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the politicians are too mdependent.
the politicians are too mdependent.
Adorno-T-Authoritarian-Personality-Harper-Bros-1950
The existence of power and privilege, demanding sacrifices of all those who do not share in its advantages, provokes resentment and hurts deeply the longing for equality and justice evolved throughout the history of our culture.
In the
depth of his heart, everyone regards any privilege as illegitimate. Yet one is forced continuously, in order to get along in the world as it is, to adjust him- self to the system of power relationships that actually defines this world. This process has been going on over the ages, and its results have become part and parcel of today's personalities. This means that people have learned to repress their resentment of privilege and to accept as legitimate just that which is suspected of being illegitimate. But since human sufferings from the survival of privilege have never ceased, adjustment to it has never become complete. Hence the prevailing attitude towards privileges is essentially am- bivalent. While it is being accepted consciously, the underlying resentment is displaced unconsciously. This is done in such a way that a kind of emo- tional compromise between our forced acceptance of the existence of power, and resistance against it, is reached. Resentment is shifted from the "legiti- , mate" representatives of power to those who want to take it away from them, who identify themselves, in their aims, with power but violate, at the same time, the code of existent power relations. The ideal object of this
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shift is the political usurper'in whom one can denounce "greed for power" while at the same time taking a positive stand with regard to established power. Still, sympathy with the usurper survives at the bottom. It is the conflict between this sympathy and our displaced aggressiveness which quali- fies him for dramatic conflict. ?
There is reason to believe, however, that this line of thought does not fully explain the usurper complex. Much more deep-lying, archaic mech- anisms seem to be involved. . As a rule, the usurper complex is linked with the problem of the family. The usurper is he who claims to be the member of a family to which he does not belong, or at least to pretend to rights due to another. family. It may be noted that even in the Oedipus legend, the usurper complex is involved in so far as Oedipus believes himself to be the real child of his foster-parents, and this error accounts for his tragic en- tanglement. We venture, with all due reservation, the hypothesis that this has something to do with an observation that can be made not infrequently: that people are afraid of not really being the children of their parents. This fear may be based on the dim awareness that the order of the family, which stands for civilization in the form in which we know it, is not identical with "nature" -that our biological origin does not coincide with the institutional framework of marriage and monogamy, that "the stork brings us from the pond. " We sense that the shelter of civilization is not safe, that the house of the family is built on shaky ground. We project our uneasiness upon the us? urper, the image of him who is not his parents' child, who becomes psychologically a kind of ritualized, institutional "victim" whose annihilation is unconsciously supposed to bring us rest and security. It may very well be that our tend- ency to "look for the usurper" has its origin in psychological resources as deep as those here suggested.
6. F. D. R.
The usurpation complex is focused on Roosevelt, whose name evokes the sharpest differences between high and low scorers that are to be found in the interview material on politico-economic topics.
It hardly needs to be said that all the statements touching upon the late president are personalized. The political issues involved appear mainly as qualities of the man himself. He is criticized and praised because he is this or that, not because he stands for this or that. The most drastic ? accusation is that of war-monger. This accusation often assumes the form of those con- spiracy fantasies which are so highly characteristic of the usurper complex.
The high-scoring man M664c, serving a San Quentin term of one year for forgery and check writing, professes to have been originally pro-Roose- velt.
"Hell, at that (election) I was strong for Roosevelt, we had an awful depression, one thing he'd done for that state he put that dam there. . . . We didn't need the war
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though. (Why did we get into it? ) Started sending that iron over to Japan and then helping England. . . . "
The idea of the "red Roosevelt" belongs to the same class of objections and paranoid exaggerations of political antipathies. Though much more common among subjects who score high on E and PEC, it can sometimes be found in the statements of low scorers. Note the remarks of Fz4o, a young nursery school helper, rated according to her questionnaire score as low on E but high on A-S and PEC. She first refers to her father.
(Is your father anti-Roosevelt? ) "Oh, sure he is. He just don't have any use for Roosevelt. It's all communism that is what he says. (And what do you think about it? ) Oh, I don't know. I guess he's right. He ought to know. That's all he thinks about-politics-politics. "
Sometimes the suspicion that Roosevelt was a Russophile war-monger is cloaked by legalistic argumentations, such as the statement that he left the country illegally during the war.
F zoz, a woman who stands high on all scales,' a somewhat frustrated young college student, relates that her father is "extremely anti-Roosevelt," and, when asked why, answers:
"No president is supposed to leave the country without the consent of Congress, and he goes whenever he feels like it. He is being a little too dictatorial. "
With regard to domestic politics, F359, the accountant in a government department who was quoted before (Chapter XVI, p. 616), states quite clearly and in fairly objective terms the contradiction which seems at the hub of anti-Roosevelt sentiment:
Subject did not like Roosevelt because of WPA. It creates a class of lazy people who would rather get $20 a week than work. She feels that Roosevelt did not ac- complish what he set out to do-raise the stand? ard of the poorer classes.
The conceptions of communist, internationalist, and war-monger are close to another one previously mentioned-that of the snob. Just as the fascist agitator persistently mixes up radicals and bankers, claiming that the latter financed the revolution and that the former seek financial gains, the contradictory ideas of an ultraleftist and an exclusive person alienated from the people are brought together by anti-Roosevelt sentiment. One may ven- ture the hypothesis that the ultimate content of both objections is the same: the resentment of the frustrated middle-class person against those who rep- resent the idea of happiness, be it by wanting other people-even the "lazy ones"-to be happy, be it that they are enjoying life themselves. This irra- tionality can be grasped better on the level of personality than on that of ideology.
Mz223h, of the Maritime School, with medium scores onE and PEC, but high on F, does not like Roosevelt-"a socialite; got too much power. " Simi-
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lady, the high-scoring married woman F117, 37 years old, employed m a Public Health Department,
feels that Roosevelt does not know how to handle money; he was born with a great deal. Now he throws it around-"millions here and millions there. "
This is the exact opposite of the praise of Dewey, whose more humble origin is supposed to guarantee thriftiness. The "democratic cloak" of the pseudoconservative consists, in cases like these, in the assertion that measures taken for the benefit of the people cannot be approved because the one who carried them out is not one of the people and therefore, in a way, has no right to act in their behalf-he is a usurper. Really folksy men, one might suppose, would rather let them starve.
The idea that the late President was too old and too ill, and that the New Deal was decrepit plays a particular role among anti-Roosevelt arguments. The dark forebodings about Roosevelt's death have come true. Yet, one may suspect here a psychological element: the fear of his death often rationalizes the wish for it. Moreover, the idea of his supposed old age pertains to the il- legitimacy complex: he should give way to others, to the "young generation," to fresh blood. This is in keeping with the fact that Gennan Nazism often denounced the over-age of the representatives of the Weimar Republic, and that Italian fascism heavily emphasized the idea of youth per se. Ultimately, some light is shed on the whole complex of the President's age and illness by our clinical findings, pertaining to the tendency of our high scorers to praise physical health and vigor as the outstanding quality of their parents, particu:. . lady of the mother (pp. 340 if. ). This is due to the general "extemalization" of values, the anti-intraceptiveness of the prejudiced personalities who seem to be continuously afraid of illnesses. If there is an interconnection between at least some syndromes of high scorers and psychotic dispositions, one may also think of the disproportionate role played by the concern with one's own body in many schizophrenics-a phenomenon linked to the mechanisms of "depersonalization"6 which represents the extreme of the "ego-alienness" of the id characteristic of the high scoring subject. It should be remembered once again how large a role was played by ideas such as physical health, purity of the blood, and syphilophobia throughout fascist ideology.
M104, a high scoring young man of the Public Speaking Class, who changed from studying engineering to law is an example:
Subject would have voted for Dewey. The whole New Deal has become very stagnant, old, and decrepit. He feels Roosevelt has done some fine things, some of his experiments were about as good a cure as you could get for the depression, but it is now time for a change in party, a new President, younger blood.
