No More Learning

If affection lead a man to favor the wrong side in justice, let him
rather use his countenance to compound the matter, than to carry it. If
affection lead a man to favor the less worthy in desert, let him do it,
without depraving or disabling the better deserver. In suits which a
man doth not well understand, it is good to refer them to some friend
of trust and judgment, that may report, whether he may deal in them with
honor: but let him choose well his referendaries, for else he may be led
by the nose. Suitors are so distasted with delays and abuses, that plain
dealing, in denying to deal in suits at first, and reporting the success
barely, and in challenging no more thanks than one hath deserved, is
grown not only honorable, but also gracious. In suits of favor, the
first coming ought to take little place: so far forth, consideration
may be had of his trust, that if intelligence of the matter could not
otherwise have been had, but by him, advantage be not taken of the note,
but the party left to his other means; and in some sort recompensed, for
his discovery. To be ignorant of the value of a suit, is simplicity;
as well as to be ignorant of the right thereof, is want of conscience.
Secrecy in suits, is a great mean of obtaining; for voicing them to be
in forwardness, may discourage some kind of suitors, but doth quicken
and awake others. But timing of the suit is the principal. Timing, I
say, not only in respect of the person that should grant it, but in
respect of those, which are like to cross it. Let a man, in the choice
of his mean, rather choose the fittest mean, than the greatest mean; and
rather them that deal in certain things, than those that are general.
The reparation of a denial, is sometimes equal to the first grant; if
a man show himself neither dejected nor discontented. Iniquum petas ut
aequum feras is a good rule, where a man hath strength of favor: but
otherwise, a man were better rise in his suit; for he, that would have
ventured at first to have lost the suitor, will not in the conclusion
lose both the suitor, and his own former favor. Nothing is thought so
easy a request to a great person, as his letter; and yet, if it be not
in a good cause, it is so much out of his reputation. There are no worse
instruments, than these general contrivers of suits; for they are but a
kind of poison, and infection, to public proceedings.




Of Studies


STUDIES serve for delight, for ornament, and for ability. Their chief
use for delight, is in privateness and retiring; for ornament, is in
discourse; and for ability, is in the judgment, and disposition of
business. For expert men can execute, and perhaps judge of particulars,
one by one; but the general counsels, and the plots and marshalling of
affairs, come best, from those that are learned. To spend too much time
in studies is sloth; to use them too much for ornament, is affectation;
to make judgment wholly by their rules, is the humor of a scholar. They
perfect nature, and are perfected by experience: for natural abilities
are like natural plants, that need proyning, by study; and studies
themselves, do give forth directions too much at large, except they be
bounded in by experience. Crafty men contemn studies, simple men admire
them, and wise men use them; for they teach not their own use; but that
is a wisdom without them, and above them, won by observation. Read not
to contradict and confute; nor to believe and take for granted; nor to
find talk and discourse; but to weigh and consider. Some books are to be
tasted, others to be swallowed, and some few to be chewed and digested;
that is, some books are to be read only in parts; others to be read, but
not curiously; and some few to be read wholly, and with diligence and
attention. Some books also may be read by deputy, and extracts made of
them by others; but that would be only in the less important arguments,
and the meaner sort of books, else distilled books are like common
distilled waters, flashy things. Reading maketh a full man; conference
a ready man; and writing an exact man. And therefore, if a man write
little, he had need have a great memory; if he confer little, he had
need have a present wit: and if he read little, he had need have much
cunning, to seem to know, that he doth not. Histories make men wise;
poets witty; the mathematics subtile; natural philosophy deep; moral
grave; logic and rhetoric able to contend. Abeunt studia in mores. Nay,
there is no stond or impediment in the wit, but may be wrought out
by fit studies; like as diseases of the body, may have appropriate
exercises. Bowling is good for the stone and reins; shooting for the
lungs and breast; gentle walking for the stomach; riding for the
head; and the like. So if a man's wit be wandering, let him study the
mathematics; for in demonstrations, if his wit be called away never so
little, he must begin again. If his wit be not apt to distinguish or
find differences, let him study the Schoolmen; for they are cymini
sectores. If he be not apt to beat over matters, and to call up one
thing to prove and illustrate another, let him study the lawyers'
cases. So every defect of the mind, may have a special receipt.




Of Faction


MANY have an opinion not wise, that for a prince to govern his estate,
or for a great person to govern his proceedings, according to
the respect of factions, is a principal part of policy; whereas
contrariwise, the chiefest wisdom, is either in ordering those things
which are general, and wherein men of several factions do nevertheless
agree; or in dealing with correspondence to particular persons, one
by one. But I say not that the considerations of factions, is to be
neglected. Mean men, in their rising, must adhere; but great men,
that have strength in themselves, were better to maintain themselves
indifferent, and neutral. Yet even in beginners, to adhere so
moderately, as he be a man of the one faction, which is most passable
with the other, commonly giveth best way. The lower and weaker faction,
is the firmer in conjunction; and it is often seen, that a few that are
stiff, do tire out a greater number, that are more moderate. When one of
the factions is extinguished, the remaining subdivideth; as the faction
between Lucullus, and the rest of the nobles of the senate (which they
called Optimates) held out awhile, against the faction of Pompey and
Caesar; but when the senate's authority was pulled down, Caesar and
Pompey soon after brake. The faction or party of Antonius and Octavianus
Caesar, against Brutus and Cassius, held out likewise for a time; but
when Brutus and Cassius were overthrown, then soon after, Antonius and
Octavianus brake and subdivided. These examples are of wars, but the
same holdeth in private factions. And therefore, those that are
seconds in factions, do many times, when the faction subdivideth, prove
principals; but many times also, they prove ciphers and cashiered;
for many a man's strength is in opposition; and when that faileth, he
groweth out of use. It is commonly seen, that men, once placed, take in
with the contrary faction, to that by which they enter: thinking belike,
that they have the first sure, and now are ready for a new purchase. The
traitor in faction, lightly goeth away with it; for when matters have
stuck long in balancing, the winning of some one man casteth them,
and he getteth all the thanks. The even carriage between two factions,
proceedeth not always of moderation, but of a trueness to a man's self,
with end to make use of both. Certainly in Italy, they hold it a little
suspect in popes, when they have often in their mouth Padre commune: and
take it to be a sign of one, that meaneth to refer all to the greatness
of his own house. Kings had need beware, how they side themselves, and
make themselves as of a faction or party; for leagues within the
state, are ever pernicious to monarchies: for they raise an obligation,
paramount to obligation of sovereignty, and make the king tanquam unus
ex nobis; as was to be seen in the League of France. When factions are
carried too high and too violently, it is a sign of weakness in princes;
and much to the prejudice, both of their authority and business. The
motions of factions under kings ought to be, like the motions (as the
astronomers speak) of the inferior orbs, which may have their proper
motions, but yet still are quietly carried, by the higher motion of
primum mobile.




