No More Learning

Butler's condensed and weighty argument hardly admits of
summary. Yet his view of things as a whole may be expressed
in the one word 'teleological' Human nature is a system or
.
constitution; the same is true of the world at large; and both
point to an end or purpose. This is his guiding idea, suggested
by Shaftesbury, to whom due credit is given ; and it enables him
to rise from a refutation of the selfish theory of Hobbes to the
truth that man's nature or constitution is adapted to virtue. The
old argument about selfish or disinterested affections is raised
to a higher plane. He shows that the characteristic of impulse,
or the particular passions,' is to seek an object, not to seek
pleasure, while pleasure results from the attainment of the object
desired. Human nature, however, is not impulsive merely; there
are also reflective principles by which the tendency of impulses
is judged and their value appraised. On this level, selfishness
is possible; but self-love is not the only reflective principle of
conduct; beside it stands the moral sense, or, as Butler preferred
to call it, conscience. The claim to rule, or 'superintendency '
(a point overlooked by Shaftesbury), is of the very nature of
conscience; and, although Butler labours to prove the harmony
of the dictates of the two principles, it is to conscience that he
assigns ultimate authority. It is true that, in an oft-quoted
sentence, he admits
that when we sit down in a cool hour, we can neither justify to ourselves this
6


## p. 304 (#328) ############################################

304 Berkeley and Contemporary Philosophy
[i. e. moral rectitude) or any other pursuit, till we are convinced that it will be
for our happiness, or at least not contrary to it.
But, even if we disregard the 'let it be allowed that introduces
the admission, the single sentence is hardly sufficient to justify the
assertion that Butler held the authority of self-love to be equal to,
or higher than, that of conscience. The passage is, rather, a
momentary concession to the selfish spirit of the age; and it has
to be interpreted in the light of his frequent assertions of the
natural superiority of conscience. "To preside and govern, from
the very economy and constitution of man, belongs to it,' he says.
‘Had it strength as it has right, had it power as it has manifest
authority, it would absolutely govern the world!
Since the essence of human nature is expressed in this spiritual
principle, Butler is able to justify the assertion that man is adapted
to virtue. But here his ethics may be said, almost, to stop short,
He does not explain further the nature of conscience in relation
to reason and will, or derive from it, in any systematic way, the
,
content of morality. He was distrustful of any attempt at &
complete philosophy, and resigned to accept probability as the
guide of life.
The same fundamental conception and the same limitation
reappear in Butler's still more famous work, The Analogy. The
world is a system-'a scheme in which means are made use of
to accomplish ends, and which is carried on by general laws. ' It
is neglect of this truth which makes men think that particular
instances of suffering virtue or successful vice are inconsistent
with 'the wisdom, justice, and goodness of the constitution of
nature. ' In the constitution and government of the world, nature
and morality are so closely connected as to form a single scheme,
in which it is highly probable that the first is formed and carried
on merely in subserviency to the latter. ' The imperfections of
our knowledge make it impossible to demonstrate this in detail.
But grant, as the deists granted, that God is the author of
nature, and it can be shown that there is no difficulty in the
doctrines of religion, whether natural or revealed, which has not
a parallel difficulty in the principle common to both sides in the
argument. This is the analogy to the establishment of which in
detail Butler's reasonings are directed. They are so exhaustive,
so thorough and so candid, that critics of all schools are agreed in
regarding his as the final word in a great controversy.


