No More Learning

39. )
Bonnard, G. La Controverse de Martin Marprelate, 1588-1590. Geneva, 1916.
Dearmer, Percy. Religious Pamphlets. 1898. Pp. 111-151.
Maitland, S. R. Essays on subjects connected with the Reformation in England. 1849.
Pierce, W. An Historical Introduction to the Marprelate Tracts. 1908.
The Marprelate Tracts. 1911.
Wilson, J. Dover. Anthony Munday. Mod. Lang. Rev. vol. iv, 1908-9.
Richard Schilders and the English Puritans. Trans. Bibl. Soc. XI.
See, also, The Library, July 1909 and October 1912.
p. 549, add to the bibliography of chapter XIX:
Stopes, C. C. Shakespeare's Warwickshire Contemporaries. 1907.
p. 555, add to the bibliography of chapter XX:
Einstein, L. The Italian Renaissance in England. 1902.


## p. 1 (#23) ###############################################

CHAPTER I
ENGLISHMEN AND THE CLASSICAL RENASCENCE
The classical renascence implied a knowledge and imitation
of the great literary artists of the golden past of classical antiquity,
and, as a preliminary, a competent acquaintance with, and some
power to use, the Latin and Greek languages. Italy gave it birth
and it gradually spread beyond the Alps into Germany, France and
England. In the end it created, almost imperceptibly, a cosmo-
politan republic of which Guillaume Budé and Erasmus disputed
the sovereignty, and where, latterly, Erasmus, by universal
consent, ruled as chief. This republic established itself in a
Europe almost savage, supremely warlike and comparatively
untaught-in it and yet not of it. Its citizens were a select
people who lived and worked in the midst of the tumult of
arms, the conflict of politics and the war of creeds which
went on around them. It spread widely and silently until it
almost became the mark of a well-educated person to be able
to read, write and converse fluently in Latin, and to know
something of Greek. It refused to admit the limitations of sex.
The learned lady (erudita) of the Colloquia of Erasmus easily
discomfits the pretentious abbot. The prince of humanists
himself, in no spirit of condescension, corresponded with the
sisters of Pirkheimer and the daughters of More. At the
celebrated reunions of Marguerite d’Angoulême, which were
anticipations of the eighteenth century salon, Latin, Greek and
even Hebrew were continually used. Her niece and grand-nieces
were trained in the humanities. Mary of Scotland read Latin
authors with George Buchanan. In England, well-born young
ladies, towards the close of queen Mary's reign, were accomplished
scholars. Elizabeth herself overwhelmed luckless ambassadors
with floods of improvised Latinity. But this queen is extremely
wise and has eyes that can flame,' wrote one who had, with
difficulty, saved himself from the deluge.
1
E. L. III.
CH. I.
!


## p. 2 (#24) ###############################################

2
English men and the Classical Renascence
The enthusiasts of the classical renascence, who had spent time
and pains in mastering the secrets of style of the literary artists
of antiquity, were somewhat disdainful of their mother tongues.
They were inclined to believe that cultured thought could only
find fit expression in the apt words, deft phrases and rhythmical
cadences, of the revived language of ancient Rome. They pre-
ferred to write in Latin, and the use of the common speech of
their cosmopolitan republic gave them an audience in all parts
of educated Europe. Nevertheless, the classical renascence had a
powerful effect in moulding the literary languages of modern
Europe and in enriching them with graces of style and expression.
Its influence was so pervading and impalpable that it worked like
leaven, almost imperceptibly, yet really and potently.
The classical renascence recognised no one land in Europe as
its own; it possessed all and belonged to all. Yet it is possible to
describe its progress in Italy, Germany, France and even Spain,
without introducing alien names. England is an exception.
Erasmus belongs as much to the history of the classical renascence
in our land as does Linacre, Colet, or More. The country
received him when his fortunes were at a low ebb. He was
about 33 years of age. The torments and temptations of
Hertogenbosch, the midnight labours of Stein, the horrors of
the Collège Montaigu and the penury of Paris had left their
marks on his frail body. He had produced little or nothing.
He was almost unknown and he had no sure prospects in life.
In England he found friends, who gladly gave him hospitable
welcome, whose cultured leisure enabled them to appreciate his
learning, his humour, his untiring capacity for work and his
ceaseless activity of mind. No wonder that the fortune-tossed
.
wanderer was glad to fancy himself an Englishman and delighted
in the men and women, the manners, the scholarship, even in the
climate, of his new home-in everything English, in fact, save
the beer and the draughty rooms.
He came, too, at the moment most fitting to make an im-
pression. Scholasticism still reigned; but there were signs that its
authority was waning. The honoured friend of English leading
scholars, sought after by the educational reformer of one of its
great universities, patronised by its archbishop, complimented
by its young and popular king, Erasmus could not fail to make
a deep impression on the country at a peculiarly impressionable
time-an impression all the stronger because he appealed to the
practical side of the English people in a way more directly than