As in most cases, the argument has, of course, a "rational" aspect too- the Roosevelt government held office for a longer period than any other
6 Cf. Otto Fenichel (27).
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one in American history. However, the complaints about "too long" are ut- tered only in the name of "changing the guard," not in the name of concrete progressive ideas which could be brought about by younger people.
Resentment against old people has a psychological aspect by which it seems to be linked to anti-Semitism. There is reason to believe that some subjects displace their hostility against the father upon aged persons and the notion of old age as such. Old people are, as it were, earmarked for death. In accordance with this pattern, the image of the Jew often bears features of the old man, thus allowing for the discharge of repressed hostility against the father. Judaism is regarded, not incidentally, as the religion of the father and Christianity that of the son. The most emphatic stereotype of the Jew, that of the inhabitant of the Eastern ghetto, bears attributes of the old, such as the beard or worn and obsolete clothes.
Hostility for the aged has, to be sure, a sociological as well as a psycho- logical aspect: old people who cannot work any more are regarded as useless and are, therefore, rejected. But this idea, like those just discussed, has little immediate bearing upon the person of Roosevelt; rather, they are transferred to him after aggr. ession has turned against him. The universally ambivalent role of the President as a father figure thus makes itself felt.
As to those who are in favor of Roosevelt, there are two clear-cut main motifs which are almost the reverse of those found in the Roosevelt haters. The man "who thinks too much of himself and assumes dictatorial powers" is now praised as a great personality; the leftist and initiator of the New Deal is loved as a friend of the underdog.
The "great personality" motif appears in the statement of the low-scoring man, M711, an interviewer in government employment, with many of the typical "low" characteristics of mildness, gentleness, and indecision.
(Roosevelt) "seemed to be the only man the country had produced that se'emed to have the qualifications for the assignment (of war). . . . I'd say his ability to get along with other people . . . had been pretty responsible in the unification of our country. "
The young woman, F126, scores low on A-S and E, middle on F, and high on PEC. She is studying journalism but actually is interested in "creative writing. " She states
that her brother-in-law can find so many things to criticize and, of course, there are plenty. "But I think the President is for the underdog, and I've always been for the underdog. "
The high-scoring man, Mzo2, a student of seismology who went to college because he did not want to be "lined up as just an electrician," praises Roose- velt's "talent":
"Well, if another candidate had approached Roosevelt, I'd have voted for him. But, no other candidate approached his talent. "
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M zo6, another hjgh-scoring man, again characterized by upward social mobility, is pro-Roosevelt for reasons that are just the opposite of those given by one group of his critics for disliking him, although he too suffers from the "old age" complex.
"Roosevelt has done a wonderful job but we should have a young man. Roosevelt stabilized the nation's currency, helped on unemployment, has handled foreign rela- tions marvelously. He is a common man, goes fishing, takes time for relaxation- that's what I like. Mrs. Roosevelt has been active in political and social affairs. "
The explanation of the deviation of this highly prejudiced man, who is beset by power ideas and objects to the Jews because they supposedly strive for power, is that he himself
"had infantile paralysis, and you appreciate what Roosevelt has done. "
The inference may be allowed that if the same man is praised by some people as a "common man" and by others blamed as a "socialite," these judg- ments express subjective value scales rather than objective facts.
The established status of a President of the United States, the irrefutable success of Roosevelt, and, one may add, his tremendous impact as a symbolic father figure on the unconscious, seem in more cases than this particular one to check the usurper complex of the pse~doconservative and allow only for vague attacks about which there is something half~hearted, as if they were being made with a bad conscience.
7. BUREAUCRA TS AND POLITICIANS
There is no mercy, however, for those to whom Roosevelt is supposed to have delegated power. They are usurpers, parasites, know nothing about the people, and should, one may well assume, be replaced by the "right men. " The wealth of statements against bureaucrats and politicians in our interview material is tremendous. Although it comes mostly from high scorers, it is by no means confined to them, and may again be regarded as one of those patterns of political ideology which spread over the well-defined border lines of right vs. left.
It is beyond the scope of the present study to analyze the amount of truth inherent in American distrust of professional politics. Nor should it be denied that a tremendously swollen bureaucratic apparatus, such as that which was necessitated by war conditions and which was, to a certain extent, safe from public criticism, develops unpleasant features, and that the machinery has an inbound tendency to entrench itself and to perpetuate itself for its own sake. However, as one analyzes carefully the standard criticism of the bureaucrats and politicians, he finds very little evidence of such observations, very few specific indictments of bureaucratic institutions which prove them to be incompetent. It is impossible to escape the impression that "the bureau- crat," with the help of some sections of the press, and some radio commenta-
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tors, has become a magic word, that he functions as a scapegoat to be blamed indiscriminately for all kinds of unsatisfactory conditions, somewhat remi- niscent of the anti-Semitic imagery of the Jew with which that of the bureau- crat is often enough merged. At any rate, the frequency and intensity of antibureaucratic and antipolitician invectives is quite out of proportion with any possible experience. Resentment about the "alienation" of the political sphere as a whole, as discussed at the beginning of this chapter, is turned against those who represent the political sphere. The bureaucrat is the per- sonalization of ununderstandable politics, of a depersonalized world.
Striking examples of this general attitude of high scorers are provided by the above-quoted political statements of Mack (p. 34) and of the markedly anti-Semitic manager of a leather factory, M359 (p. 666 of this chapter).
Sometimes the invectives against politics terminate in tautologies: politics is blamed for being too political.
M123oa is a young welder who wanted to study engineering. He scores high onE but low on F and PEC.
(What thinking of political trends today? ) "Well, they're very disrupted. We discussed them a lot, and a lot of things we don't like. The admin~tration seems to be so tied up in politics. . . . Statesmanship is gone completely. . . ? :Can't believe any-
r thing you read in the newspapers. We read the newspapers mainly to laugh. . . . "
The last passage is characteristic of the alienation from politics which expresses itself in a complete, and by no means altogether unjustified,distrust of the reliability of any news which has gone through the filter of a system of communications controlled by vested interests. This distrust, however, is shifted to the scapegoat, the bureaucrat and the politician, usually attacked by the same press which is this subject's laughing stock.
Fz20, a high-scoring woman, differentiates between Roosevelt and the bureaucracy. 7
(Roosevelt and the New Deal? ) "I admired him, in fact I voted for him, althol! lgh I did not approve of a lot of things about the New Deal. All the bureaus. I would not have minded the spending if it had gone to help people. But I resented all the wasted motion-professional people digging ditches-and especially the expensive agencies stuffed with do-nothings, bureaucrats. "
Mz2z4b, a medium scorer of the Maritime School, is antipolitical in a tra- ditionalistic way, the ultimate direction of which is still undetermined.
"No respect for politicians: bunch of windbags. They try to sound people out and follow along. " (This is just the opposite of the usual argument according to which
7 This observation is in accordance with experience in Nazi Germany where all kinds of criticism and jokes about the party hierarchy were whispered everywhere, whilst Hitler seems to have been largely exempted from this kind of criticism. One heard frequently the remark: "The Fiihrer does not know about these things"-even when concentration camps were concerned.
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the politicians are too mdependent. This particular twist may indicate the under- lying awareness of the weakness of the representatives of formal democracy. ) "They are not sincere public servants. Roosevelt, Lincoln, Jefferson, and Bryan are exceptions. Wilson was also sincere. " Subject has no respect for Harding or Coolidge.
Finally, an example from a low scorer. Mll2, asked about politics, simply states:
"I don't like it. We can get along without it. Don't think that people should be just politicians. Should have an ordinary life, just hold office at times. Not be trained for politics and nothing else, should know what people want and do it. Not control things for themselves or others. "
The tone of this accusation is markedly different from the phraseology of the high scorers. This man seems really to be worried lest bureaucracy should become reified, an end in itself, rather than democratically expressing the wishes of the people.
The motivation of the low scorers' criticism of bureaucrats and politicians seems largely to vary from that of the high scorers; phenomenologically, however, it reminds so much of the latter that one is led to fear that in a critical situation quite a few antipolitical low scorers may be caught by a fascist movement.