## p. 305 (#329) ############################################

CHAPTER XII
WILLIAM LAW AND THE MYSTICS
To speak of mystical thought in the first half of the eighteenth
century in England seems almost a contradiction in terms; for the
predominating character of that age, its outlook on life and its
mind as expressed in philosophy, religion and literature, was in
every way opposed to what is understood by mystical. In litera-
ture, shallowness of thought is often found combined with unrivalled
clearness of expression; in general outlook, the conception of a
mechanical world made by an outside Creator; in religion and
philosophy, the practically universal appeal to 'rational' evidence
as supreme arbiter. In no age, it would seem, have men written
so much about religion, while practising it so little. The one
quality in Scripture which interests writers and readers alike is
its credibility, and the impression gathered by the student of the
religious controversies of the day is that Christianity was held
to exist, not to be lived, but, like a proposition in Euclid, only
to be proved.
This view, however, of the main tendency of the time, though
representative, is not complete. There is also an undercurrent
of thought of a kind that never quite disappears and that helps to
keep the earth green during the somewhat dry and arid seasons
when rationalism or materialism gains the upper hand.
This tendency of thought is called mysticism, and it may be
described in its widest sense as an attitude of mind founded upon
an intuitive or experienced conviction of fundamental unity, of
alikeness in all things. All mystical thought springs from this as
base. The poet mystic, looking out on the natural world, rejoices
in it with a purer joy and studies it with a deeper reverence than
other men, because he knows it is not something called 'matter'
and alien to him, but that it is as he is—spirit itself made visible.
The mystic philosopher, instead of attempting to reason or analyse
or deduce, seeks merely to tell of his vision; whereupon, words
20
а
E. L. IX,
CH. XII.


## p. 306 (#330) ############################################

306
William Law and the Mystics
generally fail him, and he becomes obscure. The religious mystic
has for goal the union of himself with God, the actual contact
with the Divine Presence, and he conceives this possible because
man is 'a God though in the germ,' and, therefore, can know God
through that part of his nature which is akin to Him.
There were many strains of influence which, in the seventeenth
century, tended to foster this type of thought in England. The
little group of Cambridge Platonists gave new expression to great
neo-Platonic ideas, the smouldering embers of which had been
fanned to flame in the ardent forge of the Florentine renascence? ;
but, in addition to this older thought, there were not only new
influences from without but, also, new conditions within which
must be indicated.
A strong vein of mysticism had been kept alive in Amsterdam,
whither the first body of exiled separatists had gone in 1593.
Elizabeth, thinking to quell independent religious thought at
home, had planted nurseries of freedom in Holland, which waxed
strong and sent back over seas in the next century a persistent
stream of opinion and literature To this can be traced the
root-ideas which animated alike quakers, seekers, Behmenists,
anabaptists, familists and numberless other sects which em-
bodied a reaction against forms and ceremonies that, in ceasing
to be understood, had become lifeless. They all agreed in
deeming it more important to spiritualize this life than to
dogmatize about the life to come. They all believed in the 'inner
light,' in the immediate revelation of God within the soul as the
supreme and all-important experience. They all held that salvation
was the effect of a spiritual principle, a seed quickened invisibly
by God, and, consequently, they considered learning useless, or
even mischievous, in dealing with the things of the spirit. So far,
these various sects were mystical in thought; though, with the
exception of familists, Behmenists and seekers, they cannot un-
reservedly be classed as mystics. Large numbers of these three
sects, however, became children of light,' thus helping to give
greater prominence to the strong mystical element in early
quakerism.
It only needed the release from the crushing hand of Laud,
and the upheaval of the civil war, to set free the religious revival
а
6
1 See vol. VIII, chap. X.
* For an interesting detailed account of this phase of religious life, with full
references to original documents, see Studies in Mystical Religion, 1909, by Jones,
R. M. , chaps, xvi and XVII.


