No More Learning

The wyvis kest vp ane hiddouss yell,
Quhen all thir yunkeris yokkit";
Als ferss as ony fyrflaucht fell,
Freikis 5 to the feild thay flokkit;
The cairliss with clubbis cowd vder quello,
Quhill blad at breistis out bokkit? :
So rudly rang the commoun bell,
Qubill all the stepill rokkit,
For reird,
At Chrystis kirk of the grene.
en the 'rush' of the verse slackens, it sometimes gains in
literary felicity, as in this excellent stanza
Than thai come to the townis end
Withouttin moir delay,
He befoir, and scho befoir,
To see quha wes maist gay.
All þat luikit þame upon
Leuche fast at þair array:
Sum said þat þai wer merkat folk,
Sam said the quene of may
Wes cumit
Of peblis to the play.
Here, too, there is movement, but the pace is comfortable. This
is partly effected by the happy redoubling of phrase. Even in the
noisier Christis Kirk the gentler song-note comes in, as in these
lines
Off all thir madynis myld as meid
Wes nane so gympt9 as Gillie;
As ony ross hir rude 10 wes reid,
Hir lyre 10 wes lyk the lillie-
9
3
6
1 (Sibbald's emendation).
try, venture.
peep at them.
* engaged in condiot).
& attacked each other.
7 burst, spurted.
men.
8 clamour.
‘jimp,' graceful, noat.
10 ruddy parts of the complexion, cheeks and lips; contrasted with lyre,' the
white skin,
7


## p. 272 (#290) ############################################

272 Anonymous and Popular Scottish Verse
a striking anticipation of the opening verse of Henry Carey's
immortal ballad? Occasional literary merit of this kind, or
wealth of illustration to the antiquary of social manners, are
less important than the evidence which these poems yield of the
abiding rusticity of the northern muse, and of its metrical habit.
It is, as has been said, not hard to find hints of this homely quality
in the greater makars, even in their most artificial moments: here
we have in all their fulness, the setting, the actuality, the humour,
the coarseness so familiar in later northern literature. Not less
important—and for retrospective reasons too—is the complicated
verse-form. The exact manipulation of the intricate stanza, with
its lines of varying length, its richness in rime and alliteration,
may well impress the reader who comes fresh to the subject as
the work of some master-craftsman; but the frequency with which
it occurs at this time, as well as earlier and later, shows that it was
no tour de force. It supplies one of the most important links in
the "formal' transition from the older northern romance to the
later northern ballad. We appear to trace the earlier stages of the
process in the riming alliterative romances, from the long irregular
stanza of such a poem as Sir Gawayne and the Grene Knight,
through the thirteen-lined stanza of The Buke of the Howlat or
The Pistill of Susan, and the eleven-lined stanza as shown in
Sir Tristrem. There is no chronological intention in this state-
ment of descent: we may find here, as we find in the history of
the early dramatic forms of English literature, as much parallelism
and analogy as derivation. But the point is that the habit of these
'popular' fifteenth and sixteenth century poems—the alliteration,
rime and, above all, the breaking away in the bob'-is an effect of
antiquity. This stanzaic form represents the permanent native
element which is lost, or almost lost, for a time during the
'Chaucerian' ascendancy. Recognition of this fact gives a new
meaning to the stray examples in the verse of the makars, and
almost compels the critic to look upon the accredited manner
of the 'golden age' as an exception and 'accident. ' History
confirms this; for when aureation and other fashions had
passed, the reviving vernacular broke forth anew in the old
forms. Further, in this stanza we are not merely in close
association with the older romance forms ; in it we have both the
1 Of all the girls that are so smart,
There's none like pretty Sally:
She is the darling of my heart,
And she lives in our alley.
Sally in our Alley.
6
6


## p. 273 (#291) ############################################

Sym and his Brudir and other Poems 273
timbre and measure of the ballad. This is not the place for the
discussion of the vexed question of the relationship of romance
and ballad. Whatever conclusions be reached, or whatever general
principles be assumed, the data here supplied towards the prosodic
history of the popular' ballad are significant. The actual form of
the Christis Kirk stanza, however it may stand to that of the
ballad and other forms, lived on, and again and again, in the
vernacular revival, was the medium for the retelling of rustic
frolic
Another example of this type is Sym and his Brudir. It
is, in intention, a good humoured satire on church abuse, in a tale
of two palmers in St Andrews; but the adventures of these arrant
beggars are on the same lines as those of the yokels in the pieces
already discussed, and the appeal to the reader is identical. Here
too, when the people come to the brother’s' wedding-for
quhair that Symy levit in synnyng
His bruder wald haif ane bryd-
there is the like rough ‘justing,' wild chasing on horseback, dashing
down in the dirt, and general noise. Even the literary setting at
the end of the poem is deliberately restless, for the poet, after
describing how the brother’s ‘mowth was schent' in the scrimmage,
adds
He endis the story with harme forlorne;
The nolt begowth2 till skatter,
The ky ran startling to the corne.
The rustic habit is shown more happily in The Wyf of Auchtir-
muchty and The Wowing of Jok and Jynny, both in stanzas of
eight lines with four accents, riming respectively ababcded and
ababbcbc. In the former, a husbandman tired after a wet day's
work at the plough, and out of humour at finding his wife
baith dry and clene,
And sittand at ane fyre, beikand bawld 3,
With ane fat sowp, as I hard say,
arranges that he shall change places with her. Disaster upon
disaster falls upon the amateur ‘housewife,' until he declares
Quhen I forsuk my plwche,
I trow I bot forsuk my seill5;
And I will to my plwch agane,
For I and this howss will nevir do weill.
i Occasionally with minor modifications, which do not affect the type, or dis-
guise its ancestry.
2 began.
9 lit. 'warming herself boldly, or bravely. '
• plough.
happiness, 'good. '
E. L. II. CH. XI.
18
0


