character
of Alsace. Of almost every little town he knew a story
by which it became intertwined with the German past.
There was Alsatian local tradition galore in the book,
as if he at all times had lived with these people. To his
mind the fact that the Alsatians at the time would not
hear of Germany did not make them French. "The
mind of a nation is not formed by contemporary genera-
tions only, but by those following. " Erwin von Stein-
bach and Sebastian Brandt, also, were of some account,
and, after reviewing the German past of the country, he
asks: "Is this millennium, rich in German history, to be
wiped out by two centuries of French supremacy? "
In regard to the future of Alsace he was from the first
convinced it would have to become a Prussian province,
as Prussian administration alone possessed the power to
rapidly assimilate it. Only when convinced of the
realisation of Unitarian ideas a Prussian, as he now
always called himself, could desire to see a frontier of
Prussia extending from Aachen to Mulhouse. To make
out of Alsace an independent State, enjoying European
guarantee of neutrality, as proposed by Roggenbach in
the Reichsrath, would have meant creating a new Bel-
gium on our south-west coast, in which the Catholic
Church would have been the only reality, and Treitschke,
in his essay of 1870, replied thereto by referring to the
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 65
"disgusting aspect of the nation Luxemburgoise,"
although in the Annuals he ostensibly spared the
quaint statesman, who was his friend. "Let us attach
Alsace to the Rhine Province," he said; "we shall then
have a dozen more opposition votes in Parliament, and
what does that matter? The rest you leave to Prussian
administration. " Neither we nor he could foresee that
in thirty years it would not achieve more; but he did not
fail to point out that the only cause of the failure was
the creation of the "Reichsland," a hybrid which was
neither fish nor flesh. He, however, shared Freytag's
aversion for the title of Emperor, which, in his opinion,
bore too much of black, red, gold, and Bonapartist
reminiscences. Both wished for a German King; but
finally Bluntschli's common-sense prevailed, he having
suggested, " The peasant knows that an Emperor is more
than a King, and for that reason the Chief of an Empire
must be called Emperor; besides, it will be better for
the three Kings; they will then know it, too," saying
which the stout Swiss laughed heartily.
On the other hand, Treitschke never became reconciled
to Bavaria's reserved rights. He spoke of a new treaty
of Ried, similar to that which, in 1813, guaranteed
sovereignty to Bavaria, and expressed anger at the
weakly Constitution which reverted again to federalism.
With malicious joy he reported that the former Pan-
Austrian fogy, when examining students for the degree
of Doctor of Law, now always questioned on Bavarian
reserved rights. The whole arrangement with Bavaria
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? 66 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
and Wiirtemberg appeared to him "like a Life Insur-
ance Policy of the Napoleonic crowns with his magnani-
mous Prussia, which compelled him to adjourn his
Unitarian plans ad Grcecas calendas.
"
It is also peculiar to what a small extent he shared in
the triumphant tone displayed everywhere after the
war. Sybel's essay, "What we might Learn of France,"
had his full approval. He was disgusted with the way
the journalists in the newspapers, the teacher in the
chair, and the clergyman in the pulpit gave vent to their
patriotic effusions. In his letters he likewise spoke
slightingly of the modern customary orations regarding
German virtue and French vice. The more he disliked
the remnants of particularism in the new Constitution,
the less he was disposed to admire the Germans, who,
in his opinion, had forfeited the greatest reward of great
times by their own individualism. This it was which
distinguished him from the ordinary Chauvinist, and
only too well he realised in how many things the nation,
in spite of all successes, had remained behind his ideals.
Nobody, however, has given more beautiful expres-
sion to the deep and serious thoughts with which
we celebrated peace in 1871. Like a prayer-book
we read the essay in the Annuals, in which he opened
his heart. He himself had lost his only brother at
Gravelotte, my wife hers at La Chartre. The Prussian
nobility was in mourning; he, however, consoled us:
"May common grief still more than great successes unite
our people formerly at variance with each other. Rapidly
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 67
die away the shouts of victory, long remain the deep lines
of grief. Who will count the tears which have been shed
around the Christmas-tree? Who has seen the hun-
dred thousand grieved hearts from the Alps to the sea,
who, like a big, devout community, have pinned their
faith again to the splendour of the Fatherland? "
Actuated by the same sentiments, I had preached,
shortly before, in the Church of the Holy Spirit, on
"Blessed are ye who have suffered," and therefore
could doubly appreciate his efforts to touch the
people's innermost feelings. His words have never been
forgotten.