8. THERE WILL BE NO UTOPIA
The political thinking of high scorers is consummated by the way they approach the ultimate political problem: their attitude toward the concept of an "ideal society. " Their opinional pattern not only concerns the means but also the ultimate social ends.
According to the frame of mind which is being analyzed here, there is no utopia and, one may add, there should be no utopia. One has to be "realistic. " This notion of realism, however, does not refer to the necessity of judging and accounting . on the basis of objective, factual insight, but rather to the postulate that one recognizes from the very beginning the overwhelming superiority of the existent over the individual and his intentions, that one advocates an adjustment implying resignation with regard to any kind of basic improvements, that one gives up anything that may be called a day- dream, and reshapes oneself into an appendage of the social machinery. This is reflected by political opinion in so far as any kind of utopian idea in politics is excluded altogether.
It must be pointed out that an anti-utopia complex seems to occur in the interviews of low scorers even more frequently than in those of high scorers, perhaps because the former are more ready to admit their own worries and are less under the impact of "official optimism. " This differentiation between the stand taken by high and low scorers against utopia seems to be corrob- orated by the study "Psychological Determinants of Optimism regarding the
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Consequences of the W ar" by Sanford, Conrad, and Franck ( w8). Official optimism, the "keep smiling" attitude, goes with underlying traits of con- tempt for human nature, as expressed by the cynicism cluster of the F seal~, which differentiates clearly between high and low scorers. Conversely, low scorers are much more ready to admit negative facts in general, and particu- larly with regard to themselves, on a surface level, being less spellbound by the conventional cliche that "everything is fine," but they show, on a deeper level of their opinions, much greater confidence in the innate potentialities of the human race. One may epitomize the difference dynamically by stating that the high scorers deny utopia because they ultimately do not want it to materialize, whereas anti-utopian statements of the low scorers are derived from a rejection of the official ideology of "God's own country. " The latter are skeptical about utopia, because they take its realization seriously and therefore take a critical view of the existent, even up to the point where they acknowledge the threat exercised by the impact of prevailing conditions against just those human potentialities in which they trust in the depth of their hearts.
M345 is a high-scoring man of the University Extension Testing Class group. He scores high on E and PEC but low on F. When asked about what he thinks of an ideal society, his answer reads:
r-
"I don't think there is such a thing without changing everything, including the people in it. Always some people unusually wealthy, always some unusually miser- able economically. "
This answer is significant in many respects. The denial of the possibility of an ideal society is based on the assumption that otherwise everything ought to be changed-an idea apparently unbearable to the subject. Rather than change everything, that is to say, to disobey ultimate respect for the existent, the world should be left as bad as it is. The argument that first the people should be changed before the world can be changed belongs to the old anti- utopian armory. It leads to a vicious circle, since, under prevailing external conditions, no such internal change can ever be expected, and, actually, those who speak in this way do not even admit its possibility, but rather assume the eternal and intrinsic badness of human nature, following the pattern of
_-cynicism discussed in the chapter on the F scale. Simultaneously wealth and ' poverty which are obviously the products of social conditions are hyposta- tized by the subject as if they were inborn, natural qualities. This both exon- erates society and helps to establish the idea of unchangeability on which the denunciation of utopia feeds. We venture the hypothesis that the brief state- ment of this subject bares a pattern of thinking which is exceedingly wide-
spread, but which few people would epitomize as overtly as he does. ~
To the aforementioned Mzos, who comes as close to overt fascism as any
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of our subjects, the idea of natural qualities excluding an ideal society is related immediately to the most pressing issue: the abolition of war.
"Naturally, I like America best. The question is, is it worth while to give up what we have in order to have world trade? The Japs make cheap products and can undersell us. What I'm afraid of is a perpetual lend-lease. If we do trade with other nations we should have the cash. World trade would not prevent war. The fighting instinct is there. "
The significant fact about his statement is that the assumption of a "fight- ing instinct," which apparently is never supposed to disappear, is related in an overrealistic manner to economic advantages, cash, sticking to what one has, and so on. Incidentally, this is the same man who speaks against the present war because he "can't see what he can possibly get out of it. "
Self-contradictory is a statement by the executive secretary, F340B, a medium-scoring woman, whose personality as a whole, as well as her ready- made political opinions, come closer to the type of the high scorer than her questionnaire leads us to believe. In terms of surface opinion she wants to be "idealistic," in terms of her specific reactions she is under the spell of "real- ism," the cult of the existent.
"I'm not happy about our foreign policy here-it's not definite enough, and not idealistic enough. (What are your specific criticisms? ) It is not much of anything: seems we haven't got any foreign policy. (What kind of foreign policy would you like to see? ) I would like to see the four freedoms, the Atlantic Charter actually applied in other countries. Then we also have to be realistic about it, but we have to strive to be idealistic-to realize the ideals eventually. "
There is something pathetic about this statement. For the contention that one has to be "realistic" in order ultimately to realize the ideals is certainly true. Taken in abstracto, however, and without specific concepts as to how this could be achieved, the truth becomes perverted into a lie, denoting only that "it cannot be done" while the individual still maintains the good con- science that she would be only too happy if it were possible.
Psychologically, the anti-utopian pattern of political thinking is related to sadomasochistic traits. They manifest themselves strikingly in the state- ment of the high-scoring San Quentin inmate, M662A, who comes fairly close to the "tough-guy" syndrome discussed in Chapter XIX. When asked "what is an ideal society like," he answers: "Plenty of work for everybody; have all the strikes stopped. "
To the naivete of this man, who certainly belongs to the poorest strata himself, the image of the present order has been petrified to such an extent that he cannot even conceive of a social system where, because of rational organization, each individual has less to work-to him the ideal is that every- body can work, which does not only include satisfaction of basic needs but also efforts which might easily be dispensed with today. The idea that some
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strict order should prevail is so overpowering to him that utopia becomes a society where no strikes are to be tolerated any more, rather than a society where strikes would be unnecessary.
It should be mentioned that the general denial of utopianism is sometimes reversed by the subjects whose statements we are scrutinizing here, when they speak about the United States.
Thus, M619, a low scorer of the San Quentin group, led by the prison situation to complete political resignation, still feels:
". . . I think part of the reason America has become the greatest country in the world is that because the dreams a man makes might come true. "
Of course, this is to be understood primarily as an expression of the dream that can be measured by the dollars and cents an individual can make, but it should not be forgotten that among the ideological foundations of Amer- ican liberalism there is also a utopian element which, under certain conditions, may break through and overcome the gospel of supposed realism.
Apparently, the anti-utopian somehow feels uneasy about his own "real- ism," and seeks an outlet by attributing to the reality with which he is most strongly identified, his own country, some of the utopian qualities he other- wise disavows.
Only the low- to medium-scoring San Quentin murderer, M628B, a man who has nothing to lose in life, says bluntly:
"This country educates people, but in the so-called American way. . . . I don't believe this is the best country. Maybe in a materialistic way. . . . I would not value my life by material things. "
The undertone of this statement is, similar to M619, one of fatalistic resig- nation. Even low scorers who are not anti-utopian cannot think of utopia but in a quasi-fatalistic way: as if it were something preconceived, fixed once and for all; something which one has to "look up" rather than think and realize oneself. M711:
(What is ideal society like? ) "That's an awfully difficult question. Isn't it based on the four freedoms? "
9. NO PITY FOR THE POOR
One should expect that a frame of mind which regards everything as basically bad should at least favor, in the area of politics and social measures, as much help for those who suffer as possible. But the philosophy of the anti- utopian pessimists is not tinged by Schopenhauerian mercy. The general pattern we are investigating here is characterized by an all-pervasive feature. These subjects want no pity for the poor, neither here nor abroad. This trait seems to be strictly confined to high scorers and to be one of the most differ- entiating features in political philosophy. At this point, the interrelatedness of some ideas measured by the PEC scale and certain attitudes caught by the
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F scale should be stressed. Abolition of the dole, rejection of state interfer- ence with the "natural" play of supply and demand on the labor market, the spirit of the adage "who does not work, shall not eat" belong to the traditional wisdom of economic rugged individualism and are stressed by all those who regard the liberal system as being endangered by socialism. At the same time, the ideas involved have a tinge of punitiveness and authoritarian aggressive- ness which makes them ideal receptacles of some typical psychological urges of the prejudiced character. Here goes, for example, the conviction that people would not work unless subject to pressure-a way of reasoning closely related to vilification of human nature and cynicism. The mechanism of projectivity is also involved: the potentially fascist character blames the poor who need assistance for the very same passivity and greediness which he has learnt not to admit to his own consciousness.