## p. 274 (#292) ############################################

274 Anonymous and Popular Scottish Verse
6
The theme is obviously old, but the treatment by the unknown
makar (for the ascription in a later hand in the Bannatyne MS to
Moffat has no warranty) is fresh and lively. The kernel of the
tale is the enumeration of the misguided man's misfortunes,
which fulfils the same purpose of cumulative farce as the rush-
ing and sprawling in Peblis to the Play and Christis Kirk on
the Grene. In the matter of prosodic relationship to the rimed
alliterative poems on the one hand and to the ballads on the other,
the text supplies interesting evidence of the echo' or 'iteration'
between, and within, the stanzas. We take, for example, the
concluding lines of the seventh stanza and the opening lines of
the eighth
Bot than or he come in agane,
The calfis brak lowss and sowkit the ky.
The calvis and ky being met in the lone, etc.
Or, in the eleventh and twelfth-
The first that he gat in his armis
Wes all bedirtin to the ene.
The first that he gat in his armis
It was all dirt vp to the eine.
Or, very fully, throughout the ninth stanza-
Than to the kyrn that he did stoure,
And jwmlit1 at it quhill2 he swatt:
Quhen he had jwmlit1 a full lang houre,
The sorow crap3 of butter he gatt.
Albeit na butter he cowld gett
3it he wes cummerit with the kyrne,
And syne he het the milk our hett,
And sorrow spark 3 of it wald zyrnes.
In these passages we have the true ballad timbre and the familiar
devices.
The Wowing' of Jok and Jynny' is an early treatment of
the theme which Burns has refashioned in Duncan Gray. There
is a strong family likeness between the opening of the 'second
setting' by Burns and that of the Wowing-
Robeyns Jok come to wow our Jynny,
On our feist evin quhen we were fou.
Much of the intended humour of the piece lies in the list of
Jynny's 'tocher-gud’or dowry and in the complementary inventory
!
till.
• wooing.
istirred, churned.
sorry a bit. '
4 thicken.
6 Bann. MS. No. CL. An unwarranted ascription to John Clerk has been marked
out in the MS.


## p. 275 (#293) ############################################

Gyre Carling
275
which John gives to prove that he is a worthy suitor-a 'fouth o'
auld nick-nackets,' after the heart of Captain Grose. Here again,
the fun comes from the 'rush' of detail and the strange medley of
worthless treasures.
I haif ane helter and eik ane hek,
Ane cord, ane creill, and als ane cradill,
Fyve fidder1 of raggis to stuff ane jak,
Ane auld pannell of ane laid sadill,
Ano pepper-polk maid of a padill,
Ane spounge, ane spindill wantand ane nok,
Twa lusty lippis to lik ane laiddill;
To gang to gidder Jynny and Jok.
It will be observed that the use of alliteration is frequent.
In all these pieces, dealing in some way with rustic wooing
and matrimony, there is a burlesque element, but this must be
distinguished from the subtler, more imaginative, and more
literary type of burlesque which constitutes the second permanent
characteristic of Middle and Modern Scots poetry. Examples have
been noted in the preceding chapter on the work of the greater
makars, and especially in the Ballad of Kynd Kittok and the
Interlude of the Droichis Part of the Play. What Gavin Douglas
wrote of Vergil's sixth book,
All is bot gaistis and elriche fantasies,
Of browneis and of bogillis full this buke,
might well be said of this strange set of Middle Scots poems.
We must not seek, with the sententious bishop, for any allegory
or moral purpose in these whimsicalities. Some of these are,
perhaps, mere burlesques of romance-tradition, most are but
'dremis and dotage in the monis cruik. '
The short tale of Gyre Carling (in three stanzas of the riming-
alliterative type, with the bob) relates how this mother-witch, who
dwelt in 'Betokis bour' and fed on Christian men's flesh, was loved
by Blasour, her neighbour'on the west syd. '
For love of hir lawchane 2 lippis, he walit and he weipit;
and he gathered a crowd of moles to warp down her tower. But
the unresponsive lady cudgelled him well (as St Peter served
Kynd Kittok) until he bled 'a quart off milk pottage inwart. '
She laughed, and, after the manner of Gog Magog's spouse in the
Interlude of the Droichis Part, ejaculated North Berwick Law in
her mirth. Then the king of Faery, with his elves and all the dogs
from Dunbar to Dunblane and all the tykes of Tervey (which
3
1 fother.
laughing
18-2