## p. 3 (#25) ###############################################

Erasmus's First Visit to England
3
did any other humanist. They saw in him not a great classical
specialist, but one who gathered the wisdom of the past to enrich
and enlighten the present.
Erasmus visited England for the first time in the summer of
1499. He came in the company of young William Blount, lord
Mountjoy, who had been one of his pupils in Paris. He seems
to have resided, for a while, in London with Sir William Say, his
pupil's father-in-law; then, at a country-house belonging to
lord Mountjoy at Greenwich. He spent about two months at
Oxford in the college of St Mary, an establishment for students
of the Augustinian order presided over by prior Richard Charnock.
He was back in London in the beginning of December; and, after
à round-about journey by Dover, Calais and Tournehem, he
arrived in Paris sometime about the end of January, 1500. His
visit had been short, lasting about six months, just long enough
to make him acquainted with the most prominent scholars in
England; and his correspondence enables us to judge of the
progress which the classical renascence had made there.
In a letter to Robert Fisher, “the kyng's solicitor at Rome,'
he instances four scholars whom he cannot praise too highly-
John Colet, William Grocyn, Thomas Linacre and Thomas More.
These men had learning neither hackneyed nor trivial, but deep,
accurate, ancient Latin and Greek.
When I hear my Colet, I seem to be listening to Plato himself. In
Grocyn, who does not marvel at such a perfect round of learning? What
can be more acute, profound and delicate than the judgment of Linacre ?
What has nature ever created more gentle, more sweet, more happy than the
genius of Thomas More? I need not go through the list. It is marvellous
how general and abundant is the harvest of ancient learning in this countryl,
The letters of Erasmus are, as a rule, more rhetorical than
matter-of-fact; but, in this case, he seems to have been perfectly
sincere. He believed that England was a specially favoured land,
and that the classical renascence had made progress there in an
exceptional way. Six years later, during his second visit, which
lasted about fourteen months and was spent, for the most part,
in London, he assured Servatius, the prior of the convent to
which he was still nominally attached, that he had had intimate
converse with five or six men in London who were as accurate
scholars in Latin and Greek as Italy itself then possessed. His
sincerity becomes manifest when it is remembered that these
English scholars influenced his life as none of his innumerable
1 The Epistles of Erasmus, F. M. Nichols, 1901, vol. I, p. 226, Ep. 110.
1-2


## p. 4 (#26) ###############################################

4 Englishmen and the Classical Renascence
acquaintances was able to do. At his first visit he knew very
little Greek Their example and exhortations compelled him
to study that language as soon as he returned to Paris. His
pupil, lord Mountjoy, suggested to him his first book, Adagia ;
and prior Charnock encouraged him to undertake the task. It
is scarcely too much to say that his first visit to England
was the turning point in the career of Erasmus. Apart from it,
he might have written Adagia, Colloquia, Copia, Encomium
Moriae, but not Novum Instrumentum with the Paraphrases,
Enchiridion Militis Christiani, Institutio Principis Christiani,
nor his editions and commentaries on such early Fathers as
Jerome and Chrysostom. He met men who, so far as the humani-
ties were concerned, were riper scholars than himself and who, at
the same time, were animated by lofty Christian aspirations; from
them, Erasmus learnt to be a Christian humanist, with a real
desire to see a reformation in life and morals in the church
and in society, and a perception of the way in which the classical
renascence might be made serviceable to that end.
Erasmus had never cared much for theology, although he had
studied it in a somewhat perfunctory manner in order to qualify
himself for the much esteemed degree of doctor of divinity.
He had called himself vetus theologus, which meant one who
accepted the teaching of Aquinas and cared little for the novelties
introduced by John Duns Scotus. He had jeered at the Scotist
theologians of the Sorbonne 'biting their nails and making all
sorts of discoveries about instances and quiddities and formalities'
and falling asleep at their task. Now, John Colet showed him
that Aquinas was, perhaps, to be distrusted quite as much-a
man who had taken upon himself to define all things, a man who
had corrupted the teaching of Christ by mixing it with his profane
philosophy. Colet made it plain, too, how the classical renascence
could help in the work of reformation which all men then thought
to be necessary. A scholar could edit the New Testament in
Greek, and could translate the Scriptures into the vernaculars,
so that the ploughman might repeat portions of them to himself
as he followed the plough and the weaver might hum them to
the tune of his shuttle. He could produce paraphrases of the
more difficult portions. He could edit the writings of the earlier
Fathers and show men what Christianity was before the schoolmen
altered it. Such was the lesson which the English scholar im-
pressed on the Dutch humanist, and Erasmus never forgot it. His
intercourse with Colei gave a bent to his whole life.