V.
The few years which Treitschke spent in Heidelberg
after the war were, as he himself admitted, the happiest
of his life. His tiny house, overlooking the Neckar and
Rhine Valley, was for him a constant source of joy, and
proudly he would take his visitors to the top of the vine-
yard, from which the Speyer Dom and Donner Mountain,
near Worms, were visible. Immediately adjacent to his
property excavations had been made in times gone by,
and even now bricks and fragments of pottery, bearing
the stamp of the Roman Legation, were to be found.
Thus he had historical ground even under his feet.
When, occasionally, on my return from a visit about mid-
night, I still saw lights in his study, I could not refrain
from thinking of Schiller, who, likewise, found the late
hours of night most propitious for his creations. It
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? 68 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
would be a mistaken idea to think that Treitschke,
vivaciously as he lectured, wrote his works without
exhaustive preparations. He just served as a proof
that genius and industry go hand-in-hand. Thanks to
his iron constitution, he could work until two o'clock in
the morning, yet be gay and full of life the following day.
Surrounded by his small crowd of children--two girls
and a boy--and with his elegant and slim-looking wife
by his side, he felt truly happy. It was a thoroughly
aristocratic and harmonious home, which in every detail
betrayed the gentle and tasteful hand of his spouse.
There was something distinctly humorous in his peculiar
ways, which made the visitor feel at home. Above all,
he was completely unaware of the noise he made. Baum-
gartcn, who was nervous, and worked with him in the
Archives, declared that not only was the throwing of
books and constant moving of his chair unbearable,
but also his uncontrollable temper. On one occasion,
Treitschke took up the register he had been studying,
and, jumping about the room on one leg, shouted,
"Aegidi, Aegidi! " It appeared that in the Ambassa-
dor's Report of the Prussian Diet of 1847 he had found
a memorial of his friend Aegidi stud, juris in Heidelberg,
which the Ambassador had communicated to Berlin
with a view to showing the present spirit of German
students, and which started with the following declara-
tion: "Like the Maid of Orleans before the King of
her country, so I, a German youth, come before the
noble Diet in order to give proof of the patriotic wishes
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 69
agitating youth. " Similar humorous outbursts of his
temperament occurred, of course, at home as well. He at
times experienced difficulties with his toilette. The ladies,
then, had to manipulate him into a corner to adjust his
tie or collar. In Scheveningen, where he occupied a room
next his family, he once rushed out on the general
balcony when unable to manipulate a button, shouting,
"Help! help! " so that the phlegmatic Dutch neigh-
bours looked out of the windows, thinking a great mis-
fortune had happened. The importunity with which
some people asked for autographs, and others for copies
of his books, his photograph, or a memento of some kind,
provided his keen sense of propriety with excellent
material for displaying originality. All this, however,
was done in such a humorous fashion that his company
proved most amusing. He behaved towards his students
with strictness, although he was gay enough when
addressing them from the chair. They idolized him,
but at all times he kept them at a distance.
When the University filled again for the winter term,
1871-1872, Treitschke had gained among the students
a position second to none. His lectures on modern
history, politics, and the Reformation, were crowded,
and his descriptive powers always thrilled his audience.
Hausser's force had been in his irony; with Treitschke,
humour and pathos alternated like thunder and light-
ning. Even listeners of more matured age admitted
that they had never heard anything that could be com-
pared with his natural elementary eloquence. Unable
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? 70 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
to hear the clock strike, he had arranged with those
sitting in front to make a sign at a given hour ; but, as
nobody wished him to discontinue, he often unduly
prolonged his lectures. Now and then ladies turned up.
At first he informed them by letter that he could not
permit their presence, but when they persisted in coming
he told the porter to refuse them entrance, and angrily
added his intention of putting up a notice similar to
those in front of anatomical theatres: "For gentlemen
only! " When meeting his colleagues he never even
hinted at the striking success he scored with his audience.
His disposition was anything but over-confident, and he
associated just as cordially with those whose academic
failures were notorious--provided he appreciated them
otherwise--as with the past-masters, whose level was
as high as his own. He never referred at all to the
demonstrations which students made in his favour.