## p. 276 (#294) ############################################

276 Anonymous and Popular Scottish Verse
6
might well be Topsy Turvy land! ), laid siege to the fair ; but she
transformed herself into a sow and went gruntling our the Greik
Sie. ' There, in spite, she married Mahomet or Mahoun, and be-
came queen of the Jews. She was sadly missed in Scotland; the
cocks of Cramond ceased to crow, and the hens of Haddington
would not lay.
All this langour for lufe befoirtymes fell,
Lang or Betok wes born,
Scho bred of ane acorne;
The laifl of the story to morne
To 30w I sall tell.
This piece might well be by Dunbar.
Another love-tale of fairyland is told in King Berdok. This
'grit king of Babylon'
dwelt in symmer in till ane bowkaill 2 stok;
And in to winter, quhen the frostis ar fell,
He dwelt for cauld in till a cokkill schell.
A stalwart man of hairt and hand,' he wooed for seven years
Mayiola, or Mayok, the 'golks of Maryland'; and yet 'scho wes
bot zeiris thre. ' This 'bony bird'had but one eye, and her 'foir-
fute wes langar than hir heill. Berdok set out to ravish the 'golk,'
and, finding her milking her mother's kine, cast her in a creel
on his back. On his return, his load proved to be but a “howlat
nest, full of skait birdis. '
And than this Berdok grett
And ran agane Meyok for to gett.
But the king of Faery was now in pursuit, and the lover took
refuge in a ‘killogy With the assistance of the kings of the
Picts and Portugal, Naples and Navern (Strathnaver), the lord
of Faery laid siege. The attackers mounted guns and fired at
Berdok with bullets of raw dough. Jupiter prayed Saturn to save
the lover by turning him into a toad; but Mercury transformed
him into a bracken bush.
And quhen thay saw the buss waig to and fra,
Thay trowd it wes ane gaist, and thay to ga;
Thir fell kingis thus Berdok wald haif slane;
All this for lufe, luveris sufferis pane;
Boece said, of poyettis that wes flour,
Thocht lufe be sweit, oft syiss it is full sour.
It is not necessary to hold with Laing that this piece was intended
3 cabbage.
3 cuckoo.
• Dungbirds,' a name applied to the Arctic gull.
5 The entrance or recess of a kiln, to help the draaght.
1 rest.


## p. 277 (#295) ############################################

Burlesque Poems
277
as a burlesque of some popular 'gest' or romance : the comic elfin
intention may be accepted on its own merits.
There is more of direct parody in the interlude of the Laying
of Lord Fergus's Gaist, beginning
Listis lordis, I sall 30w tell
Off ane verry grit mervell,
Off Lord Ferguss gaist,
How mekle Schir Andro it chesti
Vnto Beittokis bour.
It indulges, amid its satire of the ritual of exorcism, in the quaintest
fancy.
Suppois the gaist wes littill
Zit it stall Godis quhittilla;
It stall fra peteouss Abrahame
Ane quhorle3 and ano quhum quhame 4;
It stall fra the carle of the mone
Ane pair of auld yrn schone;
It ran to Pencaitlane
And wirreit ane auld chaplane.
Its allusions to Colkelbeis Feist' and 'St Bettokis Bour' would
establish its kinship, even if its manner did not make this
evident.
Lichtounis Dreme helps us a little to the secret of this
skimble-skamble' verse. The rimer asks 'Quha douttis dremis
ar bot phantasye? ' and proceeds :
My spreit was reft, and had in extasye,
My heid lay laich into this dreme but dout;
At my foirtop my fyve wittis flew out,
I murnit, and I maid a felloun mane 5:
Me thocht the King of Farye had me tane,
And band me in ane presoun, fute and hand,
Withoutin reuth, in ane lang raip of sand :
To pers the presoun wall it was nocht eith,
For it wes mingit and maid with mussill teith,
And in the middis of it ane myir of flynt;
I sank thairin, quhill I wes neir hand tynt;
And quhen I saw thair wes none uthir remeid,
I flychterit? vp with ane feddrem of leid.
He rambles on, telling of his escape to 'mony divers place,' and at
last to Peebles and Portjafe. Then he sailed in a barge of draff
to Paradise.
6
Be we approchit into that port in hye,
We ware weill ware of Enoch and Elye,
Sittand, on Yule evin, in ane fresch grene schaw,
Rostand straberreis at ane fyre of snaw.
1 chased.
6 moan.
9 knife.
easy.
3 whorl.
i Auttered.
nick-nack. '


## p. 278 (#296) ############################################

278 Anonymous and Popular Scottish Verse
Like Gog Magog's kin in Dunbar's interlude, he makes free with
the interlunar spaces. Later in the poem, when telling how he
desired to leave the moon, he says:
Bot than I take the sone beme in my neifi
And wald haif clumin, bot it was in ane clipss;
Schortlie I slaid, and fell upoan my hips,
Doun in ane midow, besyde ane busk of mynt;
I socht my self, and I was sevin yeir tynt,
Yit in ane mist I fand me on the morne.
We need not follow his adventure with the Pundler and the three
white whales which appeared at the blast of the "elriche horne. '
The conclusion is suggestive. When Lichtoun monicus' awakes,
he asks:
Quhair, trow ye, that I was ?
Doun in ane henslaik 6, and gat ane felloun fall,
And lay betuix ane picher and the wall.
And he adds :
As wyffis commandis, this dreme I will conclude;
God and the rude mot turn it all to gud!
Gar fill the cop, for thir auld carlingis7 clames
That gentill aill is oft the causs of dremes.
Another wife, in later verse, warned her Tam how by 'bousing at
the nappy' he would be catch'd wi' warlocks in the mirk. '
In the bacchanalian quality shown in different ways in these
rustic sketches and elfin dream-poems we have a third tradition
of Scottish verse. It would, of course, be vain to seek a complete
explanation of the eighteenth century convivial muse in the
historical evidences of a literary habit—as vain as to estimate
the general effect of Burns's work as an editorial modification of
old material; but the testimony of historical continuity, in theme,
in attitude and in technique, is too strong to be overlooked in
a survey of Scottish literature. The more thorough and connected
the survey is, the clearer will it appear that the rusticity, the wild
humour and the conviviality are not more the idiosyncrasies of
Burns and his fellow poets than the persistent, irrepressible
habits of the literature itself. Criticism has been too willing
to treat pieces like Burns’s Scotch Drink as mere personal
enthusiasm.
The best of all the Middle Scots convivial verse is Dunbar's
Testament of Mr Andro Kennedys, but some of the anonymous
pieces in the collections deserve mention. Quhy sould nocht
į fist, hand.
2 climbed.
3 eclipse.
• So signed in the MS.
6 In a poultry-yard : say, 'in the mire. '
women.
8 See Chapter .
1
>
4 lost.
7