Of Ceremonies, And Respects


HE THAT is only real, had need have exceeding great parts of virtue; as
the stone had need to be rich, that is set without foil. But if a man
mark it well, it is, in praise and commendation of men, as it is in
gettings and gains: for the proverb is true, That light gains make heavy
purses; for light gains come thick, whereas great, come but now and
then. So it is true, that small matters win great commendation, because
they are continually in use and in note: whereas the occasion of any
great virtue, cometh but on festivals. Therefore it doth much add to a
man's reputation, and is (as Queen Isabella said) like perpetual letters
commendatory, to have good forms. To attain them, it almost sufficeth
not to despise them; for so shall a man observe them in others; and let
him trust himself with the rest. For if he labor too much to express
them, he shall lose their grace; which is to be natural and unaffected.
Some men's behavior is like a verse, wherein every syllable is measured;
how can a man comprehend great matters, that breaketh his mind too much,
to small observations? Not to use ceremonies at all, is to teach others
not to use them again; and so diminisheth respect to himself; especially
they be not to be omitted, to strangers and formal natures; but the
dwelling upon them, and exalting them above the moon, is not only
tedious, but doth diminish the faith and credit of him that speaks. And
certainly, there is a kind of conveying, of effectual and imprinting
passages amongst compliments, which is of singular use, if a man can hit
upon it. Amongst a man's peers, a man shall be sure of familiarity; and
therefore it is good, a little to keep state. Amongst a man's inferiors
one shall be sure of reverence; and therefore it is good, a little to
be familiar. He that is too much in anything, so that he giveth another
occasion of satiety, maketh himself cheap. To apply one's self to
others, is good; so it be with demonstration, that a man doth it upon
regard, and not upon facility. It is a good precept generally, in
seconding another, yet to add somewhat of one's own: as if you will
grant his opinion, let it be with some distinction; if you will follow
his motion, let it be with condition; if you allow his counsel, let it
be with alleging further reason. Men had need beware, how they be too
perfect in compliments; for be they never so sufficient otherwise, their
enviers will be sure to give them that attribute, to the disadvantage
of their greater virtues. It is loss also in business, to be too full
of respects, or to be curious, in observing times and opportunities.
Solomon saith, He that considereth the wind, shall not sow, and he
that looketh to the clouds, shall not reap. A wise man will make more
opportunities, than he finds. Men's behavior should be, like their
apparel, not too strait or point device, but free for exercise or
motion.




Of Praise


PRAISE is the reflection of virtue; but it is as the glass or body,
which giveth the reflection. If it be from the common people, it is
commonly false and naught; and rather followeth vain persons, than
virtuous. For the common people understand not many excellent virtues.
The lowest virtues draw praise from them; the middle virtues work in
them astonishment or admiration; but of the highest virtues, they
have no sense of perceiving at all. But shows, and species virtutibus
similes, serve best with them. Certainly fame is like a river, that
beareth up things light and swoln, and drowns things weighty and solid.
But if persons of quality and judgment concur, then it is (as the
Scripture saith) nomen bonum instar unguenti fragrantis. It fireth all
round about, and will not easily away. For the odors of ointments are
more durable, than those of flowers. There be so many false points of
praise, that a man may justly hold it a suspect. Some praises proceed
merely of flattery; and if he be an ordinary flatterer, he will have
certain common attributes, which may serve every man; if he be a cunning
flatterer, he will follow the archflatterer, which is a man's self;
and wherein a man thinketh best of himself, therein the flatterer will
uphold him most: but if he be an impudent flatterer, look wherein a man
is conscious to himself, that he is most defective, and is most out of
countenance in himself, that will the flatterer entitle him to perforce,
spreta conscientia. Some praises come of good wishes and respects,
which is a form due, in civility, to kings and great persons, laudando
praecipere, when by telling men what they are, they represent to them,
what they should be. Some men are praised maliciously, to their
hurt, thereby to stir envy and jealousy towards them: pessimum genus
inimicorum laudantium; insomuch as it was a proverb, amongst the
Grecians, that he that was praised to his hurt, should have a push rise
upon his nose; as we say, that a blister will rise upon one's tongue,
that tells a lie. Certainly moderate praise, used with opportunity, and
not vulgar, is that which doth the good. Solomon saith, He that praiseth
his friend aloud, rising early, it shall be to him no better than
a curse. Too much magnifying of man or matter, doth irritate
contradiction, and procure envy and scorn. To praise a man's self,
cannot be decent, except it be in rare cases; but to praise a man's
office or profession, he may do it with good grace, and with a kind of
magnanimity. The cardinals of Rome, which are theologues, and friars,
and Schoolmen, have a phrase of notable contempt and scorn towards
civil business: for they call all temporal business of wars,
embassages, judicature, and other employments, sbirrerie, which is
under-sheriffries; as if they were but matters, for under-sheriffs and
catchpoles: though many times those under-sheriffries do more good, than
their high speculations. St. Paul, when he boasts of himself, he doth
oft interlace, I speak like a fool; but speaking of his calling, he
saith, magnificabo apostolatum meum.