## p. 307 (#331) ############################################

a
6
Seventeenth Century Mysticism 307
which had long been seething, and to distract England, for a time,
with religious excitement. Contemporary writers refer with horror
to the swarm of 'sects, heresies and schisms' which now came into
being, and Milton alone seems to have understood that the
turmoil was but the outward sign of a great spiritual awakening?
Unhappily, there were few who, with him, could perceive that the
'opinion of good men is but knowledge in the making,' and that
these many sects were but various aspects of one main movement
towards freedom and individualism, towards a religion of the heart
rather than of the head. The terrible persecutions of the quakers
under Charles II% tended to withdraw them from active life, and
to throw them in the direction of a more personal and introspective
religion". It was then that the writings of Antoinette Bourignon,
Madame Guyon and Fénelon became popular, and were much read
among a certain section of thinkers, while the teachings of Jacob
Boehme, whose works had been put into English between the years
1644 and 1692, bore fruit in many ways. Whether directly or
indirectly, they permeated the thought of the founders of the
Society of Friends, they were widely read both in cottage and
study? and they produced a distinct Behmenite sects. Their
influence can be seen in the writings of Thomas Tryon, John
Pordage, George Cheyne, Francis Lee, Jane Lead, Thomas Bromley,
Richard Roach and others; in the foundation and transactions of the
1 See, for instance, Pagitt's Heresiography, 1645, dedication to the lord mayor;
or Edwards, who, in his Gangraena, 1646, names 176, and, later, 23 more, 'errors,
heresies, blasphemies. '
? Areopagitica, 1644.
3 13,562 Friends suffered imprisonment during the years 1661–97, while 198 were
transported overseas and 338 died in prison or of their wounds. See Inner Life of
the Religious Societies of the Commonwealth, by Barclay, pp. 474_8.
• For further observations on early quakerism in its connection with literature,
see vol. VIII, chap. iv.
6 Charles I, who, shortly before his death, read Boehme's Forty Questions, just then
translated into English, much admired it. See a most interesting MS letter in Latin
from Francis Lee to P. Poiret in Dr Williams's library, C 5. 30.
8. Jacob Behmont's Books were the chief books that the Quakers bought, for there
is the Principle or Foundation of their Religion. ' A Looking Glass for George Fox,
1667, p. 5. But Boehme was not wholly approved of even among the early quakers;
see Inner Life of the Religious Societies, p. 479. For the influence of Boehme on
Fox and Winstanley, see Studies in Mystical Religion, pp. 494—5; cf. , also, Fox's
Journal for 1648, 8th ed. , vol. 1, pp. 28–9, with Boehme's Three Principles, chap. xx,
88 39—42; also, life of J. B. in . Law's edition,' vol. I, p. xiii, or the Signatura Rerum.
7 See Way to Divine Knowledge, Law's Works, vol. VII, pp. 84, 85 ; Byrom's Journal,
vol. 1, part 2, pp. 560, 598; vol. II, part 2, pp. 193, 216, 236, 285, 310–11, 328,
377, 380.
8 See Richard Baxter's Autobiography, Reliquiae Bacterianae, 1696, part 1,
P. 77.
20-2


## p. 308 (#332) ############################################

308
William Law and the Mystics
Philadelphian society; in the gibes of satirists? ; in forgotten
tracts; in the increase of interest in alchemy”; in the voluminous
MS commentaries of Freher, or even in Newton's great discovery;
for it is almost certain that the idea of the three laws of motion
first reached Newton through his eager study of Boehme.
The tracing of this mystical thought, however, during the
period under discussion and later, mainly among obscure sects
and little-known thinkers, would not form part of a history of
English literature, were it not that our greatest prose mystic lived
and wrote in the same age.
William Law had a curiously paradoxical career. After
graduating as B. A. and M. A. at Cambridge, in 1708 and 1712,
and being, in 1711, ordained and elected fellow of his college
(Emmanuel), he refused to take the oaths of allegiance to
George I, and thus lost his fellowship and vocation. Though an
ardent high churchman, he was the father of methodism. Though
deprived of employment in his church, he wrote the book which,
of all others for a century to come, had the most profound and
far-reaching influence upon the religious thought of his country.
Though a sincere, and, so he believed, an orthodox Christian, he was
the classic exponent of Boehme, a thinker abhorred and mistrusted
alike by eighteenth century divines and by Wesleyan leaders.
About the year 1727, Edward Gibbon selected Law as tutor for
his only son, the father of the historian, and, in 1730, when his pupil
went abroad, Law lived on with the elder Gibbon in the 'spacious
house with gardens and land at Putney,' where he was 'the much
honoured friend and spiritual director of the whole family!
During these years at Putney, Law's reputation as a writer
became assured. He was already known as the ablest defender of
nonjuror principles; the publication of A Serious Call in 1729
had brought him renown, and he was revered and consulted by
an admiring band of disciples. His later life was spent at his
birthplace, King's Cliffe, near Stamford. He settled there in 1737
or 1740, and was joined by Hester Gibbon, the historian's aunt,
and Mrs Hutcheson, a widow with considerable means. This
oddly assorted trio gave themselves to a life of retirement and
good deeds, the whole being regulated by Law. With a united
income of over £3000 a year, they lived in the simplest fashion.
• He Anthroposophus and Floud,
And Jacob Behmen understood. '
Hudibras, 1, canto 1, cf. A Tale of a Tub, sect. V, and Martinus Scriblerus, end of
chap. I.
? See Aubrey's Lives.
3 Gibbon's Memoirs, ed. Hill, G, B. , 1900, p. 34.
1