## p. 279 (#297) ############################################

Convivial Verse
279
Allane honorit be? is a sprightly “ballat' on ‘Allan-a-Maut,' alias
John Barleycorn. By a misreading of the subscription in the MS
-'Quod Allane Matsonis suddartis? '-the poem has been given
to one Watson. It tells the history of 'Allan' from his youth, when
he was 'cled in grene,' to his powerful manhood.
The grittest cowart in this land,
Fra he with Allane entir in band,
Thocht he may nowdir gang nor stand,
zit fowrty sall nocht gar him flie:
Quhy sowld nocht Allane honorit be?
'Allane' too
is bening, courtass, and gude,
And servis ws of our daly fvde,
And that with liberalitie;
Quhy sowld nocht Allane honorit be?
The theme is familiar in Burns's John Barleycorn, itself based
on an older popular text. Another in the Bannatyne MS, in
eleven-lined stanzas, and signed 'Allanis subdert,' anathematises
the bad brewer and praises the good.
Quba hes gud malt, and makis ill drynk,
Wa mot be hir werd!
I pray to God scho rott and stynk
Sevin şeir abone the eird.
And another piece 'I mak it kend, he that will spend,' in the same
collection, is, appropriately, given to ‘John Blyth,' a fellow-reveller
with Allan's jolly-boys.
Now lat we sing with Chrystis blissing,
Be glaid and mak gude sound:
With an 0, and ane I, now or we forder found 3,
Drink thow to me, and I to the,
And lat the cop go round.
In the foregoing groups we find the representative and historical
qualities of the national verse, the timbre of Scotticism: in the
large residue of anonymous pieces in the collections we encounter
the familiar fifteenth and sixteenth century southern types.
Fabliaux, in the manner of the Freiris of Berwik", are not
numerous. The Thrie Priestis of Peblis is a long didactic tale,
or set of tales, with a politico-social purpose, kin in spirit with
Lyndsay's verse, or the prose Complaynt of Scotlande, or the
fragmentary recension of the Talis of the Fyve Bestis in the
Asloan MS. The truer note of the fabliau is struck in the tale
1 'subjects. '
3. before we farther go. '
º join company.
• See Chapter z.


## p. 280 (#298) ############################################

280 Anonymous and Popular Scottish Verse
of The Dumb Wyf, in which a dumb woman is, by her husband's
desire--and to his own undoing-made to speak.
The leist deuill that is in hell
Can gif ane wyff hir toung;
The grittest, I 3ow tell,
Cannot do mak bir dum.
6
There is, throughout the collections, no lack of cynical fun at the
expense of woman, according to the lively tradition of The Romance
of the Rose, and not a little of that severer satire and audacious
double meaning which we find in Dunbar? ; occasionally, as in Sic
Perrell in Paramouris lyis, and invariably with sober warning
rather than satirical purpose, the verse-makers discuss 'menis
subtell slicht. ' There is church satire, too, in Sir John Rowllis
CE a tedious invocation of 'Godis braid malisoun' upon
those who stole Sir John's five fat geese and other fowls. The
anathema is so paralysing in its fulness that it is well the writer
becomes merciful at the close and prays
Latt nevir this sentence fall thame vpone,
Bot grant thame grace ay till forbeir
Resset or stowth? of vthir menis geir;
And als agane the geir restoir
Till Rowle, as I hafe said befoir.
There is not much to choose between a 'cursing' and a 'flyting. '
Of historical and patriotic verse there is little. The fragment
of the Rings of the Roy Robert* (ascribed to Dean David Steill
in the Maitland folio) recalls Bruce in metre and Wallace
in sentiment. In the Talis of the Fyve Bestis, the second or
‘Hartis Tale' is devoted to praīse of Wallace for his defence of
Scotland 'fra subiectioun of Saxonis blud'; and, in the Scots
recension of the Nine Nobles", the last in the list of great men
is Robert the Bruce, who 'venkust the mychty Kyng | Off England,
Edward, twyse in fycht. ' There is, too, in the Maitland folio,
a short defence of the Scots, which is an extract from Wyntoun's
Chronicle. The plea for the peasant, familiar in the fabliau. x
of Rauf Coilsear and John the Reeve, in Lyndsay's John the
Commonweill, and in the prose Complaynt of Scotlande is repre-
sented here and there, as in John Uponlandis Complaint and
Few may fend for falsett 8.
1 Cf. Sempill's Ballat on Margret Fleming, callit the Fleming Bark in Edinburcht,
his Defence of Crissell Sandelandis, and another on three women being slicht wemen
of lyfe and conversatioun. ' This type of poem is by no means rare in Scots.
theft.
4 Robert III.
• In the Edinburgh University copy of Fordun.
6 In the Bannatyne MS.
.
3 reign.