Of Vain-glory


IT WAS prettily devised of AEsop, The fly sat upon the axle-tree of the
chariot wheel, and said, What a dust do I raise! So are there some vain
persons, that whatsoever goeth alone, or moveth upon greater means, if
they have never so little hand in it, they think it is they that carry
it. They that are glorious, must needs be factious; for all bravery
stands upon comparisons. They must needs be violent, to make good their
own vaunts. Neither can they be secret, and therefore not effectual; but
according to the French proverb, Beaucoup de bruit, peu de fruit; Much
bruit little fruit. Yet certainly, there is use of this quality in civil
affairs. Where there is an opinion and fame to be created, either of
virtue or greatness, these men are good trumpeters. Again, as Titus
Livius noteth, in the case of Antiochus and the AEtolians, There are
sometimes great effects, of cross lies; as if a man, that negotiates
between two princes, to draw them to join in a war against the third,
doth extol the forces of either of them, above measure, the one to the
other: and sometimes he that deals between man and man, raiseth his own
credit with both, by pretending greater interest than he hath in either.
And in these and the like kinds, it often falls out, that somewhat
is produced of nothing; for lies are sufficient to breed opinion,
and opinion brings on substance. In militar commanders and soldiers,
vain-glory is an essential point; for as iron sharpens iron, so by
glory, one courage sharpeneth another. In cases of great enterprise upon
charge and adventure, a composition of glorious natures, doth put life
into business; and those that are of solid and sober natures, have more
of the ballast, than of the sail. In fame of learning, the flight will
be slow without some feathers of ostentation. Qui de contemnenda gloria
libros scribunt, nomen, suum inscribunt. Socrates, Aristotle, Galen,
were men full of ostentation. Certainly vain-glory helpeth to perpetuate
a man's memory; and virtue was never so beholding to human nature, as
it received his due at the second hand. Neither had the fame of Cicero,
Seneca, Plinius Secundus, borne her age so well, if it had not been
joined with some vanity in themselves; like unto varnish, that makes
ceilings not only shine but last. But all this while, when I speak of
vain-glory, I mean not of that property, that Tacitus doth attribute
to Mucianus; Omnium quae dixerat feceratque arte quadam ostentator: for
that proceeds not of vanity, but of natural magnanimity and discretion;
and in some persons, is not only comely, but gracious. For excusations,
cessions, modesty itself well governed, are but arts of ostentation.
And amongst those arts, there is none better than that which Plinius
Secundus speaketh of, which is to be liberal of praise and commendation
to others, in that, wherein a man's self hath any perfection. For saith
Pliny, very wittily, In commending another, you do yourself right; for
he that you commend, is either superior to you in that you commend, or
inferior. If he be inferior, if he be to be commended, you much more;
if he be superior, if he be not to be commended, you much less. Glorious
men are the scorn of wise men, the admiration of fools, the idols of
parasites, and the slaves of their own vaunts.




Of Honor And Reputation


THE winning of honor, is but the revealing of a man's virtue and worth,
without disadvantage. For some in their actions, do woo and effect honor
and reputation, which sort of men, are commonly much talked of, but
inwardly little admired. And some, contrariwise, darken their virtue in
the show of it; so as they be undervalued in opinion. If a man perform
that, which hath not been attempted before; or attempted and given
over; or hath been achieved, but not with so good circumstance; he shall
purchase more honor, than by effecting a matter of greater difficulty or
virtue, wherein he is but a follower. If a man so temper his actions,
as in some one of them he doth content every faction, or combination
of people, the music will be the fuller. A man is an ill husband of his
honor, that entereth into any action, the failing wherein may disgrace
him, more than the carrying of it through, can honor him. Honor that
is gained and broken upon another, hath the quickest reflection, like
diamonds cut with facets. And therefore, let a man contend to excel any
competitors of his in honor, in outshooting them, if he can, in their
own bow. Discreet followers and servants, help much to reputation. Omnis
fama a domesticis emanat. Envy, which is the canker of honor, is best
extinguished by declaring a man's self in his ends, rather to seek
merit than fame; and by attributing a man's successes, rather to divine
Providence and felicity, than to his own virtue or policy.

The true marshalling of the degrees of sovereign honor, are these:
In the first place are conditores imperiorum, founders of states and
commonwealths; such as were Romulus, Cyrus, Caesar, Ottoman, Ismael.
In the second place are legislatores, lawgivers; which are also called
second founders, or perpetui principes, because they govern by their
ordinances after they are gone; such were Lycurgus, Solon, Justinian,
Eadgar, Alphonsus of Castile, the Wise, that made the Siete Partidas.
In the third place are liberatores, or salvatores, such as compound the
long miseries of civil wars, or deliver their countries from servitude
of strangers or tyrants; as Augustus Caesar, Vespasianus, Aurelianus,
Theodoricus, King Henry the Seventh of England, King Henry the Fourth of
France. In the fourth place are propagatores or propugnatores imperii;
such as in honorable wars enlarge their territories, or make noble
defence against invaders. And in the last place are patres patriae;
which reign justly, and make the times good wherein they live. Both
which last kinds need no examples, they are in such number. Degrees
of honor, in subjects, are, first participes curarum, those upon whom,
princes do discharge the greatest weight of their affairs; their right
hands, as we call them. The next are duces belli, great leaders in war;
such as are princes' lieutenants, and do them notable services in
the wars. The third are gratiosi, favorites; such as exceed not this
scantling, to be solace to the sovereign, and harmless to the people.
And the fourth, negotiis pares; such as have great places under princes,
and execute their places, with sufficiency. There is an honor, likewise,
which may be ranked amongst the greatest, which happeneth rarely; that
is, of such as sacrifice themselves to death or danger for the good of
their country; as was M. Regulus, and the two Decii.




Of Judicature


JUDGES ought to remember, that their office is jus dicere, and not jus
dare; to interpret law, and not to make law, or give law. Else will
it be like the authority, claimed by the Church of Rome, which under
pretext of exposition of Scripture, doth not stick to add and alter; and
to pronounce that which they do not find; and by show of antiquity, to
introduce novelty. Judges ought to be more learned, than witty, more
reverend, than plausible, and more advised, than confident. Above all
things, integrity is their portion and proper virtue. Cursed (saith the
law) is he that removeth the landmark. The mislayer of a mere-stone is
to blame. But it is the unjust judge, that is the capital remover of
landmarks, when he defineth amiss, of lands and property. One foul
sentence doth more hurt, than many foul examples. For these do but
corrupt the stream, the other corrupteth the fountain. So with Solomon,
Fons turbatus, et vena corrupta, est justus cadens in causa sua coram
adversario. The office of judges may have reference unto the parties
that use, unto the advocates that plead, unto the clerks and ministers
of justice underneath them, and to the sovereign or state above them.