## p. 5 (#27) ###############################################

Thomas Linacre
5
The scholars whom Erasmus met in England during his earlier
visits may be said to have been the pioneers of the classical rena-
scence in this country. Before them, Englishmen had gone to Italy
on business connected with the Holy See or to perfect themselves
in canon law at the famous university of Bologna, and had used
the opportunities given to study Latin and even Greek. We
hear of Robert Flemming, afterwards dean of Lincoln, who studied
Greek at Ferrara under Battista Guarino; of William Grey, who
was taught by the famous Guarino, who brought Greek MSS to
England and presented them to Balliol College; of John Gunthorpe;
of William Tilly of Selling or Celling, who had travelled in Italy, had
learned Greek and, most probably, taught it to his more promising
pupils in the school of the monastery of Christ Church, Canter-
bury. These earliest English humanists are little more than names
and the influence they exerted on their own land, however
real it may have been, is obscure and scarcely discernible.
The fact that they left their native land and studied under such
a famous teacher as Guarino shows that there had arisen in
England the beginnings of a desire to share in the classical
renascence.
Thomas Linacre had been a pupil of William Tilly of Selling in
the monastery school at Christ Church and, probably, had received
his earliest aspirations towards scholarship from his master. He
had gone to Oxford, where he had an oppoftunity of studying
Greek under Cornelio Vitelli, who had been invited by the
warden of New College, Thomas Chaundler, to act as praelector
in his college, and who was the first to teach Greek publicly
in England. His old teacher, William Tilly of Selling, was sent as
ambassador by Henry VII to Innocent VIII; Linacre went with
him and, spending some years in Italy, made the acquaintance
of scholars and devoted himself to the humanities. At Bologna,
he was introduced to Angelo Poliziano, and, at Florence, Lorenzo
de' Medici permitted him to share the instructions given by
that Italian humanist and by the learned Greek, Demetrius
Chalcondylas, to his children Piero and Giovanni (afterwards
pope Leo X).
From Florence he went to Rome, where he
became intimate with Hermolaus Barbarus, who, it is generally
assumed, inspired him with the interest he afterwards displayed
in the writings of Aristotle, Pliny, Galen and other medical writers
among the ancients. In Venice, he made the acquaintance of
Aldus Manutius Romanus, the great printer, and assisted him
in the Aldine edition of Aristotle. In Padua, on the occasion of


## p. 6 (#28) ###############################################

6 Englishmen and the Classical Renascence
1
his graduating as M. D. , he sustained a brilliant discussion against
the senior physicians of that city. In Vicenza, he became the
pupil of Nicolaus Leonides, equally famous as a humanist and
as a physician. On Linacre's return to England he almost at once
took the position which Leonides occupied in northern Italy.
He was recognised as a distinguished physician and as the fore-
most scholar in his native land. He taught at Oxford, and Thomas
More owed his knowledge of Greek to Linacre's instruction. He
was tutor to prince Arthur. Later, he was one of the king's
physicians to Henry VIII. He practised in London and was the
founder of the Royal College of Physicians. He was appointed
Latin tutor to princess Mary, then five years of age, and wrote
for her use a grammar which afterwards became famous. This
grammar was translated into Latin from the original English by
George Buchanan, and, in this form, continued to be the standard
Latin grammar in France for more than half a century. The
rest of his writings were mainly medical translations from
the works of Galen, the great Greek physician, whom he made
known to European students of medicine.
William Grocyn was early distinguished by his knowledge of
Greek and taught that language at Oxford before 1488. . It is
likely that he, as well as Linacre, owed his knowledge of Greek
to Cornelio Vitelli. He followed Linacre to Italy, studied, like
him, under Poliziano and Chalcondylas at Florence and, like him,
made the acquaintance of the great Venetian printer. On his
return to England, he taught Greek at Oxford, and his daily
lectures were attended by the chief scholars of the time. Unlike
most of the Italian humanists who were his contemporaries,
Grocyn thought little of Plato and much of Aristotle. Yet he
lectured on Pseudo-Dionysius at Oxford and for some time
believed him to have been the convert of St Paul, but soon
became convinced, either by independent study or by the criticism
of Laurentius Valla, that the Celestial Hierarchy belonged to a
much later age. He introduced Colet to the writings of Dionysius
and also proved to him that the author could not have been the
Areopagite. Grocyn resembled in many ways some of the older
German humanists, who were content to spend their time in
study and in directing and encouraging the work of younger
scholars, without contributing to the store of learning by books
of their own making.
With Grocyn and Linacre must be classed William Latimer,
who had a great reputation for learning among his contemporaries,
.


## p. 7 (#29) ###############################################

English Students at Paris
7
English and continental. He had spent many years in Italy in
acquiring a knowledge of the humanities, and his knowledge of
Greek was highly esteemed by Erasmus. He was selected to be
the tutor of young Reginald Pole, the future cardinal, whose
scholarship, doubtless, was due to his early preceptor. The reasons
he gave to Erasmus for refusing to act as teacher to John
Fisher, bishop of Rochester, show the scorn of a scholar for
the man who was content with a smattering of such a language
as Greek and the preference of the humanist for classical Greek
as compared with that of the New Testament.
Richard Pace and Cuthbert Tunstall are also to be classed
among the English contemporaries of Erasmus who went to Italy
to absorb the spirit of humanism in its peculiar home. The former
studied at Padua, Ferrara and Bologna; the latter at Padua,
where he made the acquaintance of Jerome Busleiden (Buslidianus),
a scholar from the Netherlands and afterwards a friend both of
More and of Erasmus. Both Pace and Tunstall were engaged in
the diplomatic service of Henry VIII and received ecclesiastical
preferment for their services. Tunstall was cardinal Wolsey's agent
at the famous diet of Worms, and wrote to his master that he
believed there were a hundred thousand Germans ready to lay
down their lives in Luther's defence. Pace was employed in the
vain endeavour to secure the imperial crown for Henry and
the papacy for Wolsey.
The desire for classical learning spread widely. Students
who could not go to Italy went to Paris, where teachers congre-
gated. It was noticed there that the young Englishmen who
came to the colleges in the French capital belonged, for the most
part, to the aristocracy or to the moneyed classes. They were able
to live in pensionats or boarding-houses, and did not share the
hard life of the great majority of Parisian students, whose fate
made them inmates of a college or drove them to highly-priced
miserable garrets in the streets about the Place Maubert.
In the pensionats, students lived under the care of a preceptor,
and the best teachers the city afforded were hired to teach them the
branches of learning they had come to acquire. Erasmus himself
made the acquaintance of Englishmen by teaching in one of
these boarding houses. There he taught William Blount, lord
-
Mountjoy, who brought him to England, Thomas Gray, Robert
Fisher, cousin of John, afterwards bishop of Rochester, and the
head of the boarding-house himself, who, most probably, was an
Englishman of gentle birth from the Border (Semi-Scotus).