## p. 281 (#299) ############################################

Love Poetry
281
In all these pieces the literary interest yields to the historical
and antiquarian: but in the love poems and lyrics it is of more
account. Some of these are hardly inferior to the known work
of Alexander Scott and others represented in these collections;
and they may, indeed, prove to be theirs. The love lay Tayis Bank,
in the common ballad measure, arranged in eight-lined stanzas,
is curiously deliberate in its mixture of the alliterative and aureate
styles. The ‘mansuet Mergrit, this perle polist most quhyt,' who
is the object of the poet's admiration, has been identified with
Margaret Drummond, the mistress of James IV before his marriage
with Margaret Tudor. The nature-setting, though happy, is con-
ventional; and the poet's praise of the lady is always ceremonious
and distant
This myld, meik, mansuet Mergrit,
This perle polist most quhyt,
Dame Natouris deir dochter discreit,
The dyamant of delyt,
Neuir formit wes to found on feit
Ane figour moir perfyte,
Nor non on mold that did hir meit
Mycht mend hir wirth a myte.
When she departs, the poet is not sorrowful as the author of the
Kingis Quair was. He appears to take comfort from the artistic
propriety of her going into a wane 'most hevinly to behold. ' He
tells us that he admired the beauty of that place 'as parradyce
but peir,' and adds
And I to heir thir birdis gay
Did in a bonk abyd.
Here, certainly, is the reserve of the professional makar. The
Murning Maiden is on a higher level, in respect of directness
and technical accomplishment; and, though it is not without traces
of alliterative and allegorical convention, it is never artificial. It
is no exaggeration to say that, in all our Middle English literature,
there is no poem more plainly human and simple. A forlorn maiden,
wandering in a wood in 'waithman weir',' encounters a man (the
writer of the lyric) who, after listening to her soliloquy of sorrow,
asks her why she trespasses with bow and arrows. She answers:
Thocht I walk in this forest fre,
Withe bow, and eik with fedderit flane,
It is weill mair than dayis thre
And meit or drink zit saw I nane.
Thocht I had never sio neid
My selffe to wyn my breid,
Zour deir may walk, schir, thair alane:
Zit wes never na beistis bane;
I may not se thame bleid.
i huntsman's dress.
arrow.


## p. 282 (#300) ############################################

282 Anonymous and Popular Scottish Verse
1
Sen that I never did 30w ill,
It wer no skill ze did me skaith.
3our deir may walk quhair euir thai will:
I wyn my meit be na sio waithel.
I do bot litill wrang,
Bot gif I flowris fang.
Giff that 3e trow not in my aythes,
Tak heir my bow and arrowis bayth,
And lat my awin selffe gang.
She refuses the frank terms which he offers, and insists on
remaining in the forest, a 'woful weycht, with her bed
full cauld,
With beistis bryme* and bauld.
The forester, touched by her sorrow, vows he will not consent to
her wild plan.
In to my armes swythe
Embrasit I that blythes,
Sayand, 'sweit hairt, of harmes ho 6!
Found? sall I never this forrest fro,
Quhill 3e me confort kyth. '
Than knelit I befoir that cleir5,
And meiklie could hir meroye craiff,
That semlie than, with sobir cheir,
Me of hir gudlynes forgaif.
It wes no neid, I wys,
To bid us vther kys;
Thair mycht no hairtis mair joy resaif,
Nor ather could of uther haif;
This 8 brocht wer we to blis.
Of other pieces of this genre mention may be made of The
Luvaris Lament (ascribed by Bannatyne to Fethe or Fethy), with
the burden
Canld cauld culis the lufe
That kendillis our het,
and In May in a Morning, reminiscent, in its form, of the
riming alliterative poems. Though Welcum to Mayº continues the
traditional courtly' manner and the aureate diction of the makars
(e. g. 'saufir firmament,' 'annammellit orient,' 'beriall droppis,'
and the like), it shows a change in the point of view. It may
be extravagant to discover more than a renascence appre-
ciation of nature in the poem, yet these lines are not merely
conventional :
Go walk vpoun snm rever fair,
Go tak the fresch and holsum air,
Go luk vpoun the flurist fell,
Go feill the herbis plesand smell.
i hunting.
2 oath.
3 wight.
4 fierce.
5 fair one,' maid.
pause.
go.
• Beginning, 'Be glad al ze that luvaris bene. '
(
7
8 thus.


## p. 283 (#301) ############################################

Early Scottish Prose 283
Another lyric, beginning Quhen Flora had ourfret the firth, works
up the commonplaces about the merle and mavis, and does not
shrink from aureation.
Scho is sa brycht of hyd and hew,
I lufe bot hir allone I wene;
Is non hir lufe that may eschew
That blenkis of that dulce amene.
So, too, O Lusty May, with Flora quene proclaims its kinship in
such a phrase as 'preluciand bemis. The Song of Absence, which
Pinkerton wrongly attributed to James I', is more lively in its
Its irregular lines recall the movement of the 'rustic
stanza ; but these are steadied by the ballast of such phrases as
the ‘hait canicular day' or the 'sweet mow redolent' of the
beloved. Evidence of this 'aureate' habit is so persistent in the
minor love poems in the collections that they must be grouped
with the courtly poetry of the period.
Finally, there is the didactic and religious verse of the collec-
tions. Little of this is, however, anonymous; and rarely, if ever,
may it be described as 'popular. ' Engrained as the ethical habit
appears to be in Scottish literature—so deeply, indeed, as often to
convey the impression of unrelieved seriousness-it is not in any
strict sense an idiosyncrasy of pre-reformation verse. In her
reflections on life's pains and aspirations, Scotland but conformed
to the taste of her neighbours. If she appear, after the sixteenth
century, to ponder more upon these things-or, let us say, less
upon others—she does so under stress of a combination of special
circumstances, rather than in indulgence of an old habit or
incurable liking.
An additional interest, philological rather than literary,
attaches to the Asloan collection from the fact that it contains
a number of prose passages, which are among the earliest remains
of Scots prose, other than legal and official documents. That
there should be any vernacular prose, whether official or quasi-
literary, at the beginning of the fifteenth century is almost
surprising, when we consider the place held by Latin in the
intellectual life, even in the commercial relationships of renascence
Scotland? The plea for a native medium is hardly urged before
the middle of the sixteenth century; and then it is only occasional,
and, as in Lyndsay's Exclamatioun to the Redar, apologetic,
1 Ancient Scotish Poems (1786), II, 425. See Chapter x of this volume.
. See Chapter 1v.