First, for the causes or parties that sue. There be (saith the
Scripture) that turn judgment, into wormwood; and surely there be also,
that turn it into vinegar; for injustice maketh it bitter, and delays
make it sour. The principal duty of a judge, is to suppress force and
fraud; whereof force is the more pernicious, when it is open, and fraud,
when it is close and disguised. Add thereto contentious suits, which
ought to be spewed out, as the surfeit of courts. A judge ought to
prepare his way to a just sentence, as God useth to prepare his way, by
raising valleys and taking down hills: so when there appeareth on
either side an high hand, violent prosecution, cunning advantages taken,
combination, power, great counsel, then is the virtue of a judge seen,
to make inequality equal; that he may plant his judgment as upon an even
ground. Qui fortiter emungit, elicit sanguinem; and where the wine-press
is hard wrought, it yields a harsh wine, that tastes of the grape-stone.
Judges must beware of hard constructions, and strained inferences; for
there is no worse torture, than the torture of laws. Specially in case
of laws penal, they ought to have care, that that which was meant for
terror, be not turned into rigor; and that they bring not upon the
people, that shower whereof the Scripture speaketh, Pluet super eos
laqueos; for penal laws pressed, are a shower of snares upon the people.
Therefore let penal laws, if they have been sleepers of long, or if they
be grown unfit for the present time, be by wise judges confined in the
execution: Judicis officium est, ut res, ita tempora rerum, etc. In
causes of life and death, judges ought (as far as the law permitteth)
in justice to remember mercy; and to cast a severe eye upon the example,
but a merciful eye upon the person.

Secondly, for the advocates and counsel that plead. Patience and gravity
of hearing, is an essential part of justice; and an overspeaking judge
is no well-tuned cymbal. It is no grace to a judge, first to find that,
which he might have heard in due time from the bar; or to show quickness
of conceit, in cutting off evidence or counsel too short; or to prevent
information by questions, though pertinent. The parts of a judge
in hearing, are four: to direct the evidence; to moderate length,
repetition, or impertinency of speech; to recapitulate, select, and
collate the material points, of that which hath been said; and to
give the rule or sentence. Whatsoever is above these is too much; and
proceedeth either of glory, and willingness to speak, or of impatience
to hear, or of shortness of memory, or of want of a staid and equal
attention. It is a strange thing to see, that the boldness of advocates
should prevail with judges; whereas they should imitate God, in whose
seat they sit; who represseth the presumptuous, and giveth grace to the
modest. But it is more strange, that judges should have noted favorites;
which cannot but cause multiplication of fees, and suspicion of by-ways.
There is due from the judge to the advocate, some commendation and
gracing, where causes are well handled and fair pleaded; especially
towards the side which obtaineth not; for that upholds in the client,
the reputation of his counsel, and beats down in him the conceit of
his cause. There is likewise due to the public, a civil reprehension of
advocates, where there appeareth cunning counsel, gross neglect, slight
information, indiscreet pressing, or an overbold defence. And let not
the counsel at the bar, chop with the judge, nor wind himself into the
handling of the cause anew, after the judge hath declared his sentence;
but, on the other side, let not the judge meet the cause half way, nor
give occasion to the party, to say his counsel or proofs were not heard.

Thirdly, for that that concerns clerks and ministers. The place of
justice is an hallowed place; and therefore not only the bench, but the
foot-place; and precincts and purprise thereof, ought to be preserved
without scandal and corruption. For certainly grapes (as the Scripture
saith) will not be gathered of thorns or thistles; neither can justice
yield her fruit with sweetness, amongst the briars and brambles of
catching and polling clerks, and ministers. The attendance of courts, is
subject to four bad instruments. First, certain persons that are sowers
of suits; which make the court swell, and the country pine. The second
sort is of those, that engage courts in quarrels of jurisdiction, and
are not truly amici curiae, but parasiti curiae, in puffing a court up
beyond her bounds, for their own scraps and advantage. The third sort,
is of those that may be accounted the left hands of courts; persons that
are full of nimble and sinister tricks and shifts, whereby they pervert
the plain and direct courses of courts, and bring justice into oblique
lines and labyrinths. And the fourth, is the poller and exacter of fees;
which justifies the common resemblance of the courts of justice, to the
bush whereunto, while the sheep flies for defence in weather, he is sure
to lose part of his fleece. On the other side, an ancient clerk, skilful
in precedents, wary in proceeding, and understanding in the business of
the court, is an excellent finger of a court; and doth many times point
the way to the judge himself.

Fourthly, for that which may concern the sovereign and estate. Judges
ought above all to remember the conclusion of the Roman Twelve Tables;
Salus populi suprema lex; and to know that laws, except they be in order
to that end, are but things captious, and oracles not well inspired.
Therefore it is an happy thing in a state, when kings and states do
often consult with judges; and again, when judges do often consult with
the king and state: the one, when there is matter of law, intervenient
in business of state; the other, when there is some consideration of
state, intervenient in matter of law. For many times the things deduced
to judgment may be meum and tuum, when the reason and consequence
thereof may trench to point of estate: I call matter of estate, not
only the parts of sovereignty, but whatsoever introduceth any great
alteration, or dangerous precedent; or concerneth manifestly any great
portion of people. And let no man weakly conceive, that just laws
and true policy have any antipathy; for they are like the spirits and
sinews, that one moves with the other. Let judges also remember, that
Solomon's throne was supported by lions on both sides: let them be
lions, but yet lions under the throne; being circumspect that they do
not check or oppose any points of sovereignty. Let not judges also be
ignorant of their own right, as to think there is not left to them, as a
principal part of their office, a wise use and application of laws. For
they may remember, what the apostle saith of a greater law than theirs;
Nos scimus quia lex bona est, modo quis ea utatur legitime.




Of Anger


TO SEEK to extinguish anger utterly, is but a bravery of the Stoics. We
have better oracles: Be angry, but sin not. Let not the sun go down
upon your anger. Anger must be limited and confined, both in race and
in time. We will first speak how the natural inclination and habit to be
angry, may be attempted and calmed. Secondly, how the particular motions
of anger may be repressed, or at least refrained from doing mischief.
Thirdly, how to raise anger, or appease anger in another.

For the first; there is no other way but to meditate, and ruminate well
upon the effects of anger, how it troubles man's life. And the best time
to do this, is to look back upon anger, when the fit is thoroughly over.
Seneca saith well, That anger is like ruin, which breaks itself upon
that it falls. The Scripture exhorteth us to possess our souls in
patience. Whosoever is out of patience, is out of possession of his
soul. Men must not turn bees;


. . . animasque in vulnere ponunt.


Anger is certainly a kind of baseness; as it appears well in the
weakness of those subjects in whom it reigns; children, women, old
folks, sick folks. Only men must beware, that they carry their anger
rather with scorn, than with fear; so that they may seem rather to be
above the injury, than below it; which is a thing easily done, if a man
will give law to himself in it.