Examples: The extremely high-scoring San Quentin inmate, M664C, whose F score is outstanding, shows clearly the psychological aspect of this particu- lar ideology. He regards as the "major problem" facing this country the fact that it might do something for the starving people abroad. His statement shows also the intimate interrelation between the "no pity for the poor" and the fatalism complexes.
"Chri'st, we licked those other countries and now we're gonna feed 'em. . . . I think we ought to let 'em starve, especially them Japs. . . . Lucky I don't have any relations killed in this war, I'd go out and kill me some Japs. . . . W e're gonna have another depression and gonna have another war too in a few years. "
By contrast, M658, another high-scoring convict with certain psycho- pathic traits, turn his affects against the unemployed rather than against the Japanese:
"I believe everybody should have an opportunity. Should not be any unemploy- ment. Only reason they are unemployed, they are lazy like me. "
This may be regarded as one of the most authentic examples of sadomaso- chistic thinking in our interviews. He wants others to be treated harshly because he despises himself: his punitiveness is obviously a projection of his own guilt feelings.
Women are freer of the "no pity for the poor" complex. They rather over- compensate for it in terms of social welfare and charity which is, as indicated previously, a "high" value anyway. The following statement may be regarded as characteristic of the woman who humiliates him whom she pretends to help, and actually does not help at all but just makes herself feel important.
F359, a high scorer who combines conventionality with somewhat paranoid ideas about the Negroes:
Subject thinks that the poorer people should be taken care of by state or com- munity projects. People in the community should get together, like people, for instance, who are good at organizing boys' clubs; or they might organize dances
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and hold them at one person's house one week, and at somebody else's the next week. Everybody should contribute something; take up a small collection. In the case of a poor section it might get the funds from the city. One might also call on public funds for buildings, if needed.
The attitude of indifference to the lot of the poor together with admira- tion for rich and successful people sheds light on the potential attitude -Of the high scorers toward the prospective victims of fascism in a critical situation. Those who humiliate mentally those who are down-trodden anyway, are more than likely to react the same way when an outgroup is being "liqui- dated. " This attitude has, of course, strong sociological determinants: up- ward social mobility, identification with the higher class to whom they wish to belong themselves, recognition of universal competition as a measuring rod for what a person is worth, and the wish to keep down the potential threat of the disinherited masses. These sociological motives, however, are inseparably bound up with the psychological mechanisms indicated above. The specific infantile implications may be indicated as follows: identification with the poor is quite enticing for children, since the world of the poor appears to them in many ways less restricted than their own, whilst they somehow sense the similarity between the social status of a child in an adult society and the status of the poor in a rich man's world. This identification is repressed at an early phase for the sake of "upward mobility," and also- even if the children are poor themselves-for the sake of the reality principle
in general which tolerates compassion only as an ideology or as "charity" but not in its more spontaneous manifestations. They project the "punish- ment" they have received for their own compassion upon the downtrodden by regarding poverty as something the poor "brought upon themselves. " The same formula, incidentally, plays a decisive role in anti-Semitism.
10. EDUCA TION INSTEAD OF SOCIAL CHANGE
The complement of the "no pity for the poor" complex is the overemphasis given to the education of people within the political sections of our inter- views. The frequent reference to this topic is the more significant since it does not appear in the interview schedule. Nobody will deny the desirability of political education. It is hard to overlook, however, that the ideal of edu- cation often serves as a rationalization for social privileges. People who do not want to confess to antidemocratic leanings prefer to take the stand that democ- racy would be all right if only people were educated and more "mature. " This condition, naturally, would here and now exclude from political activi- ties those who, on account of their economic situation, need most urgently a social change. This, of course, is never stated in so many words. If, however, as once happened, an overtly fascist man speaks in favor of the abolition of the poll tax in the South, and wants to replace it by an "intelligence test," there is little doubt about the ultimate purpose. The adulation of "education"
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occurs quite frequently among uneducated people-perhaps because, for some reason beyond the scope of the present study, education has come to be a kind of a panacea in American ideology. None of our subjects ever takes the trouble of defining to what the mysterious "education" should refer: whether it pertains to the general educational level or whether some special kind of political education is envisaged and how it should be carried out.
The education complex is not confined to high or medium scorers but seems to be more frequent with them than with low scorers. Some examples are g1ven.
Mz23oA, a high-scoring man of the Maritime School Group, states,
(What is an ideal society like? ) "It would take generations of breeding to bring everybody to the same educational standards . . . though not to have such great classes . . . although I think we should always have class distinction . . . some initiative to try to improve yourself. "
Here it is obvious that the education idea serves as a subtle device by which the anti-utopian can act to prevent a change and yet appear progressive. It is also characteristic that the stress put on a long drawn-out educational process is concomitant with the idea that there always should be some class distinction.
Similarly, the Canadian M934, a medium scorer, endorses the education idea as a "brake," this time on the labor movement. He believes:
"The important thing in the labor movement today is education of the rank and file. I just don't think labor is ready to take more influence today. "
It may be noted at random that the more production processes are stand- ardized, the less special training is required, the more technological progress leads toward a certain enlightenment of the masses, the emptier the postulate of education becomes. Our subjects stick to it in a rather fetishistic way.
For the very high-scoring woman, F104, majoring in Spanish and interested in business, the political demarcation line between her ingroup, the Repub- licans, and the Democrats coincides with that of education.
"The type of people I have known who are Democrats are usually uneducated people who really don't know what is happening. The present administration has made a mess of things. "
Thus the education ideology interprets the fact that the Democratic Party is more of a lower-class party than the Republicans.
Among low scorers the education idea is somewhat mixed up with the tra- ditional socialist wish for enlightenment. Frequently, there occurs a com- plaint about the lethargy and the lack of political interest of the masses-from which, regularly, the subjects exempt themselves. In this context we may mention again the phraseological statement of our sailor, Mzz7:
"We have a good basis for our political system. The majority of people are not
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interested or equipped enough to understand politics, so that the big proportion of U. S. politics is governed by the capitalistic system. "
The education complex leads us back to where our analysis started, to the ignorance and confusion which clouds the political thinking of most of our sample. It is possible that the education complex somehow expresses the awareness that one really does not know what one talks about when one discusses politics-often enough the praise of education follows, with low scorers, self-accusations on account of their lack of knowledge. How- ever, the vague idea of education takes care of the experience of ignorance rather summarily by a slogan and reliance on an isolated factor of cultural life, thus dispensing with the effort of political thinking. Moreover, it serves in most cases the purpose of projecting one's own ignorance onto others so that one may appear informed oneself.
One last observation may prove to be significant. Whereas the praise of education is heavily accentuated by high scorers, it is at the same time one of the most frequently heard anti-Semitic statements that "the Jews are all out for education"-generally associated with the assertion that they dodge hard manual labor. W e may suspect that there is, at the hub of the education complex, the vague realization that this culture excludes the bulk of those whom it embraces from real participation in its more subtle gratifications. While the awkward talk about education expresses longing for a state of affairs where one is no longer stunted by the requirements of "being prac- tical," fury about one's own educational frustration is projected upon the chosen foe who is supposed to possess what one has to deny to oneself.