In the choice of his friends, as well as in the choice of
his enemies, he was aristocratic, but vain he was not.
Enthusiastic patriotism was the keynote of his life, and
this explains its aesthetics. A sensitive admirer of
nature, appreciating as keenly as anybody the lovely
scenery of the ruins of Heidelberg Castle, he nevertheless
favoured the re-building of the same, obsessed by the
idea that it must become the palace of the German King.
His literary opinions could easily be gauged, as his com-
pass always pointed towards Prussia. When he invited
us to an evening, we knew beforehand we should read
the Prince of Homburg, or some similar work. This
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 71
explains also his predilection for Kleist, and for Uhland,
the patriot. Of Hebbel's works--he was about to pre-
pare an analysis of them in a new form for publication
in the essays--the Nibelungs were his favourite. Did
he not himself bear resemblance to Siegfried, who plans
to chain up the perfidious Danish Kings outside the gate,
where, as they had behaved like dogs, they were to bark
on his arrival and departure? This was quite his style
of thinking, just as at the Theatre Francais my travelling
companion, when listening to the patriotic ravings of
Ernani, the highwayman, whispered to me: "Exactly
like Treitschke! " Not only "The Trousers of Herr
von Bredow," of which he knew considerable parts by
heart, but Brandenburg poetry in general gave him great
pleasure. He even shielded Hesekiel and Scherenberg
against attacks; and the scruples of learned men
respecting Freytag's "Ingo and Ingraban" were sup-
pressed by him. Turbulent men were to his liking; the
criticisms of German Law History and of the Spruner
Atlas regarding these descriptions had, to his mind,
nothing to do with poetry. Whatever met with the
approval of his patriotism could be sure of his apprecia-
tion. My first two novels met with a very friendly
reception in the Press, as, thanks to my pseudonym,
"George Taylor," quite different authors had been sus-
pected. No sooner, however, had the wise men from
the East discovered that a theologian had been the
author than, on the appearance of the third novel,
entitled "Jetta," they vented their rage at having been
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? 72 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
deceived. Treitschke, however, declared " Jetta " to be
the best of the three books. He liked the Alemans for
the thrashing they had given the Romans, and that
settled the matter as far as he was concerned. The way
the learned fraternity censured Hermann Grimm ap-
peared stupid to him, like school pedantry. He realised
as well as anybody else the defects and mistakes, but he
called it childish spite to take to task such an ingenious
author for all sorts of blunders and amateurish triviali-
ties when he had original views, and had created a
picture of culture, such as the life of Michelangelo.
In the same way he stood up for living and not for
dead writers, in spite of the opposition of the learned
fraternity; but he did not, however, defend their super-
ficiality or phrase-making.
The great literary post-bellum events were "The Old
and the New Faith," by Strauss, and the revival of
Schopenhauer pessimism by Hartmann and Nietzsche,
books which--albeit different in form, yet related in
their fundamental views of the world--appeared to
Treitschke, in view of the melancholy tone adopted, like
an inexplicable phenomenon. How could anybody be
a pessimist in times like the present, when it was a
pleasure to be alive? Of Hartmann he said: "This is
the philosophy of the Berliner when suffering from
phthisis. " With Olympic roars of laughter he derided,
over a glass of beer, Hartmann's sentimentality and
his many discussions whether the feelings of pleasure
or displeasure predominate in human nature. After all,
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 73
Hartmann had left us the consolation of Nirvana; but
Nietzsche, by his revival theory, deprived us of the
consoling thought of pcacefulness after death. Nietzsche's
first essay on the origin of tragedy had met with Treit-
schke's approval. Was he not himself to adopt the
Nietzschean phrase of "a dithyrambic disposition "?
and, to him, Socratic natures were likewise unsym-
pathetic. In his criticism on Strauss he gave proof
of his aversion to Socratic dispositions, an aversion
which he shared with Nietzsche. He was the only one
of our circle who defended Nietzsche's essay and criti-
cized Strauss' "Old and New Faith. " He would not
admit the merits of a book which represents the material-
istic theory in transparent clearness, and thereby brings
defects to light which cannot be overlooked. He
simply went by results. A book, which as far as we,
the enlightened ones, were concerned, sought a last
consolation in music, had to be somewhat disagreeable
to him, deaf as he was. But he would not even admit
Strauss' beauty of style. "Beautiful style by itself
does not exist," he said. "A style is beautiful when the
writer is represented by it. Style should faithfully
express the nature and temperament of the author. With
Lessing, I admire the clear statements, because they are
natural to this clear dialectician; but with Strauss they
do not belong to the man, as with Lessing, but to the
essay. " Strauss' style just lacked the personal element.