For the second point; the causes and motives of anger, are chiefly
three.
First, to be too sensible of hurt; for no man is angry, that
feels not himself hurt; and therefore tender and delicate persons must
needs be oft angry; they have so many things to trouble them, which more
robust natures have little sense of. The next is, the apprehension and
construction of the injury offered, to be, in the circumstances thereof,
full of contempt: for contempt is that, which putteth an edge upon
anger, as much or more than the hurt itself. And therefore, when men are
ingenious in picking out circumstances of contempt, they do kindle their
anger much. Lastly, opinion of the touch of a man's reputation, doth
multiply and sharpen anger. Wherein the remedy is, that a man should
have, as Consalvo was wont to say, telam honoris crassiorem. But in all
refrainings of anger, it is the best remedy to win time; and to make a
man's self believe, that the opportunity of his revenge is not yet
come, but that he foresees a time for it; and so to still himself in the
meantime, and reserve it.

To contain anger from mischief, though it take hold of a man, there be
two things, whereof you must have special caution. The one, of extreme
bitterness of words, especially if they be aculeate and proper; for
cummunia maledicta are nothing so much; and again, that in anger a man
reveal no secrets; for that, makes him not fit for society. The other,
that you do not peremptorily break off, in any business, in a fit of
anger; but howsoever you show bitterness, do not act anything, that is
not revocable.

For raising and appeasing anger in another; it is done chiefly by
choosing of times, when men are frowardest and worst disposed, to
incense them. Again, by gathering (as was touched before) all that you
can find out, to aggravate the contempt. And the two remedies are by the
contraries. The former to take good times, when first to relate to a man
an angry business; for the first impression is much; and the other is,
to sever, as much as may be, the construction of the injury from the
point of contempt; imputing it to misunderstanding, fear, passion, or
what you will.




Of Vicissitude Of Things


SOLOMON saith, There is no new thing upon the earth. So that as Plato
had an imagination, That all knowledge was but remembrance; so Solomon
giveth his sentence, That all novelty is but oblivion. Whereby you may
see, that the river of Lethe runneth as well above ground as below.
There is an abstruse astrologer that saith, If it were not for two
things that are constant (the one is, that the fixed stars ever stand a
like distance one from another, and never come nearer together, nor go
further asunder; the other, that the diurnal motion perpetually keepeth
time), no individual would last one moment. Certain it is, that
the matter is in a perpetual flux, and never at a stay. The great
winding-sheets, that bury all things in oblivion, are two; deluges
and earthquakes. As for conflagrations and great droughts, they do not
merely dispeople and destroy. Phaeton's car went but a day. And the
three years' drought in the time of Elias, was but particular, and left
people alive. As for the great burnings by lightnings, which are
often in the West Indies, they are but narrow. But in the other two
destructions, by deluge and earthquake, it is further to be noted, that
the remnant of people which hap to be reserved, are commonly ignorant
and mountainous people, that can give no account of the time past; so
that the oblivion is all one, as if none had been left. If you consider
well of the people of the West Indies, it is very probable that they are
a newer or a younger people, than the people of the Old World. And it is
much more likely, that the destruction that hath heretofore been there,
was not by earthquakes (as the Egyptian priest told Solon concerning the
island of Atlantis, that it was swallowed by an earthquake), but rather
that it was desolated by a particular deluge. For earthquakes are seldom
in those parts. But on the other side, they have such pouring rivers, as
the rivers of Asia and Africk and Europe, are but brooks to them.
Their Andes, likewise, or mountains, are far higher than those with us;
whereby it seems, that the remnants of generation of men, were in such
a particular deluge saved. As for the observation that Machiavel hath,
that the jealousy of sects, doth much extinguish the memory of things;
traducing Gregory the Great, that he did what in him lay, to extinguish
all heathen antiquities; I do not find that those zeals do any great
effects, nor last long; as it appeared in the succession of Sabinian,
who did revive the former antiquities.

The vicissitude of mutations in the superior globe, are no fit matter
for this present argument. It may be, Plato's great year, if the world
should last so long, would have some effect; not in renewing the state
of like individuals (for that is the fume of those, that conceive the
celestial bodies have more accurate influences upon these things below,
than indeed they have), but in gross. Comets, out of question, have
likewise power and effect, over the gross and mass of things; but they
are rather gazed upon, and waited upon in their journey, than wisely
observed in their effects; specially in, their respective effects; that
is, what kind of comet, for magnitude, color, version of the beams,
placing in the reign of heaven, or lasting, produceth what kind of
effects.

There is a toy which I have heard, and I would not have it given over,
but waited upon a little. They say it is observed in the Low Countries
(I know not in what part) that every five and thirty years, the same
kind and suit of years and weathers come about again; as great frosts,
great wet, great droughts, warm winters, summers with little heat, and
the like; and they call it the Prime. It is a thing I do the rather
mention, because, computing backwards, I have found some concurrence.

But to leave these points of nature, and to come to men. The greatest
vicissitude of things amongst men, is the vicissitude of sects and
religions. For those orbs rule in men's minds most. The true religion
is built upon the rock; the rest are tossed, upon the waves of time. To
speak, therefore, of the causes of new sects; and to give some counsel
concerning them, as far as the weakness of human judgment can give stay,
to so great revolutions. When the religion formerly received, is rent
by discords; and when the holiness of the professors of religion, is
decayed and full of scandal; and withal the times be stupid, ignorant,
and barbarous; you may doubt the springing up of a new sect; if then
also, there should arise any extravagant and strange spirit, to make
himself author thereof. All which points held, when Mahomet published
his law. If a new sect have not two properties, fear it not; for it will
not spread. The one is the supplanting, or the opposing, of authority
established; for nothing is more popular than that. The other is
the giving license to pleasures, and a voluptuous life. For as for
speculative heresies (such as were in ancient times the Arians, and now
the Arminians), though they work mightily upon men's wits, yet they do
not produce any great alterations in states; except it be by the help of
civil occasions. There be three manner of plantations of new sects. By
the power of signs and miracles; by the eloquence, and wisdom, of speech
and persuasion; and by the sword. For martyrdoms, I reckon them amongst
miracles; because they seem to exceed the strength of human nature: and
I may do the like, of superlative and admirable holiness of life. Surely
there is no better way, to stop the rising of new sects and schisms,
than to reform abuses; to compound the smaller differences; to proceed
mildly, and not with sanguinary persecutions; and rather to take off the
principal authors by winning and advancing them, than to enrage them by
violence and bitterness.