C. SOME POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC TOPICS
Our previous discussion was, in accordance with the general approach of our study, formulated in subjective, rather than objective terms. That is to say, we have focussed our interest on the patterns of political thinking of our interviewees, rather than on the stand they take with regard to objective political issues.
depth of his heart, everyone regards any privilege as illegitimate. Yet one is forced continuously, in order to get along in the world as it is, to adjust him- self to the system of power relationships that actually defines this world. This process has been going on over the ages, and its results have become part and parcel of today's personalities. This means that people have learned to repress their resentment of privilege and to accept as legitimate just that which is suspected of being illegitimate. But since human sufferings from the survival of privilege have never ceased, adjustment to it has never become complete. Hence the prevailing attitude towards privileges is essentially am- bivalent. While it is being accepted consciously, the underlying resentment is displaced unconsciously. This is done in such a way that a kind of emo- tional compromise between our forced acceptance of the existence of power, and resistance against it, is reached. Resentment is shifted from the "legiti- , mate" representatives of power to those who want to take it away from them, who identify themselves, in their aims, with power but violate, at the same time, the code of existent power relations. The ideal object of this
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shift is the political usurper'in whom one can denounce "greed for power" while at the same time taking a positive stand with regard to established power. Still, sympathy with the usurper survives at the bottom. It is the conflict between this sympathy and our displaced aggressiveness which quali- fies him for dramatic conflict. ?
There is reason to believe, however, that this line of thought does not fully explain the usurper complex. Much more deep-lying, archaic mech- anisms seem to be involved. . As a rule, the usurper complex is linked with the problem of the family. The usurper is he who claims to be the member of a family to which he does not belong, or at least to pretend to rights due to another. family. It may be noted that even in the Oedipus legend, the usurper complex is involved in so far as Oedipus believes himself to be the real child of his foster-parents, and this error accounts for his tragic en- tanglement. We venture, with all due reservation, the hypothesis that this has something to do with an observation that can be made not infrequently: that people are afraid of not really being the children of their parents. This fear may be based on the dim awareness that the order of the family, which stands for civilization in the form in which we know it, is not identical with "nature" -that our biological origin does not coincide with the institutional framework of marriage and monogamy, that "the stork brings us from the pond. " We sense that the shelter of civilization is not safe, that the house of the family is built on shaky ground. We project our uneasiness upon the us? urper, the image of him who is not his parents' child, who becomes psychologically a kind of ritualized, institutional "victim" whose annihilation is unconsciously supposed to bring us rest and security. It may very well be that our tend- ency to "look for the usurper" has its origin in psychological resources as deep as those here suggested.
6. F. D. R.
The usurpation complex is focused on Roosevelt, whose name evokes the sharpest differences between high and low scorers that are to be found in the interview material on politico-economic topics.
It hardly needs to be said that all the statements touching upon the late president are personalized. The political issues involved appear mainly as qualities of the man himself. He is criticized and praised because he is this or that, not because he stands for this or that. The most drastic ? accusation is that of war-monger. This accusation often assumes the form of those con- spiracy fantasies which are so highly characteristic of the usurper complex.
The high-scoring man M664c, serving a San Quentin term of one year for forgery and check writing, professes to have been originally pro-Roose- velt.
"Hell, at that (election) I was strong for Roosevelt, we had an awful depression, one thing he'd done for that state he put that dam there. . . . We didn't need the war
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though. (Why did we get into it? ) Started sending that iron over to Japan and then helping England. . . . "
The idea of the "red Roosevelt" belongs to the same class of objections and paranoid exaggerations of political antipathies. Though much more common among subjects who score high on E and PEC, it can sometimes be found in the statements of low scorers. Note the remarks of Fz4o, a young nursery school helper, rated according to her questionnaire score as low on E but high on A-S and PEC. She first refers to her father.
(Is your father anti-Roosevelt? ) "Oh, sure he is. He just don't have any use for Roosevelt. It's all communism that is what he says. (And what do you think about it? ) Oh, I don't know. I guess he's right. He ought to know. That's all he thinks about-politics-politics. "
Sometimes the suspicion that Roosevelt was a Russophile war-monger is cloaked by legalistic argumentations, such as the statement that he left the country illegally during the war.
F zoz, a woman who stands high on all scales,' a somewhat frustrated young college student, relates that her father is "extremely anti-Roosevelt," and, when asked why, answers:
"No president is supposed to leave the country without the consent of Congress, and he goes whenever he feels like it. He is being a little too dictatorial. "
With regard to domestic politics, F359, the accountant in a government department who was quoted before (Chapter XVI, p. 616), states quite clearly and in fairly objective terms the contradiction which seems at the hub of anti-Roosevelt sentiment:
Subject did not like Roosevelt because of WPA. It creates a class of lazy people who would rather get $20 a week than work. She feels that Roosevelt did not ac- complish what he set out to do-raise the stand? ard of the poorer classes.
The conceptions of communist, internationalist, and war-monger are close to another one previously mentioned-that of the snob. Just as the fascist agitator persistently mixes up radicals and bankers, claiming that the latter financed the revolution and that the former seek financial gains, the contradictory ideas of an ultraleftist and an exclusive person alienated from the people are brought together by anti-Roosevelt sentiment. One may ven- ture the hypothesis that the ultimate content of both objections is the same: the resentment of the frustrated middle-class person against those who rep- resent the idea of happiness, be it by wanting other people-even the "lazy ones"-to be happy, be it that they are enjoying life themselves. This irra- tionality can be grasped better on the level of personality than on that of ideology.
Mz223h, of the Maritime School, with medium scores onE and PEC, but high on F, does not like Roosevelt-"a socialite; got too much power. " Simi-
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lady, the high-scoring married woman F117, 37 years old, employed m a Public Health Department,
feels that Roosevelt does not know how to handle money; he was born with a great deal. Now he throws it around-"millions here and millions there. "
This is the exact opposite of the praise of Dewey, whose more humble origin is supposed to guarantee thriftiness. The "democratic cloak" of the pseudoconservative consists, in cases like these, in the assertion that measures taken for the benefit of the people cannot be approved because the one who carried them out is not one of the people and therefore, in a way, has no right to act in their behalf-he is a usurper. Really folksy men, one might suppose, would rather let them starve.
The idea that the late President was too old and too ill, and that the New Deal was decrepit plays a particular role among anti-Roosevelt arguments. The dark forebodings about Roosevelt's death have come true. Yet, one may suspect here a psychological element: the fear of his death often rationalizes the wish for it. Moreover, the idea of his supposed old age pertains to the il- legitimacy complex: he should give way to others, to the "young generation," to fresh blood. This is in keeping with the fact that Gennan Nazism often denounced the over-age of the representatives of the Weimar Republic, and that Italian fascism heavily emphasized the idea of youth per se. Ultimately, some light is shed on the whole complex of the President's age and illness by our clinical findings, pertaining to the tendency of our high scorers to praise physical health and vigor as the outstanding quality of their parents, particu:. . lady of the mother (pp. 340 if. ). This is due to the general "extemalization" of values, the anti-intraceptiveness of the prejudiced personalities who seem to be continuously afraid of illnesses. If there is an interconnection between at least some syndromes of high scorers and psychotic dispositions, one may also think of the disproportionate role played by the concern with one's own body in many schizophrenics-a phenomenon linked to the mechanisms of "depersonalization"6 which represents the extreme of the "ego-alienness" of the id characteristic of the high scoring subject. It should be remembered once again how large a role was played by ideas such as physical health, purity of the blood, and syphilophobia throughout fascist ideology.
M104, a high scoring young man of the Public Speaking Class, who changed from studying engineering to law is an example:
Subject would have voted for Dewey. The whole New Deal has become very stagnant, old, and decrepit. He feels Roosevelt has done some fine things, some of his experiments were about as good a cure as you could get for the depression, but it is now time for a change in party, a new President, younger blood.
As in most cases, the argument has, of course, a "rational" aspect too- the Roosevelt government held office for a longer period than any other
6 Cf. Otto Fenichel (27).
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one in American history. However, the complaints about "too long" are ut- tered only in the name of "changing the guard," not in the name of concrete progressive ideas which could be brought about by younger people.