If Strauss, on the other hand, found Treitschke's style
indigestible, the contrast is thereby quite correctly
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? 74 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
characteristic. While patriotic pathos dominated the
one, the other one was, throughout, reflective and
logical; that is to say, the one was a dithyramb and the
other one a Socratic nature. I could not always share
Treitschke's clearly formed opinions, but we were all
grateful to him for the interest with which he invested
conversation, and for his ability to maintain it. His
own activity was that of an artist as well as that of a
scientist. Impressions of his travels through all the
valleys of Germany, poetry, newspaper extracts, con-
versations and humorous stories of friends, were always
at his command, and these combined with accurate studies
from the Archives and information verbally received
enabled him to shape his work. Considering his system
of gathering information, it was inevitable that occa-
sionally he was provided with unauthentic news, for, as
soon as conversation arose on a subject useful to him,
his pocket-book appeared, and he asked to have the
story put down. When I once wrote for him that, at
the outbreak of the Army mutiny in Karlsruhe, a
picture of Grand Duke Leopold was exhibited in all
the libraries, with the verse:
Zittert ein Tyrann von Revolutionen.
Du Leopold kannst ruhig thronen.
Dein Volk verlasst Dich nicht
(Though a tyrant may dread revolution,
Thou, O, Leopold, mayest safely reign.
Thy people will not forsake thee),
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? THE LIFE OF TREITSCHKE 75
he immediately placed the piece of paper separately and
said, "This will appear in the sixth volume " ; but it
never saw the light of day. I personally could vouch
for the correctness of my story, but how easy it was to
obtain wrong information under these circumstances,
and, as a matter of fact, all sorts of protests against his
anecdotes were raised after each publication. It is
notorious how circumstantially he subsequently had to
explain or contradict the story of the silver spoon of Prince
Wrede, the Red Order of the Eagle of Privy Councillor
Schmalz, and many other things, and much more fre-
quently still he promised correction in the subsequent
edition to those who had lodged complaints. We were
very much annoyed at the injustice with which he, in
the fifth volume, characterized the Grand Duke Leopold,
who was exceedingly conscientious and benevolent.
When attacking him for it in our domestic circle, he
declared that every petty State had its idol, and that
we ought to break ourselves of it as others had done.
Treitschke's tales from the Reichstag provided a rich
source of amusement. When entering Parliament, in
1871, all friends were of opinion the deaf man would not
stand it long, and his enemies mockingly remarked:
"It is right he should be there. " But the canvassing tour
in itself proved a great recreation for him, and if he had
achieved nothing beyond the strengthening, by his fiery
speeches, of the German sentiment of people on the
Hunsruck and in the Nahe Valley, this gain alone was
worth the trouble. His efficiency in Berlin exceeded
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? 76 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
all expectations. He sat next to the shorthand
writers, and after having grasped their system of
abbreviations, he followed the speeches, and thus was
often better informed than those who sneered at the deaf
deputy. It was more difficult for him to attend at
Committee sittings, but his friend Wehrenpfennig
kept him informed as far as possible. As all parties
decided in committee how to vote, Treitschke's speeches
in plenum really were of value for the public only, but the
reputation of the Reichsrath certainly was considerably
enhanced by the fact that people who liked reading the
parliamentary proceedings were able to find the speeches
reproduced in the newspapers. The orations of "the deaf
man who had no business in Parliament" are, with the
exception of Bismarck's, after all, the only ones which,
after his death, have been edited in book form from the
protocols, and even to-day they are a source of political
information and patriotic elevation. It was a great event
when the circle of friends in Heidelberg heard that
Treitschke had delivered his maiden speech in the
Reichstag, and great was our joy when we read that in
this first speech he had vehemently attacked the Ultra-
montanes.
Deputy Reichensperger moved that, with a view to
safeguarding the liberty of the Press, Unions and the
Church Articles III--V of the Frankfort fundamental
laws should be incorporated in the Constitution of the
Empire. Treitschke started by declaring that the
nation's hope of a temporary continuance, at any rate
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