## p. 284 (#302) ############################################

284
Early Scottish Prose
6
a
because of the stress of reformation conflict. It was probably but
rarely that a Scot excused his ‘Ynglis' on the grounds stated by
the earl of March in his letter to Henry IV of England! We
know that Scots was used in public documents in the late four-
teenth century. In the Bute MS of Laws six of the twenty-five
pieces are in the vernacular; so too are the parliamentary records
from the reign of the first James. But neither in these nor in the
texts represented in the Asloan MS can we discover any half-
conscious effort of style, such as marks the beginnings of fifteenth
century prose in England.
The earliest examples of vernacular prose are the translations
of Sir Gilbert Hay, or of the Haye,' dated 1456, and preserved in
a single volume now in the collection at Abbotsford. They are
(1) The Buke of the Law of Armys, or Buke of Bataillis, based
on the French of Honoré Bonet, (2) The Buke of the Order of
Knichthood, following L'Ordre de Chevalerie and (3) a version of
the pseudo-Aristotelian Government of Princes. To which of these
the entry in the Asloan MS ("The Document of Schir Gilbert Hay')
refers is not known, for the portion of the MS which contained
the text has been lost. Of more originality, but with small claim
as literature, is the long treatise on political wisdom and rule of
life for a prince, by John of Ireland, rector of Yarrow and quondam
confessor to James III and Louis XI of France. The text, labelled
Johannis de Irlandia Opera Theologica, is preserved in the
Advocates' Library. A long extract from John's writings stands
first in the Asloan MS (“On the Passioun,' etc. ); and we have
clues to his authorship of other vernacular treatises of a semi-
theological character which are not extant. The place of his prose
in the history of the language has been discussed in another
chapter3. The contents of the Portuus of Noblines in the Asloan
MS, and (in part) in the Chepman and Myllar prints, are explained
by the fuller title, 'The wertuis of nobilnes and portratours thairof
&c. callit the Portuus and matynnis of the samin. ' This piece is a
dull discussion, in a series of homilies, on Faith, Loyalty, Honour
and the other virtues. It purports to be a translation by Andrew
Cadiou from the French. The Spectakle of Luf or Delectatioun
It ‘ys mare cleir to myne understandyng than latyne or Fraunche' (1400). Cf.
Chapter iv.
? Perhaps we should say the earliest important examples; for the short fifteenth
century tracts, Craft of Deyng, The Wisdom of Solomon and The Vertewis of the Mess,
preserved in the Cambridge University MS, Kk. 1. 5, may be earlier. Their interest is,
however, entirely philological. See the edition by J. Rawson Lumby, E. E. T. S. 1870.
3 See Chapter 1v.


## p. 285 (#303) ############################################

Early Scottish Prose 285
of Wemen, translated from the Latin, is an exhortation, in the
conventional dialogue-form, 'to abstene fra sic fleschly delecta-
tiounis quhilk thow callis luf. ' The reader is informed in the
conclusion that the translation was finished at St Andrews on
10 July 1492, by G. Myll, ‘ane clerk, quhilk had bene in to
Venus court mair than the space of xx zeiris, quhill (he adds)
I mycht nocht mak the seruice that I had bene accustomyd to
do; quharfor I was put out of hir bill of hushald. ' The Schort
Memoriale of the Scottis corniklis for addicioun, an account of
the reign of James II, is of no literary pretence.
Early in the sixteenth century, Murdoch Nisbet wrote out his
version of Purvey's recension of Wyclif's translation of the New
Testament. It anticipates the Bassandyne Bible by half-a-century;
but it does not appear to have been circulated. It remained in
manuscript till 1901. Its mixture of northern and southern forms
gives it considerable philological interest. After it, we may name
Gau's Richt Vay(a translation from Christiern Pedersen), Bellenden's
Livy and Scottish History, the patchwork translation called The
Complaynt of Scotlande, Winzet's Tractates, bishop Leslie's
History of Scotland, Knox's History and Buchanan's Chamaeleon,
Lindesay of Pitscottie's History, the controversial writings of
Nicol Burne and other exiled Catholics and king James VI's
early effort on versification (Ane Schort Treatise); but the
consideration of these belongs to a later chapter. The pro-
fessional Rolment of Courtis, by Abacuck Bysset, though of the
seventeenth century (1622), represents the aureate style of Middle
Scots and is the last outpost of that affectation in northern
prose


## p. 286 (#304) ############################################

CHAPTER XII
1
.
ENGLISH PROSE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
I
PECOCK. FORTESCUE. THE PASTON LETTERS.
2
THE work of popularising prose was a slow and humble
process. In the 'century of the commons' literature was con-
sistently homely. Works of utility-books of manners and of
cookery, service books and didactic essays, as well as old romances
copied and modernised and chronicles growing ever briefer and
duller-familiarised the middle classes with books Dictionaries
prove the spread of study; and, though verse was more popular
reading than prose, countless letters and business papers remain
to show that soldiers, merchants, servants and women were learning
to read and write with fluency. The House of Commons and the
king's council now conducted business in English; and, in the latter
part of the century, politicians began to appeal to the sense of the
nation in short tracts. In the meantime, the art of prose writing
advanced no further. The Mandeville translations mark its high
tide, for even The Master of Game, the duke of York's elaborate
treatise on hunting, was, save for the slightest of reflections-
‘imagynacioun (is) maistresse of alle werkes '-purely technical.
A fashionable treatise, as the number of manuscripts proves, it
was, in the main, a translation of a well known French work;
it is chiefly interesting for its technical terms, mostly French,
and as witness to the excessive elaborateness of the hunting
pleasures of the great.
Save for the solitary and unappreciated phenomenon of Pecock,
Latin, for the greater part of the century, maintained its position
as the language of serious books. The other two learned men of
the time wrote first in Latin, and seem to have been driven to use
English by the political ascendency of a middle-class and unlettered
faction. The praises of Henry V are recorded in Latin; nearly two
dozen Latin chronicles were compiled to some seven in English;
the books given by the duke of Gloucester and the earl of