## p. 8 (#30) ###############################################

8 English men and the Classical Renascence
Royalty, even in the person of Henry VII, recognised the ad-
vantages of the classical renascence. Linacre, as has been said, was
engaged to instruct the heir-apparent, Arthur, prince of Wales; the
studious habits of young lord Mountjoy occasioned his selection to
be elder companion to prince Henry. The part taken by Margaret,
countess of Richmond and Derby, in establishing homes of the
classical renascence in Cambridge has been discussed in a previous
chapter of this work.
Among English scholars who were contemporaries of Erasmus,
the first place must be given to John Colet, if precedence be deter-
mined not so much by the acquisition of exact scholarship as by
the gifts of a commanding personality and the power to influence
workers in a man's own and the succeeding generation. In another
age, he might not have been the leader of men that he actually was;
but, north of the Alps, during the close of the fifteenth and the
earlier part of the sixteenth century, the moving force was religion,
and Colet was the chief Christian humanist of England. Singularly
enough, he seems to have been awakened to his vocation while in
Italy. No evidence connects Colet with Florence, yet it is probable
that his inspiration came from Savonarola. The probability is
strengthened by his familiarity with the works of Marsilio Ficino,
who, for a time, was completely under the influence of the great
Florentine reformer, and of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, who
was his lifelong and ardent disciple. Colet began his work on his
return to England. His was a typically English mind-conservative,
practical, careless about exact definitions in theology-and the
value of the classical learning for him was the use it could be
put to in effecting the task which lay nearest his heart.
His sermon, preached before convocation (6 February 1511/12),
was instinct with the sense of individuality, a new product of the
renascence, and with a wise ecclesiastical conservatism. Everyone
admitted the need of reformation: the question was how it could
be effected. Colet argued that all reformation must begin within
the individual soul, and that, if those in authority within the
church set about reforming themselves, the movement would spread
throughout the inferior clergy and the laity. No startling change
was needed either in ecclesiastical constitution or in the enactment
of new and drastic ecclesiastical laws. The existing laws could be
made sufficient by the example of the bishops and their honest
administration of their dioceses. The sermon was immediately
I See vol. II, chap. xv.


## p. 9 (#31) ###############################################

John Colet, Dean of St Paul's
9
published, and has been frequently reprinted'. It was enlivened
by pictures of the luxury, sloth and simony of the bishops and
clergy of England, and, naturally, gave great offence.
Colet's
bishop, FitzJames of London, hastened to prefer charges of heresy
against the dean of St Paul's, and extracts from his sermons,
showing that he had at other times denounced the worship of
images, large episcopal revenues and the practice of reading
sermons, were laid before archbishop Warham with a view of pro-
curing his condemnation. The charge was dismissed as frivolous.
Colet was more than careless of exact definitions in theology;
he disliked them thoroughly. Most of those theologians who were
at all tinged with the spirit of the renascence had turned from the
later Scotist theology with its endless quibbles, but Colet went much
further. He had a rooted dislike to Thomas Aquinas and had no
sympathy with the reviving study of St Augustine. An examina-
tion of his various writings and of the reports of the lectures
which he delivered in Oxford on his return from Italy suggests
that he did not care for that use of legal terms and forms of
thought which had been the characteristic of western theology
from Tertullian to Aquinas and Ockham, to say nothing of post-
reformation developments. The great men who built the western
church and gradually formulated its elaborate constitution and its
scheme of doctrine were almost all Roman lawyers, and their
training influenced their ways of thinking on all matters eccle-
siastical and theological. They inspired the medieval church with
the conception of an intellectual imperialism, where a system of
Christian thought, expressed in terms of legal precision, bound
into a comprehensive unity the active intelligence of mankind.
Dogmas thus expressed may become the instruments of a tyranny as
galling as, and more penetrating than, that of an institution. In his
revolt, Colet turned to the Christian thinkers who had lived before
Gregory the Great, whose writings form the bridge between the
earlier Latin Fathers and the schoolmen, to the Greek theologians
who never exhibited the lawyer-like instincts of their western
colleagues and, above all, to a thinker removed further than any
other from the legal precision of statement which was distasteful
to his practical English common sense. It is probable that his
-
intercourse with Christian humanists in Italy, and his introduc-
tion to the Christian Platonists and Neo-Platonists there, drew
him to the writings of Pseudo-Dionysius, whom, at first, he
1 In 1661, 1701 and 1708 (in the Phoenix, vol. 1) in English, and in Knight's
Life of Colet (1724, 1823).