## p. 309 (#333) ############################################

Law's Life and Writings 309
They spent large sums in founding schools and almshouses, and in
general charity, which took the form of free daily distribution of
food, money and clothes, no beggar being turned away from the
door, until the countryside became so demoralized with vagrants
that the inhabitants protested and the rector preached against
these proceedings from the pulpit? The trouble, however, seems
to have abated when the three kindhearted and guileless offenders
threatened to leave the parish, and, possibly, it may have caused
them to exercise a little discrimination in their giving.
Here, at King's Cliffe, after more than twenty years of residence,
passed in the strictest routine of study and good works, Law died,
after a short illness, almost in the act of singing a hymn.
Law's writings fall naturally into three divisions, contro-
versial, practical and mystical. His three great controversial
works are directed against a curious assortment of opponents:
Hoadly, latitudinarian bishop of Bangor, Mandeville, a sceptical
pessimist, and Tindal, a deistical optimist. These writers
represent three main sections of the religious opinion of the
day, and much light is thrown on Law's character and beliefs
by the method with which he meets them and turns their own
weapons against themselves.
It was a time of theological pamphleteering, and the famous
Bangorian controversy is a good specimen of the kind of dis-
cussion which abounded in the days of George I. It is, on the
whole, good reading, clear, pointed and even witty, and, if com-
pared with similar controversies in the reign of Charles I, presents
an admirable object lesson as to the advance made during the
intervening years in the writing of English prose.
When queen Anne died, and the claims of the Stewarts were
set aside in favour of a parliamentary king from Hanover, the
church, committed absolutely to the hereditary, as opposed to the
parliamentary, principle, found itself on the horns of a dilemma.
High churchmen were forced either to eat their own words, or to
refuse to take the oaths of allegiance to the new king and of
abjuration to the pretender? Law is a prominent example of this
latter and smaller class, the second generation of nonjurors.
Feeling naturally ran very high when, in answer to the posthumous
? See Walton's Notes, p. 499. The duty on which Law most insisted was charity; see
his defence of indiscriminate giving, in A Serious Call, Works, vol. 1v, pp. 114-18.
For an excellent illustration of the principles and arguments on both sides,
compare Law's letter from Cambridge, written to his brother at the time, with that of
bis future friend Byrom at the same date. Both are quoted by Overton, J. H. , William
Law, Nonjuror and Mystic, 1881, pp. 13-16.


## p. 310 (#334) ############################################

310
William Law and the Mystics
papers of George Hickes? , the nonjuring bishop, who charged the
church with schism, Benjamin Hoadly, bishop of Bangor, the king's
chaplain, came forward as champion of the crown and church.
Hoadly was an able thinker and writer, and, in his Preservative
against the Principles and Practices of the Non-Jurors, he
attempts to justify the civil power by reducing to a minimum the
idea of church authority and even that of creeds. He tells
Christians to depend upon Christ alone for their religion, and not
upon His ministers, and he urges sincerity as the sole test of truth.
On this last point he dwells more fully and exclusively in his
famous sermon, The Nature of the Kingdom of Christ, preached
before the king on 31 March 1717. Hoadly's pamphlet and sermon
raised a cloud of controversy? ; but by far the ablest answer he
received on the part of the nonjurors was that contained in Law's
Three Letters to the Bishop of Bangor (1717–19). The bishop
never replied to Law, and, indeed, he gave strong proof of his acute-
ness by leaving his brilliant young opponent severely alone.
Law instantly detected that Hoadly's arguments tended to do
away altogether with the conception of the church as a living
spiritual society, and his answer is mainly directed against the
danger of this tendency". He begins by pointing out that there
are no libertines or loose thinkers in England who are not pleased
with the bishop, for they imagine that he intends to dissolve the
church as a society; and, indeed, they seem to have good grounds
for their assumption, since the bishop leaves neither authorised
ministers, nor sacraments, nor church, and intimates that 'if a
man be not a Hypocrite, it matters not what Religion he
is of
Law deals with church authority, and shows that if, as Hoadly
says, regularity of ordination and uninterrupted succession be
mere niceties and dreams, there is no difference between the
episcopalian communion and any other lay body of teachers. He
demolishes Hoadly's remarks on the exclusion of the papist
1 The Constitution of the Catholick Church, and the Nature and Consequences of
Schism. 1716.
In the course of July 1717, 74 pamphlets appeared on the subject, and, at one
crisis, for a day or two, the business of the city was at a standstill, little was done on
the Exchange and many shops were shut. See Hoadly's Works, vol. 11, pp. 385, 429;
also Sir Leslie Stephen's English Thought in the 18th Century, vol. II, p. 156.
3 See Hoadly's Works, vol. 11, pp. 694–5, where he gives his reasons for not answer.
ing Law.
. For some of the side issues which were vehemently discussed by other writers,
Bee Leslie Stephen, vol. 11, p. 157.
o Works, vol. 1, Letter 1, pp. 6, 7.
6 Ibid. pp. 14, 15.
8