## p. 287 (#305) ############################################

John Capgrave
287
Worcester to the universities were in Latin, and so were the
volumes purchased by the colleges themselves.
John Capgrave, the learned and travelled friar of Lynn in
Norfolk, was the best known man of letters of his time. His
reputation was based upon comprehensive theological works, which
comprised commentaries upon all the books of the Bible, condensed
from older sources, besides a collection of lives of saints, lives of
the Famous Henries and a life of his patron, Humphrey, duke of
Gloucester. All these were in Latin. But he composed in English,
for the simple, a life of St Katharine in verse and one of St Gilbert
of Sempringham in prose, as well as a guide for pilgrims to Rome
and a volume of Annals, presented to Edward IV.
Capgrave's chronicle, so far as originality goes, makes some
advance on Trevisa, being a compilation from a number of
sources with an occasional observation of the writer's own. He
seems to have regarded it in the nature of notes: 'a schort
remembrauns of elde stories, that whanne I loke upon hem and
have a schort touch of the writing I can sone dilate the circum-
staunces. ' Valuable historically, as an authority on Henry IV, it
also attracts attention by the terseness of its style. It'myte,' says
the author, 'be cleped rather Abbreviacion of Cronicles than a
book'; but graphic detail appears in the later portion, dealing with
Capgrave's own times. It is he who tells us that Henry V after his
coronacion was evene turned onto anothir man and all his mociones
inclined to vertu,' though this is probably in testimony to the
peculiar sacredness of the anointing oil. Capgrave was a doctor
in divinity and provincial of his order, the Austin Friars Hermit;
he was extremely orthodox, violently abusive of Wyclif and
Oldcastle, an apologist of archbishops, yet, like other chroniclers,
restive under the extreme demands of the papacy.
Even apart from his signal achievement in literature, the lively
character and ironical fate of Reginald Pecock must attract
interest. A learned man and original thinker, he was yet astound-
ingly vain. Though Humphrey of Gloucester was his first patron,
he was raised to the episcopate by the party which ruined the
duke, and shared that party's unpopularity. An ardent apologist
of the newest papal claims and of the contemporary English
hierarchy, he was, nevertheless, persecuted by the bishops and
deserted by the pope. Finally, his condemnation on the score of
heretical opinions was brought about by the malice of a revengeful
political party.


## p. 288 (#306) ############################################

288 English Prose in the XV th Century
Reginald Pecock was a Welshman, a student in the university
of Oxford, where he became a fellow of Oriel and took holy orders.
He was early celebrated for his finished learning and, before 1431,
Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, it seems, drew the rising man to
London where, in that year, he was made Master of Whittington
College near the Tower, the recent foundation of the famous mayor.
London was still thick with Lollards, and it became Pecock's
lifelong aim to overcome their heresy by persuasion. Before ten
years were passed he had issued a number of books or pamphlets
to cope with those which the heretics were pouring forth. In
1444, he was made bishop of St Asaph, and he was so active in
his diocese, in preaching and in other ways, as to rouse opposition.
He had not, however, withdrawn from the public life of London;
and, in 1447, he preached a sermon at Paul's Cross which provoked
much antagonism. He defended episcopal non-residence and
neglect of preaching on the ground that the conduct of the
ecclesiastical organisation was a prior duty; but he also justified
papal ‘provisions' to benefices and the payment of annates to
Rome upon grounds most displeasing to the English hierarchy.
He put the substance of his discourse in writing and gave it to
his friends. Yet not only the populace but many scholars, clergy
and friars called him a heretic. His apology was controverted
from Paul's Cross by the celebrated Millington, Provost of King's,
Cambridge, and archbishop Stafford, though personally friendly,
was obliged to investigate Pecock's opinions. Pecock was not
censured; but his translation to Chichester on the murder of
Moleyns perhaps marked him as a member of the court party
who might conveniently be thrust into a thankless post of
danger. The mob hated him as one of Suffolk's friends, and
he had the distinction of mention in the lively ballad on the
duke's death, The Dirge of Jack Napes. As a privy councillor
and trier of petitions, Pecock took his share in the unpopular work
of government, but he continued to put forth short popular books
against the Lollards and, at length, a complete and reasoned work,
The Repressor of overmuch blaming of the clergy. This elaborate
book, which its author thought would destroy Lollardy and prevent
further criticism of the hierarchy, brought about his ruin.
A hollow truce was then (1457) subsisting between the two
political parties ; one of Pecock's latest pamphlets, addressed to
Canynge, mayor of London, contained allusions to disturbances which
the Yorkist mayor chose to consider seditious. He accordingly laid
| Abbreviatio R. Pecock.