## p. 10 (#32) ##############################################

10 Englishmen and the Classical Renascence
a
believed to be the convert of St Paul and, therefore, able to tell
what a Christian thinker taught during the first age of the church.
After Grocyn had convinced him that these writings could not
be of earlier date than the sixth century, he still held that, through
them, he could recover a theology such as it had been before being
subjected to the domination of the schoolmen. They led him to
two things he was very willing to learn: that the human mind,
however it may feel after, and apprehend, God, can never imprison
His character and attributes in propositions-stereotyped aspects
of thought—which can be fitted into syllogisms and built up into a
compact and rigidly harmonious structure; and, also, that such
things as hierarchy and sacraments are not to be prized because
they are in themselves the active sources and centres of mysterious
powers, but because they faintly symbolise the spiritual forces
through which God works silently for the salvation of His people.
If the stress Colet laid on the worth of the individual soul, and
his dislike of the puerilities and intricate definitions of medieval
theology, were characteristic of the spirit of his age, striving to
escape from the thickets of medieval thought and reach the open
country, the lectures he delivered in Oxford after his return from
Italy showed that he was strikingly original and in advance of his
time in seeing how to apply classical learning to the requirements
of Christian thought. His method of exposition, familiar enough
after Calvin had introduced it in the reformed church, was then
absolutely new. He discarded completely the idea, as old as
Origen, indeed older, that the Scriptures may be understood in a
variety of senses, and that the simple historical sense is the least
valuable. He insisted on the unity of the meaning of Scripture, and
that the one meaning was the plain historical sense of the words.
An intimate acquaintance with the methods of exegesis common in
the medieval church is necessary to enable us to understand not
merely the originality but the daring involved in the thought and
practice. Colet, however, went further. He believed that the aim
of a true interpretation of Scripture was to discover the personal
message which the individual writer meant to give; and this led
him, in his lectures on the Epistle to the Romans, to seek for every
trace which revealed the personality of St Paul. It was equally
imperative, he believed, to know what were the surroundings of
the men to whom the letter was addressed. This led him to study
in Suetonius and other historians the conditions of the Roman
populace during the first century. Colet was the first to introduce
the historical method of interpreting Scripture, and, as such, was far


## p. 11 (#33) ##############################################

John Colet, Dean of St Paul's
II
in advance not merely of his own time but of many a succeeding
generation. It is not surprising that his lectures were thronged by
Oxford scholars and that the audience included such personages
as Richard Charnock and Erasmus. They revealed a new world to
men who had been accustomed to believe that the only method of
interpreting Scripture was to string together quotations, appro-
priate and inappropriate, from the Fathers. Scholars like Cornelius
Agrippa studied theology under the lecturer, and Erasmus wished
to take part in his researches.
Colet continued his lectures at Oxford on the New Testament
during six successive years. When he became dean of St Paul's,
he was accustomed to preach courses of sermons which are said to
have resembled his Oxford lectures and drew crowds of listeners
to his church. An Exposition of St Paul's Epistle to the Romans
and An Exposition of St Paul's First Epistle to the Corinthians',
enable us to understand somewhat of Colet's lectures. Their merits
must be judged by comparing them with contemporary attempts
at exegesis.
Colet is now best remembered by his educational work. He
resolved to set apart a large portion of his great private fortune to
endow a school where boys could enjoy the privilege of an education
in Latin and Greek. The buildings were erected on a site at the
eastern end of St Paul's churchyard, and consisted of a school-
house, a large school-room and houses for two masters. An estate
in Buckinghamshire was transferred to the Mercers' company to
provide for the salaries of the teachers. Other property was
afterwards given to provide the salary of a chaplain to teach the
boys divinity and for other school purposes. Colet's letters to
Erasmus show how absorbed he was with his project and what
pains he took to see that his ideals were carried out. He asked
Linacre to write a Latin grammar for use in his school; but, not
being satisfied with the book, he himself wrote a short accidence in
English, and William Lily furnished a brief Latin syntax with the
rules in the vernacular. This syntax was afterwards enlarged or re-
written at Colet's request and, in this form, was revised by Erasmus.
The book remained long in use and was revised and amended at
various dates during two centuries. It was so highly valued that, in
1571, the upper house of convocation actually passed a canon making
its use compulsory throughout England, and a bill was introduced
in the House of Lords to give legal effect to the decision, but was
1 Edited by J. H. Lupton from MSS in the Cambridge University Library (Latin
text and English translation).