Resentment against old people has a psychological aspect by which it seems to be linked to anti-Semitism. There is reason to believe that some subjects displace their hostility against the father upon aged persons and the notion of old age as such. Old people are, as it were, earmarked for death. In accordance with this pattern, the image of the Jew often bears features of the old man, thus allowing for the discharge of repressed hostility against the father. Judaism is regarded, not incidentally, as the religion of the father and Christianity that of the son. The most emphatic stereotype of the Jew, that of the inhabitant of the Eastern ghetto, bears attributes of the old, such as the beard or worn and obsolete clothes.
Hostility for the aged has, to be sure, a sociological as well as a psycho- logical aspect: old people who cannot work any more are regarded as useless and are, therefore, rejected. But this idea, like those just discussed, has little immediate bearing upon the person of Roosevelt; rather, they are transferred to him after aggr. ession has turned against him. The universally ambivalent role of the President as a father figure thus makes itself felt.
As to those who are in favor of Roosevelt, there are two clear-cut main motifs which are almost the reverse of those found in the Roosevelt haters. The man "who thinks too much of himself and assumes dictatorial powers" is now praised as a great personality; the leftist and initiator of the New Deal is loved as a friend of the underdog.
The "great personality" motif appears in the statement of the low-scoring man, M711, an interviewer in government employment, with many of the typical "low" characteristics of mildness, gentleness, and indecision.
(Roosevelt) "seemed to be the only man the country had produced that se'emed to have the qualifications for the assignment (of war). . . . I'd say his ability to get along with other people . . . had been pretty responsible in the unification of our country. "
The young woman, F126, scores low on A-S and E, middle on F, and high on PEC. She is studying journalism but actually is interested in "creative writing. " She states
that her brother-in-law can find so many things to criticize and, of course, there are plenty. "But I think the President is for the underdog, and I've always been for the underdog. "
The high-scoring man, Mzo2, a student of seismology who went to college because he did not want to be "lined up as just an electrician," praises Roose- velt's "talent":
"Well, if another candidate had approached Roosevelt, I'd have voted for him. But, no other candidate approached his talent. "
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M zo6, another hjgh-scoring man, again characterized by upward social mobility, is pro-Roosevelt for reasons that are just the opposite of those given by one group of his critics for disliking him, although he too suffers from the "old age" complex.
"Roosevelt has done a wonderful job but we should have a young man. Roosevelt stabilized the nation's currency, helped on unemployment, has handled foreign rela- tions marvelously. He is a common man, goes fishing, takes time for relaxation- that's what I like. Mrs. Roosevelt has been active in political and social affairs. "
The explanation of the deviation of this highly prejudiced man, who is beset by power ideas and objects to the Jews because they supposedly strive for power, is that he himself
"had infantile paralysis, and you appreciate what Roosevelt has done. "
The inference may be allowed that if the same man is praised by some people as a "common man" and by others blamed as a "socialite," these judg- ments express subjective value scales rather than objective facts.
The established status of a President of the United States, the irrefutable success of Roosevelt, and, one may add, his tremendous impact as a symbolic father figure on the unconscious, seem in more cases than this particular one to check the usurper complex of the pse~doconservative and allow only for vague attacks about which there is something half~hearted, as if they were being made with a bad conscience.
7. BUREAUCRA TS AND POLITICIANS
There is no mercy, however, for those to whom Roosevelt is supposed to have delegated power. They are usurpers, parasites, know nothing about the people, and should, one may well assume, be replaced by the "right men. " The wealth of statements against bureaucrats and politicians in our interview material is tremendous. Although it comes mostly from high scorers, it is by no means confined to them, and may again be regarded as one of those patterns of political ideology which spread over the well-defined border lines of right vs. left.
It is beyond the scope of the present study to analyze the amount of truth inherent in American distrust of professional politics. Nor should it be denied that a tremendously swollen bureaucratic apparatus, such as that which was necessitated by war conditions and which was, to a certain extent, safe from public criticism, develops unpleasant features, and that the machinery has an inbound tendency to entrench itself and to perpetuate itself for its own sake. However, as one analyzes carefully the standard criticism of the bureaucrats and politicians, he finds very little evidence of such observations, very few specific indictments of bureaucratic institutions which prove them to be incompetent. It is impossible to escape the impression that "the bureau- crat," with the help of some sections of the press, and some radio commenta-
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tors, has become a magic word, that he functions as a scapegoat to be blamed indiscriminately for all kinds of unsatisfactory conditions, somewhat remi- niscent of the anti-Semitic imagery of the Jew with which that of the bureau- crat is often enough merged. At any rate, the frequency and intensity of antibureaucratic and antipolitician invectives is quite out of proportion with any possible experience. Resentment about the "alienation" of the political sphere as a whole, as discussed at the beginning of this chapter, is turned against those who represent the political sphere. The bureaucrat is the per- sonalization of ununderstandable politics, of a depersonalized world.
Striking examples of this general attitude of high scorers are provided by the above-quoted political statements of Mack (p. 34) and of the markedly anti-Semitic manager of a leather factory, M359 (p. 666 of this chapter).
Sometimes the invectives against politics terminate in tautologies: politics is blamed for being too political.
M123oa is a young welder who wanted to study engineering. He scores high onE but low on F and PEC.
(What thinking of political trends today? ) "Well, they're very disrupted. We discussed them a lot, and a lot of things we don't like. The admin~tration seems to be so tied up in politics. . . . Statesmanship is gone completely. . . ? :Can't believe any-
r thing you read in the newspapers. We read the newspapers mainly to laugh. . . . "
The last passage is characteristic of the alienation from politics which expresses itself in a complete, and by no means altogether unjustified,distrust of the reliability of any news which has gone through the filter of a system of communications controlled by vested interests. This distrust, however, is shifted to the scapegoat, the bureaucrat and the politician, usually attacked by the same press which is this subject's laughing stock.
Fz20, a high-scoring woman, differentiates between Roosevelt and the bureaucracy. 7
(Roosevelt and the New Deal? ) "I admired him, in fact I voted for him, althol! lgh I did not approve of a lot of things about the New Deal. All the bureaus. I would not have minded the spending if it had gone to help people. But I resented all the wasted motion-professional people digging ditches-and especially the expensive agencies stuffed with do-nothings, bureaucrats. "
Mz2z4b, a medium scorer of the Maritime School, is antipolitical in a tra- ditionalistic way, the ultimate direction of which is still undetermined.
"No respect for politicians: bunch of windbags. They try to sound people out and follow along. " (This is just the opposite of the usual argument according to which
7 This observation is in accordance with experience in Nazi Germany where all kinds of criticism and jokes about the party hierarchy were whispered everywhere, whilst Hitler seems to have been largely exempted from this kind of criticism. One heard frequently the remark: "The Fiihrer does not know about these things"-even when concentration camps were concerned.
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the politicians are too mdependent. This particular twist may indicate the under- lying awareness of the weakness of the representatives of formal democracy. ) "They are not sincere public servants. Roosevelt, Lincoln, Jefferson, and Bryan are exceptions. Wilson was also sincere. " Subject has no respect for Harding or Coolidge.
Finally, an example from a low scorer. Mll2, asked about politics, simply states:
"I don't like it. We can get along without it. Don't think that people should be just politicians. Should have an ordinary life, just hold office at times. Not be trained for politics and nothing else, should know what people want and do it. Not control things for themselves or others. "
The tone of this accusation is markedly different from the phraseology of the high scorers. This man seems really to be worried lest bureaucracy should become reified, an end in itself, rather than democratically expressing the wishes of the people.
The motivation of the low scorers' criticism of bureaucrats and politicians seems largely to vary from that of the high scorers; phenomenologically, however, it reminds so much of the latter that one is led to fear that in a critical situation quite a few antipolitical low scorers may be caught by a fascist movement.