## p. 311 (#335) ############################################

Law and the Deists
311
succession, and he ends the first letter by refuting the bishop's
definition of prayer, as a 'calm, undisturbed address to God',' in a
passage which is one of the finest pleas in our language for the
right use of passion, and which admirably sums up the funda-
mental difference of outlook between the mystic and the rationalist
temper in the things of the spirit.
Law's next work, Remarks on the Fable of the Bees (1723),
is an answer to Mandeville's poem? , the moral of which is that
private vices are public benefits,' and Law, characteristically
seizing on the fallacy underlying Mandeville's clever paradoxes,
deals with his definition of the nature of man and of virtue in a
style at once buoyant, witty and caustic.
The Case of Reason (1731) is Law's answer to the deists, and,
more especially, to Tindal's Christianity as old as the Creation
(1730). To reply to such arguments as those of Tindal and the
deists in general was, to a man of Law's insight and intellect, an
easy task. He brings out well the fundamental difference between
his and their points of view. Deists saw a universe governed
by fixed laws, a scheme of creation which was 'plain and per-
spicuous,' capable of accurate investigation, and they believed in
a magnified man God outside the universe, whose nature, methods
and aims were, or should be, perfectly clear to the minds of his
creatures. Law saw a living universe, wrapped in impenetrable
mystery, and believed in a God who was so infinitely greater than
man, that, of His nature, or of the reason or fitness of his actions,
men can know nothing whatsoever. Why complain of mysteries in
revelation, he says, when ‘no revealed mysteries can more exceed
the comprehension of man, than the state of human life itself"'?
Tindal asserts that the 'fitness of things' must be the sole rule
of God's actions. 'I readily grant this,' says Law, but what judges
are we of the fitness of things? ' We can no more judge the divine
nature than we can raise ourselves to a state of infinite wisdom;
and the rule by which God acts ‘must in many instances be
entirely inconceivable by us. . . and in no instances fully known or
perfectly comprehended. '
In short, the fundamental assumption of the deists, that human
all-sufficient to guide us to truth, is the great error which
1 So defined by Hoadly in his sermon The Nature of the Kingdom or Church of
Christ, p. 7.
* The Grumbling Hive, first printed 1705, republished with explanatory notes
under the title The Fable of the Bees, 1714.
3 Christianity as old as the Creation, p. 20.
* The Case of Reason, Works, vol. 11, p. 9.
* Ibid. p. 7.
reason