The changes and vicissitude in wars are many; but chiefly in three
things; in the seats or stages of the war; in the weapons; and in the
manner of the conduct. Wars, in ancient time, seemed more to move from
east to west; for the Persians, Assyrians, Arabians, Tartars (which
were the invaders) were all eastern people. It is true, the Gauls
were western; but we read but of two incursions of theirs: the one
to Gallo-Grecia, the other to Rome. But east and west have no certain
points of heaven; and no more have the wars, either from the east or
west, any certainty of observation. But north and south are fixed; and
it hath seldom or never been seen that the far southern people have
invaded the northern, but contrariwise. Whereby it is manifest that the
northern tract of the world, is in nature the more martial region: be it
in respect of the stars of that hemisphere; or of the great continents
that are upon the north, whereas the south part, for aught that is
known, is almost all sea; or (which is most apparent) of the cold of
the northern parts, which is that which, without aid of discipline, doth
make the bodies hardest, and the courages warmest.

Upon the breaking and shivering of a great state and empire, you may be
sure to have wars. For great empires, while they stand, do enervate and
destroy the forces of the natives which they have subdued, resting upon
their own protecting forces; and then when they fail also, all goes
to ruin, and they become a prey. So was it in the decay of the Roman
empire; and likewise in the empire of Almaigne, after Charles the Great,
every bird taking a feather; and were not unlike to befall to Spain,
if it should break. The great accessions and unions of kingdoms, do
likewise stir up wars; for when a state grows to an over-power, it is
like a great flood, that will be sure to overflow. As it hath been seen
in the states of Rome, Turkey, Spain, and others. Look when the world
hath fewest barbarous peoples, but such as commonly will not marry or
generate, except they know means to live (as it is almost everywhere at
this day, except Tartary), there is no danger of inundations of people;
but when there be great shoals of people, which go on to populate,
without foreseeing means of life and sustentation, it is of necessity
that once in an age or two, they discharge a portion of their people
upon other nations; which the ancient northern people were wont to do
by lot; casting lots what part should stay at home, and what should seek
their fortunes. When a warlike state grows soft and effeminate, they may
be sure of a war. For commonly such states are grown rich in the time
of their degenerating; and so the prey inviteth, and their decay in
valor, encourageth a war.

As for the weapons, it hardly falleth under rule and observation: yet
we see even they, have returns and vicissitudes. For certain it is, that
ordnance was known in the city of the Oxidrakes in India; and was that,
which the Macedonians called thunder and lightning, and magic. And it
is well known that the use of ordnance, hath been in China above two
thousand years. The conditions of weapons, and their improvement, are;
First, the fetching afar off; for that outruns the danger; as it is
seen in ordnance and muskets. Secondly, the strength of the percussion;
wherein likewise ordnance do exceed all arietations and ancient
inventions. The third is, the commodious use of them; as that they may
serve in all weathers; that the carriage may be light and manageable;
and the like.

For the conduct of the war: at the first, men rested extremely upon
number: they did put the wars likewise upon main force and valor;
pointing days for pitched fields, and so trying it out upon an even
match and they were more ignorant in ranging and arraying their battles.
After, they grew to rest upon number rather competent, than vast; they
grew to advantages of place, cunning diversions, and the like: and they
grew more skilful in the ordering of their battles.

In the youth of a state, arms do flourish; in the middle age of a state,
learning; and then both of them together for a time; in the declining
age of a state, mechanical arts and merchandize. Learning hath his
infancy, when it is but beginning and almost childish; then his youth,
when it is luxuriant and juvenile; then his strength of years, when it
is solid and reduced; and lastly, his old age, when it waxeth dry and
exhaust. But it is not good to look too long upon these turning wheels
of vicissitude, lest we become giddy. As for the philology of them, that
is but a circle of tales, and therefore not fit for this writing.




Of Fame


THE poets make Fame a monster. They describe her in part finely and
elegantly, and in part gravely and sententiously. They say, look how
many feathers she hath, so many eyes she hath underneath; so many
tongues; so many voices; she pricks up so many ears.

This is a flourish. There follow excellent parables; as that, she
gathereth strength in going; that she goeth upon the ground, and yet
hideth her head in the clouds; that in the daytime she sitteth in a
watch tower, and flieth most by night; that she mingleth things done,
with things not done; and that she is a terror to great cities. But that
which passeth all the rest is: They do recount that the Earth, mother
of the giants that made war against Jupiter, and were by him destroyed,
thereupon in an anger brought forth Fame. For certain it is, that
rebels, figured by the giants, and seditious fames and libels, are but
brothers and sisters, masculine and feminine. But now, if a man can tame
this monster, and bring her to feed at the hand, and govern her, and
with her fly other ravening fowl and kill them, it is somewhat worth.
But we are infected with the style of the poets. To speak now in a sad
and serious manner: There is not, in all the politics, a place less
handled and more worthy to be handled, than this of fame. We will
therefore speak of these points: What are false fames; and what are true
fames; and how they may be best discerned; how fames may be sown, and
raised; how they may be spread, and multiplied; and how they may be
checked, and laid dead. And other things concerning the nature of fame.
Fame is of that force, as there is scarcely any great action, wherein it
hath not a great part; especially in the war. Mucianus undid Vitellius,
by a fame that he scattered, that Vitellius had in purpose to remove the
legions of Syria into Germany, and the legions of Germany into Syria;
whereupon the legions of Syria were infinitely inflamed. Julius Caesar
took Pompey unprovided, and laid asleep his industry and preparations,
by a fame that he cunningly gave out: Caesar's own soldiers loved him
not, and being wearied with the wars, and laden with the spoils of Gaul,
would forsake him, as soon as he came into Italy. Livia settled all
things for the succession of her son Tiberius, by continual giving out,
that her husband Augustus was upon recovery and amendment, and it is an
usual thing with the pashas, to conceal the death of the Great Turk from
the janizaries and men of war, to save the sacking of Constantinople
and other towns, as their manner is. Themistocles made Xerxes, king of
Persia, post apace out of Grecia, by giving out, that the Grecians had
a purpose to break his bridge of ships, which he had made athwart
Hellespont. There be a thousand such like examples; and the more they
are, the less they need to be repeated; because a man meeteth with them
everywhere. Therefore let all wise governors have as great a watch and
care over fames, as they have of the actions and designs themselves.





NOVUM ORGANUM


BY
LORD BACON


EDITED BY JOSEPH DEVEY, M. A.