8. THERE WILL BE NO UTOPIA
The political thinking of high scorers is consummated by the way they approach the ultimate political problem: their attitude toward the concept of an "ideal society. " Their opinional pattern not only concerns the means but also the ultimate social ends.
According to the frame of mind which is being analyzed here, there is no utopia and, one may add, there should be no utopia. One has to be "realistic. " This notion of realism, however, does not refer to the necessity of judging and accounting . on the basis of objective, factual insight, but rather to the postulate that one recognizes from the very beginning the overwhelming superiority of the existent over the individual and his intentions, that one advocates an adjustment implying resignation with regard to any kind of basic improvements, that one gives up anything that may be called a day- dream, and reshapes oneself into an appendage of the social machinery. This is reflected by political opinion in so far as any kind of utopian idea in politics is excluded altogether.
It must be pointed out that an anti-utopia complex seems to occur in the interviews of low scorers even more frequently than in those of high scorers, perhaps because the former are more ready to admit their own worries and are less under the impact of "official optimism. " This differentiation between the stand taken by high and low scorers against utopia seems to be corrob- orated by the study "Psychological Determinants of Optimism regarding the
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Consequences of the W ar" by Sanford, Conrad, and Franck ( w8). Official optimism, the "keep smiling" attitude, goes with underlying traits of con- tempt for human nature, as expressed by the cynicism cluster of the F seal~, which differentiates clearly between high and low scorers. Conversely, low scorers are much more ready to admit negative facts in general, and particu- larly with regard to themselves, on a surface level, being less spellbound by the conventional cliche that "everything is fine," but they show, on a deeper level of their opinions, much greater confidence in the innate potentialities of the human race. One may epitomize the difference dynamically by stating that the high scorers deny utopia because they ultimately do not want it to materialize, whereas anti-utopian statements of the low scorers are derived from a rejection of the official ideology of "God's own country. " The latter are skeptical about utopia, because they take its realization seriously and therefore take a critical view of the existent, even up to the point where they acknowledge the threat exercised by the impact of prevailing conditions against just those human potentialities in which they trust in the depth of their hearts.
M345 is a high-scoring man of the University Extension Testing Class group. He scores high on E and PEC but low on F. When asked about what he thinks of an ideal society, his answer reads:
r-
"I don't think there is such a thing without changing everything, including the people in it. Always some people unusually wealthy, always some unusually miser- able economically. "
This answer is significant in many respects. The denial of the possibility of an ideal society is based on the assumption that otherwise everything ought to be changed-an idea apparently unbearable to the subject. Rather than change everything, that is to say, to disobey ultimate respect for the existent, the world should be left as bad as it is. The argument that first the people should be changed before the world can be changed belongs to the old anti- utopian armory. It leads to a vicious circle, since, under prevailing external conditions, no such internal change can ever be expected, and, actually, those who speak in this way do not even admit its possibility, but rather assume the eternal and intrinsic badness of human nature, following the pattern of
_-cynicism discussed in the chapter on the F scale. Simultaneously wealth and ' poverty which are obviously the products of social conditions are hyposta- tized by the subject as if they were inborn, natural qualities. This both exon- erates society and helps to establish the idea of unchangeability on which the denunciation of utopia feeds. We venture the hypothesis that the brief state- ment of this subject bares a pattern of thinking which is exceedingly wide-
spread, but which few people would epitomize as overtly as he does. ~
To the aforementioned Mzos, who comes as close to overt fascism as any
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of our subjects, the idea of natural qualities excluding an ideal society is related immediately to the most pressing issue: the abolition of war.
"Naturally, I like America best. The question is, is it worth while to give up what we have in order to have world trade? The Japs make cheap products and can undersell us. What I'm afraid of is a perpetual lend-lease. If we do trade with other nations we should have the cash. World trade would not prevent war. The fighting instinct is there. "
The significant fact about his statement is that the assumption of a "fight- ing instinct," which apparently is never supposed to disappear, is related in an overrealistic manner to economic advantages, cash, sticking to what one has, and so on. Incidentally, this is the same man who speaks against the present war because he "can't see what he can possibly get out of it. "
Self-contradictory is a statement by the executive secretary, F340B, a medium-scoring woman, whose personality as a whole, as well as her ready- made political opinions, come closer to the type of the high scorer than her questionnaire leads us to believe. In terms of surface opinion she wants to be "idealistic," in terms of her specific reactions she is under the spell of "real- ism," the cult of the existent.
"I'm not happy about our foreign policy here-it's not definite enough, and not idealistic enough. (What are your specific criticisms? ) It is not much of anything: seems we haven't got any foreign policy. (What kind of foreign policy would you like to see? ) I would like to see the four freedoms, the Atlantic Charter actually applied in other countries. Then we also have to be realistic about it, but we have to strive to be idealistic-to realize the ideals eventually. "
There is something pathetic about this statement. For the contention that one has to be "realistic" in order ultimately to realize the ideals is certainly true. Taken in abstracto, however, and without specific concepts as to how this could be achieved, the truth becomes perverted into a lie, denoting only that "it cannot be done" while the individual still maintains the good con- science that she would be only too happy if it were possible.
Psychologically, the anti-utopian pattern of political thinking is related to sadomasochistic traits. They manifest themselves strikingly in the state- ment of the high-scoring San Quentin inmate, M662A, who comes fairly close to the "tough-guy" syndrome discussed in Chapter XIX. When asked "what is an ideal society like," he answers: "Plenty of work for everybody; have all the strikes stopped. "
To the naivete of this man, who certainly belongs to the poorest strata himself, the image of the present order has been petrified to such an extent that he cannot even conceive of a social system where, because of rational organization, each individual has less to work-to him the ideal is that every- body can work, which does not only include satisfaction of basic needs but also efforts which might easily be dispensed with today. The idea that some
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strict order should prevail is so overpowering to him that utopia becomes a society where no strikes are to be tolerated any more, rather than a society where strikes would be unnecessary.
It should be mentioned that the general denial of utopianism is sometimes reversed by the subjects whose statements we are scrutinizing here, when they speak about the United States.
Thus, M619, a low scorer of the San Quentin group, led by the prison situation to complete political resignation, still feels:
". . . I think part of the reason America has become the greatest country in the world is that because the dreams a man makes might come true. "
Of course, this is to be understood primarily as an expression of the dream that can be measured by the dollars and cents an individual can make, but it should not be forgotten that among the ideological foundations of Amer- ican liberalism there is also a utopian element which, under certain conditions, may break through and overcome the gospel of supposed realism.
Apparently, the anti-utopian somehow feels uneasy about his own "real- ism," and seeks an outlet by attributing to the reality with which he is most strongly identified, his own country, some of the utopian qualities he other- wise disavows.
Only the low- to medium-scoring San Quentin murderer, M628B, a man who has nothing to lose in life, says bluntly:
"This country educates people, but in the so-called American way. . . . I don't believe this is the best country. Maybe in a materialistic way. . . . I would not value my life by material things. "
The undertone of this statement is, similar to M619, one of fatalistic resig- nation. Even low scorers who are not anti-utopian cannot think of utopia but in a quasi-fatalistic way: as if it were something preconceived, fixed once and for all; something which one has to "look up" rather than think and realize oneself. M711:
(What is ideal society like? ) "That's an awfully difficult question. Isn't it based on the four freedoms? "
9. NO PITY FOR THE POOR
One should expect that a frame of mind which regards everything as basically bad should at least favor, in the area of politics and social measures, as much help for those who suffer as possible. But the philosophy of the anti- utopian pessimists is not tinged by Schopenhauerian mercy. The general pattern we are investigating here is characterized by an all-pervasive feature. These subjects want no pity for the poor, neither here nor abroad. This trait seems to be strictly confined to high scorers and to be one of the most differ- entiating features in political philosophy. At this point, the interrelatedness of some ideas measured by the PEC scale and certain attitudes caught by the
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F scale should be stressed. Abolition of the dole, rejection of state interfer- ence with the "natural" play of supply and demand on the labor market, the spirit of the adage "who does not work, shall not eat" belong to the traditional wisdom of economic rugged individualism and are stressed by all those who regard the liberal system as being endangered by socialism. At the same time, the ideas involved have a tinge of punitiveness and authoritarian aggressive- ness which makes them ideal receptacles of some typical psychological urges of the prejudiced character. Here goes, for example, the conviction that people would not work unless subject to pressure-a way of reasoning closely related to vilification of human nature and cynicism. The mechanism of projectivity is also involved: the potentially fascist character blames the poor who need assistance for the very same passivity and greediness which he has learnt not to admit to his own consciousness.