## p. 12 (#34) ##############################################

12 I
English men and the Classical Renascence
withdrawn. In 1758, after further emendation, it became the
Eton Latin Grammar.
Colet wrote a short series of rules for the guidance of his
teachers and scholars, and an English version of the creed and
some prayers. They were printed at the beginning of the
accidence. Erasmus, likewise, furnished some Latin prayers for
the use of the scholars and wrote for the school his Copia
Verborum et Rerum-a Latin phrase-book. In the last year of
his life, Colet, after long thought, drew up a final set of statutes for
his school. He formally appointed the Mercers' company to be
the governing body and desired that the actual governors should
be 'married men,' not ecclesiastics. The combination of religious
education with the firm rejection of clerical control was very
characteristic of the man. It indicated a trend of mind corre-
sponding to that which was to be found in Germany at the
same time.
From all the accounts that have come down to us, it is evident
that Colet was a great personality, who impressed everyone with
whom he came in contact by his incalculable force of character.
He had not the scholarship of Grocyn, Linacre, Latimer, or even
of More, yet he was the central figure in the group of English
humanists who figure in the correspondence of Erasmus. He was,
perhaps, the only man who exercised a commanding and abiding
influence on the brilliant Dutch humanist. What his attitude
would have been in the crisis which overwhelmed his friends More
and Fisher, it is impossible to say. We may be sure that he could
never have accepted in any complete way the Lutheran reformation.
The revived Augustinianism of the German reformer would, cer-
tainly, have repelled him as it did Erasmus and many of the
German humanists; but he held opinions which neither Fisher
nor More ever shared.
He openly expressed his disbelief in the efficacy of relics, and
ridiculed the credulity of the pilgrims when he made the famous
journey to the shrine of Thomas à Becket at Canterbury which is
recorded in Peregrinatio Religionis ergo. Viclevita quispiam
opinor,' was the remark made by the hearer when Colet's behaviour
was described. He omitted the usual reference to the Blessed
Virgin and the saints in his last will, and left no money to be
expended on masses for the benefit of his soul. He delighted
in the Novum Instrumentum of Erasmus, and would not have
transmitted to him the criticisms and cautions which More thought
proper to . send. He was among the earliest Englishmen of his
1
1


## p. 13 (#35) ##############################################

William Lily. John Fisher
13
generation to believe that the Bible in the vernacular ought
to be in the hands of the people, and he would not have in-
dulged in the disparagement and angry comment with which
More greeted the remarkably accurate translation of the New
Testament by William Tindale. His refusal to permit ecclesiastical
control over his school is very significant, and suggests that he
shared the opinion which Cranmer came to hold, that the trans-
ference of power from the clergy to the laity was the only
guarantee for a reformation of the evils he clearly saw infesting
the church and society. He was passionately convinced of the
degradation of the church of his day, and believed that, in order
to effect its cure, Christians must revert to the thoughts and usages
of primitive Christian society. It is scarcely too much to say
that the process of the English reformation down to the publica-
tion of the Ten Articles and the Bishop's Book to a very large
extent embodied the ideas of the dean of St Paul's.
His correspondence with Erasmus shows what time and thought
Colet spent on the selection of the first teachers in his school. He
finally made choice of William Lily, “the grammarian,' for head-
master, and John Ritwyse (Rightwise) for sur-master. Lily ranked
with Grocyn and Linacre as one of the most erudite students of
Greek that England possessed. After graduating in arts at Oxford,
he went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, spent some time with the
Knights of St John at Rhodes, and returning home by Italy studied
there under Sulpitius and Pomponius Laetus. He became an
intimate friend of Thomas More, and, in conjunction with him,
published Progymnasmata, a series of translations from the Greek
anthology into Latin elegiacs. For many generations the masters
in St Paul's school maintained its reputation as the home of
classical learning. It became the Deventer or Schlettstadt of
England.
John Fisher, bishop of Rochester (1504), deserves a place among
those scholars who belonged to the close of the reign of Henry VII,
more from his sympathy with learning and his successful efforts to
revive the intellectual activity of Cambridge university than from
his actual attainments in scholarship. He was a Cambridge
student, who graduated in 1487, and, by a singularly rapid pro-
motion, became master of Michael house in 1497, and, in the end,
chancellor of the university (1504, and elected for life in 1514). He
early attracted the attention of Lady Margaret Tudor, countess of
Richmond and mother of Henry VII, and became her confessor.
He was the first holder of the Lady Margaret professorship of


## p. 14 (#36) ##############################################

14 English men and the Classical Renascence
divinity (1502) founded by that lady to provide gratuitous in-
struction in theology. He was also employed by her to establish
in the university her endowment for a preacher in the vernacular.
The Lady Margaret foundation attempted to do what was being
done all over Germany by endowments such as that of Peter Schott
of Strassburg, which found a place for the celebrated John Geiler
of Keisersberg.
Fisher was a patron, not a very highly appreciated one, of
Erasmus. He was mainly instrumental, it is said, in procuring for
him facilities for taking a divinity degree in Cambridge—facilities
of which no use was made. On the accession of Henry VIII,
lord Mountjoy, or Andreas Ammonius for him, wrote an extrava-
gant letter to his old preceptor, telling him of the accession of a
humanist prince and assuring him that Henry would make his
fortune. The heavens were laughing, the earth exulting, all things
full of milk, of honey and of nectar. Henry had assured the
writer that he would foster and encourage learned men, without
whom the rest of mankind would scarcely exist at all. “Make
up your mind that the last day of your wretchedness has dawned.
You will come to a prince, who will say, “Accept our wealth and
be our greatest sage. ” Poor Erasmus hurried from Italy to find
the king quite indifferent to his needs. It was then that Fisher,
eager to promote learning in his university, induced the great
humanist to lecture on Greek in Cambridge from August 1511
to January 1514. He used, first of all, the grammar of Chrysoloras
and, later, that of Theodorus Gaza. He does not seem to have
enjoyed his residence much and his letters are full of complaints
about the scanty remuneration he received. He saw before him
'the footprints of Christian poverty' and believed that he would
require to pay out a great deal more than he received. The uni-
versity authorities, on the other hand, asked lord Mountjoy to
assist them in paying the huge salary (immensum stipendium)
they had promised their lecturer. Fisher very properly refused to
make
any advances from the money given him for the foundation
of Christ's College, and sent him a private donation. The com-
plaints of Erasmus must not be taken too seriously. His keen
intelligence was enclosed in a sickly body whose frailty made
continuous demands on the soul it imprisoned. It needed warm
rooms free from draughts, stoves that sent forth no smell, an easy-
going horse and a deft servant; and, to procure all these comforts,
Erasmus wrote the daintiest of begging letters. We have but little