## p. 289 (#307) ############################################

Pecock's Repressor
289
the tract before the council. An outcry was raised at once by
the politicians, and Pecock's theological adversaries seized the
moment to accuse him of heresy. Archbishop Bourchier, allied
with the Yorkist faction, conducted the examination promptly.
Nine of Pecock's works were, in one day, inspected and reported
upon by twenty-four divines, who can hardly have been
-
placated by the claim of the accused 'to be judged by his peers'
in erudition. After several interviews, Pecock was formally con-
demned, and the archbishop, in a conventionally fraternal speech,
bade him choose at once between recantation and death by fire.
Apparently confounded by the charge of heresy, Pecock at length
replied: 'it is better to incur the taunts of the people than to
forsake the law of faith and to depart after death into hell-fire
and the place of torment. ' According to his own principles,
indeed, submission to the authority of the church was all that
was open to him. A public recantation was exacted, and at
Paul's Cross, before a great crowd whose ferocity, excited by the
spectacle of the solitary bishop beside the bonfire, rose so high that
they would fain have flung him into it, Pecock handed fourteen of
his works (that cost moch goodes') to the executioner to be
burned, and recited a full recantation in English in his peculiar
repetitive style. After a vain attempt to obtain protection from
the papacy, Pecock was committed to a dreary imprisonment for
life in Thorney abbey; and there, a year or two later, he died.
It is not hard to see why the bishops repudiated their self-
appointed champion. Immeasurably their superior in learning
as in argument, his conceit galled them, his assertion of the feudal
authority of the pope cut at the roots of hierarchical indepen-
dence; he had treated the friars with contempt, and his mode of
defending the condition of the church was felt to be dangerous.
One of the charges against him was that he wrote on great
matters in English; another, that he set the law of nature above
the Scriptures and the sacraments: in truth, Pecock's attempt to
defend the ecclesiastical system by an appeal to reason was a
negation of the principle of authority upon which it rested, and
a superficial reading of The Repressor might give the impression
that the author minimised the importance of the Bible.
The Repressor was the climax of Pecock's endeavours to
conquer the Lollards on their own ground. Corporal punishment
he allowed to be lawful in the last resort; but he held it the duty
of the clergy to reclaim heretics by reasonable argument. To
attempt this thoroughly, Pecock, in The Repressor, first stated
E. L. II. CH. XII.
19


## p. 290 (#308) ############################################

290 English Prose in the XV th Century
clearly what were the erroneous 'trowings' of the Lollards, and
then proceeded to reason against them instead of crushing them
by merely quoting a mass of authority. Unhappily, this fair
,
statement of his adversaries' case proved a two-edged weapon,
for his own replies were sometimes of a kind so casuistical
as to provoke irritation. Again, Pecock's excellent arguments
from history and theological literature made little impression
upon contemporaries almost as ignorant as they were biassed,
while his philosophical reasoning not only was beyond their grasp,
but was suspected of being a greater danger than the Lollardy it
controverted. To reason of religion at all, and in the vulgar
tongue, was a crime; to reason with heretics appeared to admit
that they had some kind of case; worst of all, in those intolerant
times, was Pecock’s tolerance.
The book is clearly arranged in five parts, each divided into
chapters, and a short prologue sets forth the purport and plan,
namely, to defend eleven points of 'governances of the clergy
condemned by some of the common people. ' Part I deals with
the Lollard position in general, while the succeeding parts defend
the arraigned practices by special arguments. Part I is the most
important and shows by how great a distance Pecock was in
advance of his age. Could his methods have been adopted by
the English hierarchy, the ecclesiastical revolution of the next
dynasty would, perhaps, never have occurred, and Hooker would
have been forestalled by a century.
Pecock finds the heresies of the Lollards to arise from three
fundamental errors in their method of thinking; when these are
relinquished, the way will be clear for constructive explanation.
The Lollards assume the New Testament to be the origin of
religion and morality, holding no ordinance to be binding unless
grounded, that is originating, in Scripture; secondly, they maintain
that every pious Christian can instinctively discover the full
meaning of Scripture; and, last, they assert that this pious Christian
is then justified in scorning any reasoning or expounding by
scholars and churchmen.
These theses of the lay party' are to be disproved not by
counter-quoting of texts, but by reasoning; and Pecock, therefore,
enters first upon a brief explanation of the method of logical
argument: ‘Wolde God it (logic) were leerned of al the comon
people in her moderis langage for thanne thei schulden therbi
be putt fro myche ruydnes and boistousness which thei han now
in resonyng. '
>


## p. 291 (#309) ############################################

The Repressor and the Lollards
291
6
Pecock declares that Scripture was not intended to reveal to
man any of the moral laws which he had already discovered by
law of kind,' i. e. light of nature. Scripture, in fact, assumes
that men recognise the moral law, and if it were possible that
any apparent discord should subsist between the words written
in 'the outward book of parchemyn or of velym' and 'the doom
of resoun write in mannis soule and herte,' then must the written
words be interpreted to accord with reason, not reason glosed to
accord with the writing. It is actually worse to undervalue this
'inward Scripture' than to undervalue the Bible itself. Because
Scripture enforces many points of morality, we are not to regard
the book as the foundation of the moral law-any more than men
of London say, when men of the country upland bring branches
of trees from Bishop's wood and flowers of the field for the
citizens to array their houses with at midsummer, that these
branches grew out of the carts or the hands of the bringers.
It follows that neither the truths of moral philosophy nor corol-
laries deduced from either philosophy or the law of nature are
grounded' in Scripture. To ask of any ordinance or custom
80 deduced by philosophy or common sense: 'where fyndist
thou it groundid in Holi Scripture ? ' is as far beside the mark
as to ask of a conclusion of grammar: 'where findist thou it
groundid in tailour craft? or of a point of sadler craft where
findist thou it groundid in bocheri ? ' Much that is needful for
us to know is left for us to discover by reason and experience:
'I preie thee, Sir, seie to me where in Holi Scripture is zouen
the hundrid parti of the teching upon matrimonie which y teche
in a book mad upon Matrimonie and in the firste partie of Cristen
a
religioun ? ' Nor does Scripture give a hundredth part of Pecock's
teaching upon usury in The filling of the four tables, and yet
these books he considers full scanty to teach all that is needful
to know upon matrimony and usury. He concludes that pilgrim-
ages, the use of images in churches, or the endowments of the
clergy, are not to be condemned because they are not expressly
ordained in Scripture.