[Illustration: Publisher’s logo]


NEW YORK
P. F. COLLIER & SON
MCMII
22




SCIENCE




NOVUM ORGANUM

OR

TRUE SUGGESTIONS FOR THE INTERPRETATION OF NATURE




PREFACE


They who have presumed to dogmatize on nature, as on some well
investigated subject, either from self-conceit or arrogance, and in the
professorial style, have inflicted the greatest injury on philosophy
and learning. For they have tended to stifle and interrupt inquiry
exactly in proportion as they have prevailed in bringing others to
their opinion: and their own activity has not counterbalanced the
mischief they have occasioned by corrupting and destroying that of
others. They again who have entered upon a contrary course, and
asserted that nothing whatever can be known, whether they have fallen
into this opinion from their hatred of the ancient sophists, or from
the hesitation of their minds, or from an exuberance of learning, have
certainly adduced reasons for it which are by no means contemptible.
They have not, however, derived their opinion from true sources,
and, hurried on by their zeal and some affectation, have certainly
exceeded due moderation. But the more ancient Greeks (whose writings
have perished), held a more prudent mean, between the arrogance of
dogmatism, and the despair of scepticism; and though too frequently
intermingling complaints and indignation at the difficulty of inquiry,
and the obscurity of things, and champing, as it were, the bit, have
still persisted in pressing their point, and pursuing their intercourse
with nature; thinking, as it seems, that the better method was not to
dispute upon the very point of the possibility of anything being known,
but to put it to the test of experience. Yet they themselves, by only
employing the power of the understanding, have not adopted a fixed
rule, but have laid their whole stress upon intense meditation, and a
continual exercise and perpetual agitation of the mind.

Our method, though difficult in its operation, is easily explained.
It consists in determining the degrees of certainty, while we, as it
were, restore the senses to their former rank, but generally reject
that operation of the mind which follows close upon the senses, and
open and establish a new and certain course for the mind from the first
actual perceptions of the senses themselves. This, no doubt, was the
view taken by those who have assigned so much to logic; showing clearly
thereby that they sought some support for the mind, and suspected its
natural and spontaneous mode of action. But this is now employed too
late as a remedy, when all is clearly lost, and after the mind, by
the daily habit and intercourse of life, has come prepossessed with
corrupted doctrines, and filled with the vainest idols. The art of
logic therefore being (as we have mentioned), too late a precaution,[1]
and in no way remedying the matter, has tended more to confirm errors,
than to disclose truth. Our only remaining hope and salvation is to
begin the whole labor of the mind again; not leaving it to itself,
but directing it perpetually from the very first, and attaining our
end as it were by mechanical aid. If men, for instance, had attempted
mechanical labors with their hands alone, and without the power and aid
of instruments, as they have not hesitated to carry on the labors of
their understanding with the unaided efforts of their mind, they would
have been able to move and overcome but little, though they had exerted
their utmost and united powers. And just to pause awhile on this
comparison, and look into it as a mirror; let us ask, if any obelisk of
a remarkable size were perchance required to be moved, for the purpose
of gracing a triumph or any similar pageant, and men were to attempt it
with their bare hands, would not any sober spectator avow it to be an
act of the greatest madness? And if they should increase the number of
workmen, and imagine that they could thus succeed, would he not think
so still more? But if they chose to make a selection, and to remove
the weak, and only employ the strong and vigorous, thinking by this
means, at any rate, to achieve their object, would he not say that they
were more fondly deranged? Nay, if not content with this, they were
to determine on consulting the athletic art, and were to give orders
for all to appear with their hands, arms, and muscles regularly oiled
and prepared, would he not exclaim that they were taking pains to rave
by method and design? Yet men are hurried on with the same senseless
energy and useless combination in intellectual matters, as long as
they expect great results either from the number and agreement, or the
excellence and acuteness of their wits; or even strengthen their minds
with logic, which may be considered as an athletic preparation, but yet
do not desist (if we rightly consider the matter) from applying their
own understandings merely with all this zeal and effort. While nothing
is more clear, than that in every great work executed by the hand of
man without machines or implements, it is impossible for the strength
of individuals to be increased, or for that of the multitude to combine.

Having premised so much, we lay down two points on which we would
admonish mankind, lest they should fail to see or to observe them. The
first of these is, that it is our good fortune (as we consider it), for
the sake of extinguishing and removing contradiction and irritation of
mind, to leave the honor and reverence due to the ancients untouched
and undiminished, so that we can perform our intended work, and yet
enjoy the benefit of our respectful moderation. For if we should
profess to offer something better than the ancients, and yet should
pursue the same course as they have done, we could never, by any
artifice, contrive to avoid the imputation of having engaged in a
contest or rivalry as to our respective wits, excellences, or talents;
which, though neither inadmissible nor new (for why should we not blame
and point out anything that is imperfectly discovered or laid down by
them, of our own right, a right common to all? ), yet however just and
allowable, would perhaps be scarcely an equal match, on account of
the disproportion of our strength. But since our present plan leads
up to open an entirely different course to the understanding, and one
unattempted and unknown to them, the case is altered. There is an end
to party zeal, and we only take upon ourselves the character of a
guide, which requires a moderate share of authority and good fortune,
rather than talents and excellence. The first admonition relates to
persons, the next to things.

We make no attempt to disturb the system of philosophy that now
prevails, or any other which may or will exist, either more correct or
more complete. For we deny not that the received system of philosophy,
and others of a similar nature, encourage discussion, embellish
harangues, are employed, and are of service in the duties of the
professor, and the affairs of civil life. Nay, we openly express and
declare that the philosophy we offer will not be very useful in such
respects. It is not obvious, nor to be understood in a cursory view,
nor does it flatter the mind in its preconceived notions, nor will
it descend to the level of the generality of mankind unless by its
advantages and effects.

Let there exist then (and may it be of advantage to both), two sources,
and two distributions of learning, and in like manner two tribes, and
as it were kindred families of contemplators or philosophers, without
any hostility or alienation between them; but rather allied and united
by mutual assistance. Let there be in short one method of cultivating
the sciences, and another of discovering them. And as for those who
prefer and more readily receive the former, on account of their haste
or from motives arising from their ordinary life, or because they
are unable from weakness of mind to comprehend and embrace the other
(which must necessarily be the case with by far the greater number),
let us wish that they may prosper as they desire in their undertaking,
and attain what they pursue. But if any individual desire, and is
anxious not merely to adhere to, and make use of present discoveries,
but to penetrate still further, and not to overcome his adversaries
in disputes, but nature by labor, not in short to give elegant and
specious opinions, but to know to a certainty and demonstration, let
him, as a true son of science (if such be his wish), join with us; that
when he has left the antechambers of nature trodden by the multitude,
an entrance may at last be discovered to her inner apartments. And
in order to be better understood, and to render our meaning more
familiar by assigning determinate names, we have accustomed ourselves
to call the one method the anticipation of the mind, and the other the
interpretation of nature.