## p. 15 (#37) ##############################################

Sir Thomas More
15
certain information about the results of his work at Cambridge,
but it must have been effective. He was a notable teacher, and
Colet wished often that he could secure him for his school. He was
at the university at the very time when it was in the act of
changing from a medieval to a modern seat of learning; and
Fisher congratulated himself on having induced the great scholar
to remain a long time among its students.
Fisher's own writings were almost all controversial. He was
the determined enemy of the Lutheran reformation, and the nature
of his books is recognisable from their titles : Confutatio Asser-
tionis Lutheranae ; De Eucharistia contra Johannem Oecolam-
padium libri quinque ; Sacri Sacerdotii Defensio contra
Lutherum ; a defence of Henry VIII's Assertio septem Sacra-
mentorum; and so forth'. Fisher maintained his opinions loyally
to the end. He resisted to the utmost of his ability Henry's claim
to be considered the head of the church of England, and he
refused to declare his belief in the invalidity of the marriage of
Catharine of Aragon with the king. This resistance cost him his
life. He was beheaded 22 June 1535.
Sir Thomas More, the associate with Fisher in his tragic death,
the pupil of Linacre and Grocyn, the disciple of Colet and the
beloved friend of Erasmus, was the one member of the band of
English humanists who had a distinct gift of literary genius. The
son of a well-known London lawyer, he was placed by his father in
the household of archbishop Morton, who, recognising his pre-
cocious genius, sent him to Oxford. There he became a good
Latinist and a fair scholar in Greek. His devotion to the study
of law at Lincoln's Inn did not quench his ardour for classical
learning. After he was called to the bar he delivered lectures in
the church of St Lawrence, on St Augustine’s De Civitate Dei,
which were attended by all the chief learned citizens of London,'
dwelling on the philosophy and history rather than on the
theology of the book. He became reader at Furnival's Inn,
was a member of parliament (1503—4) and there successfully with-
stood the exactions of the king. His subsequent withdrawal from
public life, usually attributed to fear of the king, gave him
opportunity to cultivate his acquaintance with Greek and Latin.
Together with Lily, he translated epigrams from the Greek anthology
into Latin elegiac verse, and, in company with Erasmus, he translated
into Latin prose portions from Lucian. The former, largely added
1 of the place of Fisher's work in the history of English oratorical prose, see the
later section on the work of divines in vol. iv of the present work,


## p. 16 (#38) ##############################################

16 English men and the Classical Renascence
1
to, were published in Progymnasmata' and the latter, in 1506,
under the title Luciani. . . compluria opuscula. . . ab Erasmo Rotero-
damo et Thoma Moro. . . traducta.
More had gradually built up for himself an extensive and
lucrative private practice, when he was drawn into the king's
service. He was employed in the negociation of a commercial
treaty with the Netherlands and, from the year 1516, he took office
at court. He was made a privy councillor and was knighted in
1521. He became Master of Requests, under-treasurer, chancellor
of the duchy of Lancaster (1525) and, finally, lord chancellor
(25 October 1529). He held the office for two years and a half.
The last years of his life were full of tragical suffering. Convoca-
tion and parliament had pronounced the marriage of Henry VIII
with Catharine of Aragon invalid. The first act of succession
(25 Henry VIII, c. 22), passed in the spring of 1534, had settled
the succession in the children of Anne Boleyn, and all Englishmen
were required to swear to maintain the act. More declared
repeatedly that he accepted the act, but the oath which was after-
wards prescribed went beyond the contents of the act and required
a declaration about papal authority within the realm. This, More
steadfastly refused to make. He was confined in the Tower in
circumstances of great hardship, and, in the end, was condemned to
suffer death under act 26 Henry VIII, cc. 1 and 13. The barbarous
punishment devised for traitors was commuted by the king to
beheading. More suffered on 6 July 1535. His execution, a
judicial murder, and that of the bishop of Rochester, filled the
world with horror. An interesting proof of the wide-spread
character of this indignation has been furnished by the recently
published (December 1906) process against George Buchanan before
the Lisbon inquisition. The humanist confessed to the inquisitors
that he had written his celebrated tragedy, Baptistes—a work
translated into English, French, Dutch and German—with his
eye fixed on the tyranny of Henry displayed in the trial and
execution of Thomas More.
More was a voluminous writer both in Latin and in English.
His fame rests chiefly on his Latin epigrams and Utopia; but his
other work requires to be mentioned.
His verses, English and Latin, are, for the most part, mediocre,
but contain some pieces of great merit. They are interesting
because they reveal the character of the man, at once grave and gay,
equally inclined to worldly pleasure and ascetic austerity; and they
1 First edition 1518, second edition 1518, third, greatly enlarged, 1520.
V