Examples: The extremely high-scoring San Quentin inmate, M664C, whose F score is outstanding, shows clearly the psychological aspect of this particu- lar ideology. He regards as the "major problem" facing this country the fact that it might do something for the starving people abroad. His statement shows also the intimate interrelation between the "no pity for the poor" and the fatalism complexes.
"Chri'st, we licked those other countries and now we're gonna feed 'em. . . . I think we ought to let 'em starve, especially them Japs. . . . Lucky I don't have any relations killed in this war, I'd go out and kill me some Japs. . . . W e're gonna have another depression and gonna have another war too in a few years. "
By contrast, M658, another high-scoring convict with certain psycho- pathic traits, turn his affects against the unemployed rather than against the Japanese:
"I believe everybody should have an opportunity. Should not be any unemploy- ment. Only reason they are unemployed, they are lazy like me. "
This may be regarded as one of the most authentic examples of sadomaso- chistic thinking in our interviews. He wants others to be treated harshly because he despises himself: his punitiveness is obviously a projection of his own guilt feelings.
Women are freer of the "no pity for the poor" complex. They rather over- compensate for it in terms of social welfare and charity which is, as indicated previously, a "high" value anyway. The following statement may be regarded as characteristic of the woman who humiliates him whom she pretends to help, and actually does not help at all but just makes herself feel important.
F359, a high scorer who combines conventionality with somewhat paranoid ideas about the Negroes:
Subject thinks that the poorer people should be taken care of by state or com- munity projects. People in the community should get together, like people, for instance, who are good at organizing boys' clubs; or they might organize dances
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and hold them at one person's house one week, and at somebody else's the next week. Everybody should contribute something; take up a small collection. In the case of a poor section it might get the funds from the city. One might also call on public funds for buildings, if needed.
The attitude of indifference to the lot of the poor together with admira- tion for rich and successful people sheds light on the potential attitude -Of the high scorers toward the prospective victims of fascism in a critical situation. Those who humiliate mentally those who are down-trodden anyway, are more than likely to react the same way when an outgroup is being "liqui- dated. " This attitude has, of course, strong sociological determinants: up- ward social mobility, identification with the higher class to whom they wish to belong themselves, recognition of universal competition as a measuring rod for what a person is worth, and the wish to keep down the potential threat of the disinherited masses. These sociological motives, however, are inseparably bound up with the psychological mechanisms indicated above. The specific infantile implications may be indicated as follows: identification with the poor is quite enticing for children, since the world of the poor appears to them in many ways less restricted than their own, whilst they somehow sense the similarity between the social status of a child in an adult society and the status of the poor in a rich man's world. This identification is repressed at an early phase for the sake of "upward mobility," and also- even if the children are poor themselves-for the sake of the reality principle
in general which tolerates compassion only as an ideology or as "charity" but not in its more spontaneous manifestations. They project the "punish- ment" they have received for their own compassion upon the downtrodden by regarding poverty as something the poor "brought upon themselves. " The same formula, incidentally, plays a decisive role in anti-Semitism.
10. EDUCA TION INSTEAD OF SOCIAL CHANGE
The complement of the "no pity for the poor" complex is the overemphasis given to the education of people within the political sections of our inter- views. The frequent reference to this topic is the more significant since it does not appear in the interview schedule. Nobody will deny the desirability of political education. It is hard to overlook, however, that the ideal of edu- cation often serves as a rationalization for social privileges. People who do not want to confess to antidemocratic leanings prefer to take the stand that democ- racy would be all right if only people were educated and more "mature. " This condition, naturally, would here and now exclude from political activi- ties those who, on account of their economic situation, need most urgently a social change. This, of course, is never stated in so many words. If, however, as once happened, an overtly fascist man speaks in favor of the abolition of the poll tax in the South, and wants to replace it by an "intelligence test," there is little doubt about the ultimate purpose. The adulation of "education"
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occurs quite frequently among uneducated people-perhaps because, for some reason beyond the scope of the present study, education has come to be a kind of a panacea in American ideology. None of our subjects ever takes the trouble of defining to what the mysterious "education" should refer: whether it pertains to the general educational level or whether some special kind of political education is envisaged and how it should be carried out.
The education complex is not confined to high or medium scorers but seems to be more frequent with them than with low scorers. Some examples are g1ven.
Mz23oA, a high-scoring man of the Maritime School Group, states,
(What is an ideal society like? ) "It would take generations of breeding to bring everybody to the same educational standards . . . though not to have such great classes . . . although I think we should always have class distinction . . . some initiative to try to improve yourself. "
Here it is obvious that the education idea serves as a subtle device by which the anti-utopian can act to prevent a change and yet appear progressive. It is also characteristic that the stress put on a long drawn-out educational process is concomitant with the idea that there always should be some class distinction.
Similarly, the Canadian M934, a medium scorer, endorses the education idea as a "brake," this time on the labor movement. He believes:
"The important thing in the labor movement today is education of the rank and file. I just don't think labor is ready to take more influence today. "
It may be noted at random that the more production processes are stand- ardized, the less special training is required, the more technological progress leads toward a certain enlightenment of the masses, the emptier the postulate of education becomes. Our subjects stick to it in a rather fetishistic way.
For the very high-scoring woman, F104, majoring in Spanish and interested in business, the political demarcation line between her ingroup, the Repub- licans, and the Democrats coincides with that of education.
"The type of people I have known who are Democrats are usually uneducated people who really don't know what is happening. The present administration has made a mess of things. "
Thus the education ideology interprets the fact that the Democratic Party is more of a lower-class party than the Republicans.
Among low scorers the education idea is somewhat mixed up with the tra- ditional socialist wish for enlightenment. Frequently, there occurs a com- plaint about the lethargy and the lack of political interest of the masses-from which, regularly, the subjects exempt themselves. In this context we may mention again the phraseological statement of our sailor, Mzz7:
"We have a good basis for our political system. The majority of people are not
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interested or equipped enough to understand politics, so that the big proportion of U. S. politics is governed by the capitalistic system. "
The education complex leads us back to where our analysis started, to the ignorance and confusion which clouds the political thinking of most of our sample. It is possible that the education complex somehow expresses the awareness that one really does not know what one talks about when one discusses politics-often enough the praise of education follows, with low scorers, self-accusations on account of their lack of knowledge. How- ever, the vague idea of education takes care of the experience of ignorance rather summarily by a slogan and reliance on an isolated factor of cultural life, thus dispensing with the effort of political thinking. Moreover, it serves in most cases the purpose of projecting one's own ignorance onto others so that one may appear informed oneself.
One last observation may prove to be significant. Whereas the praise of education is heavily accentuated by high scorers, it is at the same time one of the most frequently heard anti-Semitic statements that "the Jews are all out for education"-generally associated with the assertion that they dodge hard manual labor. W e may suspect that there is, at the hub of the education complex, the vague realization that this culture excludes the bulk of those whom it embraces from real participation in its more subtle gratifications. While the awkward talk about education expresses longing for a state of affairs where one is no longer stunted by the requirements of "being prac- tical," fury about one's own educational frustration is projected upon the chosen foe who is supposed to possess what one has to deny to oneself.
C. SOME POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC TOPICS
Our previous discussion was, in accordance with the general approach of our study, formulated in subjective, rather than objective terms. That is to say, we have focussed our interest on the patterns of political thinking of our interviewees, rather than on the stand they take with regard to objective political issues.