We have still one request left. We have at least reflected and taken
pains in order to render our propositions not only true, but of easy
and familiar access to men’s minds, however wonderfully prepossessed
and limited. Yet it is but just that we should obtain this favor from
mankind (especially in so great a restoration of learning and the
sciences), that whosoever may be desirous of forming any determination
upon an opinion of this our work either from his own perceptions, or
the crowd of authorities, or the forms of demonstrations, he will not
expect to be able to do so in a cursory manner, and while attending
to other matters; but in order to have a thorough knowledge of the
subject, will himself by degrees attempt the course which we describe
and maintain; will be accustomed to the subtilty of things which is
manifested by experience; and will correct the depraved and deeply
rooted habits of his mind by a seasonable, and, as it were, just
hesitation: and then, finally (if he will), use his judgment when he
has begun to be master of himself.


FOOTNOTE

[1] Because it was idle to draw a logical conclusion from false
principles, error being propagated as much by false premises, which
logic does not pretend to examine, as by illegitimate inference. Hence,
as Bacon says further on, men being easily led to confound legitimate
inference with truth, were confirmed in their errors by the very
subtilty of their genius. --_Ed. _




APHORISMS--BOOK I

ON THE INTERPRETATION OF NATURE AND THE EMPIRE OF MAN


I. Man, as the minister and interpreter of nature, does and understands
as much as his observations on the order of nature, either with regard
to things or the mind, permit him, and neither knows nor is capable of
more.

II. The unassisted hand and the understanding left to itself possess
but little power. Effects are produced by the means of instruments and
helps, which the understanding requires no less than the hand; and as
instruments either promote or regulate the motion of the hand, so those
that are applied to the mind prompt or protect the understanding.

III. Knowledge and human power are synonymous, since the ignorance
of the cause frustrates the effect; for nature is only subdued by
submission, and that which in contemplative philosophy corresponds with
the cause in practical science becomes the rule.

IV. Man while operating can only apply or withdraw natural bodies;
nature internally performs the rest.

V. Those who become practically versed in nature are, the mechanic, the
mathematician, the physician, the alchemist, and the _magician_,[2] but
all (as matters now stand) with faint efforts and meagre success.

VI. It would be madness and inconsistency to suppose that things which
have never yet been performed can be performed without employing some
hitherto untried means.

VII. The creations of the mind and hand appear very numerous, if we
judge by books and manufactures; but all that variety consists of
an excessive refinement, and of deductions from a few well known
matters--_not of a number of axioms_. [3]

VIII. Even the effects already discovered are due to chance and
experiment rather than to the sciences; for our present sciences are
nothing more than peculiar arrangements of matters already discovered,
and not methods for discovery or plans for new operations.

IX. The sole cause and root of almost every defect in the sciences is
this, that while we falsely admire and extol the powers of the human
mind, we do not search for its real helps.

X. The subtilty of nature is far beyond that of sense or of the
understanding: so that the specious meditations, speculations, and
theories of mankind are but a kind of insanity, only there is no one to
stand by and observe it.

XI. As the present sciences are useless for the discovery of effects,
so the present system of logic[4] is useless for the discovery of the
sciences.

XII. The present system of logic rather assists in confirming and
rendering inveterate the errors founded on vulgar notions than in
searching after truth, and is therefore more hurtful than useful.

XIII. The syllogism is not applied to the principles of the sciences,
and is of no avail in intermediate axioms,[5] as being very unequal to
the subtilty of nature. It forces assent, therefore, and not things.

XIV. The syllogism consists of propositions; propositions of words;
words are the signs of notions. If, therefore, the notions (which form
the basis of the whole) be confused and carelessly abstracted from
things, there is no solidity in the superstructure. Our only hope,
then, is in genuine induction.

XV. We have no sound notions either in logic or physics; substance,
quality, action, passion, and existence are not clear notions; much
less weight, levity, density, tenuity, moisture, dryness, generation,
corruption, attraction, repulsion, element, matter, form, and the
like. They are all fantastical and ill-defined.

XVI. The notions of less abstract natures, as man, dog, dove, and the
immediate perceptions of sense, as heat, cold, white, black, do not
deceive us materially, yet even these are sometimes confused by the
mutability of matter and the intermixture of things. All the rest which
men have hitherto employed are errors, and improperly abstracted and
deduced from things.

XVII. There is the same degree of licentiousness and error in forming
axioms as in abstracting notions, and that in the first principles,
which depend on common induction; still more is this the case in axioms
and inferior propositions derived from syllogisms.

XVIII. The present discoveries in science are such as lie immediately
beneath the surface of common notions. It is necessary, however, to
penetrate the more secret and remote parts of nature, in order to
abstract both notions and axioms from things by a more certain and
guarded method.

XIX. There are and can exist but two ways of investigating and
discovering truth. The one hurries on rapidly from the senses and
particulars to the most general axioms, and from them, as principles
and their supposed indisputable truth, derives and discovers the
intermediate axioms. This is the way now in use. The other constructs
its axioms from the senses and particulars, by ascending continually
and gradually, till it finally arrives at the most general axioms,
which is the true but unattempted way.

XX. The understanding when left to itself proceeds by the same way as
that which it would have adopted under the guidance of logic, namely,
the first; for the mind is fond of starting off to generalities, that
it may avoid labor, and after dwelling a little on a subject is
fatigued by experiment. But those evils are augmented by logic, for the
sake of the ostentation of dispute.

XXI. The understanding, when left to itself in a man of a steady,
patient, and reflecting disposition (especially when unimpeded by
received doctrines), makes some attempt in the right way, but with
little effect, since the understanding, undirected and unassisted,
is unequal to and unfit for the task of vanquishing the obscurity of
things.

XXII. Each of these two ways begins from the senses and particulars,
and ends in the greatest generalities. But they are immeasurably
different; for the one merely touches cursorily the limits of
experiment and particulars, while the other runs duly and regularly
through them--the one from the very outset lays down some abstract and
useless generalities, the other gradually rises to those principles
which are really the most common in nature. [6]

XXIII. There is no small difference between the idols of the human mind
and the ideas of the Divine mind--that is to say, between certain idle
dogmas and the real stamp and impression of created objects, as they
are found in nature.

XXIV. Axioms determined upon in argument can never assist in the
discovery of new effects; for the subtilty of nature is vastly superior
to that of argument.