## p. 17 (#39) ##############################################

Sir Thomas
More
17
are not free from that trait of wbimsical pedantry which belonged
to More all through his life, and which displayed itself when, being
in love with the younger sister, he resolved to marry the elder
because it was meet that she should be the first settled in life.
He wrote of Venus and Cupid, of a soldier who wished to play
the monk, of eternity, of fortune, its favours and its reverses, and
a Rueful Lamentation on the death of Elizabeth, the queen of
Henry VII. Many of his epigrams are full of sadness, of an
uncertain fear of the future. They describe life as a path leading
to death. They reveal a man who had seen and felt much suffer-
ing and who brooded over the uncertainties of life. They seem to
anticipate the fate of one who fell almost at once from the throne
of the lord chancellor into a cell in the Tower. His translation
into English of the Life of John Picus, Erle of Myrandula, a
greate Lorde of Italy, is an autobiography of ideals if not of facts.
The young gifted Italian humanist, who was transformed by
contact with Savonarola, with his refined culture, his longing for
a monastic career, his deliberate choice of a lay life and his secret
austerities, was repeated in his English admirer, who wore, almost
continuously, a “sharp shirt of hair,' who watched and fasted often,
who slept frequently, “either on the bare ground, or on some
bench, or laid some log under his head. '
More's other prose writings), with the exception of Utopia, are
controversial and devotional. The controversial include, besides
those in Latin, The Dialogue, The Supplication of Souls', A Con-
futation of Tindale's Answer, A Letter against Frith, The Apology,
The Debellacyon of Salem and Bizance and an Answer to the
'Supper of the Lord. They form about three-fourths of the whole
and deserve more consideration than they usually receive. They are
by no means free from the scurrility which was characteristic of
that age of controversy. His opponents are 'swine,' “hell-hounds
that the devil hath in his kennel,' “apes that dance for the
pleasure of Lucifer,' and so on. These writings are unusually prolix,
but they show that the author was well read in theology and they
manifest a great acquaintance with Scripture. More was no
curialist or ultramontane, to use the modern word; but he was a
1
man who felt the need of an external spiritual authority and
clung to it. While Colet lived, he was More's director; during
occasional absences, Grocyn supplied his place; after Colet's death,
he felt increasingly the need for something external to rest on, and
1 For the History of King Richard III attributed to him, see post, chap. xv.
» See post, chap. Iv.
E. L. III.
2
>
CH. I.


## p. 18 (#40) ##############################################

18 Englishmen and the Classical Renascence
the thought of a historical church, which he defined to be 'all
Christian people,' was necessary to sustain his faith. The style in
all these English writings, their carefully constructed balanced
sentences with modulated cadences, exhibit the scholar and the
imitator of the Latin classics.
Utopia, the one work by More which still lives in all the
freshness of youth, was written in Latin. The author was diffident
about it. He showed the manuscript to friends, especially to
Erasmus, and they were enthusiastic. The great French humanist
Budé wrote the preface; Erasmus and Peter Giles (Aegidius)
superintended the printing ; the book took the learned world of
Europe by storm in somewhat the same way as did Moriae
Encomium; and the author was at once hailed as a member of the
wide republic of letters. It was translated into most European
languages; new editions appear continually; and it has become one
of the world's classics. It may have been suggested by Plato's
Republic--the names it contains are Greek-but the books have
little in common. It borrows something from Augustine's De
Civitate Dei, a favourite of the author. Yet the book is
thoroughly original. The ground-plan had been suggested by the
account of the voyages of Americo Vespucci ; the sight of the wide,
clean, well-paved streets of the towns in the Netherlands, refresh-
ing after the crowded, narrow, filthy thoroughfares of London, the
extent of garden ground within the walls of Bruges and Antwerp,
suggested the commodious and handsome' streets and the
gardens 'with all manner of fruit, herbs and flowers' of the city
of Amaurote. The economic distress through which England was
passing, the increase of sheep and the decay of agriculture, the
destruction of farm steadings and of country towns, are all
apparent in the book, and have produced many of its suggestions.
The detestation of war shared by Colet, Erasmus and most of
the humanists found utterance in the toleration of all religions
and in conscription for agriculture but not for war. It is possible
that Colet's well known opinions about priesthood appear in
exaggerated form in Utopia. The book is full of allusions to
the circumstances of the time during which the author lived ;
but critics are scarcely warranted in concluding, as many of
them do, that they can find his practical remedies for the dis-
orders of the age in the laws and usages of the imaginary state.
More lived long enough to see the maxims of Utopia applied
in a way which must have horrified him, and which probably gave
their sharp edge to his denunciations of the Peasants' war. He did
6
I
1
1


## p. 19 (#41) ##############################################

The Spread of the Classical Renascence
19
not dream that, ten years after the publication of the book, and ten
years before his own death, his Utopia would furnish texts for
excited agitators on village greens or in the public-houses of
German towns. But so it was.