## p. 312 (#336) ############################################

312
William Law and the Mystics
Law, in his later writings especially, set himself to combat; in his
opinion, it is devilish pride, the sin by which the angels fell? .
In the further development of his position in The Case of
Reason, we can see many indications of the future mystic; for the
crudely material thought of his opponent seems to have called into
expression, for the first time, many of Law's more characteristic
beliefs. There is, throughout, a strong sense of man's capacity for
spiritual development, and a settled belief that the human mind can-
not possibly know anything as it really is, but can only know things
in so far as it is able to apprehend them through symbol or analogy.
Things supernatural or divine, he says, cannot be revealed to us in
their own nature, for the simple reason that we are not capable of
knowing them. If an angel were to appear to us, he would have
to appear, not as he really is, but in some human bodily form, so
that his appearance might be suited to our capacities. Thus, with
any supernatural or divine matter, it can only be represented to
as by its likeness to something that we already naturally know.
This is the way in which revelation teaches us, and it is only able
to teach so much outward knowledge of a great mystery as human
language can represents; reason is impotent in face of it, and only
by the spiritual faculty that exists in us can the things of the spirit
be even dimly apprehended.
Law's practical and ethical works, A Practical Treatise upon
Christian Perfection (1726) and A Serious Call (1728), have been
more read and are better known than any other of his writings;
moreover, they explain themselves, being independent both of local
controversies and of any special metaphysic. For these reasons,
comparatively little need be said about them here. Both treatises
are concerned with the practical question of how to live in accord-
ance with the teachings of Christ, and they point out with peculiar
force that the way consists, not in performing this or that act
of devotion or ceremony, but in a new principle of life, an entire
change of temper and of aspiration.
Christian Perfection, though somewhat gloomy and austere in
tone, has much charm and beauty; but it was quite overshadowed
by the wider popularity of what many consider Law's greatest
work, A Serious Call, a book of extraordinary power, delightful
and persuasive style, racy wit and unanswerable logic. Never have
the inconsistency between Christian precept and practice been
80 ruthlessly exposed and the secret springs of men's hearts so
1 The Case of Reason, p. 3.
3 Ibid. p. 37.
3 Ibid. p. 39.
* Ibid. pp. 16, 17.


## p. 313 (#337) ############################################

A Serious Call
313
uncompromisingly laid bare. Never has the ideal of the Christian
life been painted by one who lived more literally in accordance
with every word he preached. That is the secret of A Serious
Call; it is written from the heart, by a man in deep earnest; and
in an age distinguished for its mediocrity and easygoing laxness,
Law's lofty ideals acted as an electric current, setting aflame the
hearts of all who came under their power.
Few books in English have wielded such an influence. John
Wesley himself acknowledged that A Serious Call sowed the seed
of methodism? , and, undoubtedly, next to the Bible, it contributed
more than any other book to the spread of evangelicalism. It made
the deepest impression on Wesley himself; he preached after its
model? ; he used it as a text-book for the highest class at Kings-
wood school; and, a few months before his death, he spoke of it as
'a treatise which will hardly be excelled, if it be equalled, in the
English tongue, either for beauty of expression or for justice and
depth of thought. ' Charles Wesley, Henry Whitfield, Henry Venn,
Thomas Scott, Thomas Adam and James Stillingfleet are among
other great methodists and evangelicals who have recorded how
profoundly it affected them. But it did not appeal only to this
type of mind. Dr Johnson, who praised it in no measured terms,
attributes his first serious thoughts to the reading of it. 'I became,
he says, 'a sort of lax talker against religion, for I did not much
think against it; and this lasted till I went to Oxford' When
there,
I took op Law's Serious Call to a Holy Life, expecting to find it a dull
book (as such books generally are). . . . But I found Law quite an over-match
for me; and this was the first occasion of my thinking in earnest of religion.
Gibbont and the first Lord Lyttelton (who, taking it up at bedtime,
was forced to read it through before he could go to rest), are two
among many other diverse characters who felt its force.
Such, very briefly, were Law's views and writings until middle
age. Although, before that time, they do not show any marked
mystical tendency, yet we know that, from his undergraduateship
onwards, Law was a 'diligent reader' of mystical books, and,
when at Cambridge, he wrote a thesis entitled Malebranche, and
6
1 Sermon cvii, Wesley's Works, 11th ed. , 1856, vol. VII, p. 194.
2 Letter to Law of 1738, quoted by Overton, p. 33.
* Boswell's Life of Johnson, ed. Hill, G. Birkbeck, 1887, vol. 1, p. 68, also vol. II,
p. 122.
• Gibbon's Memoirs, ed. Hill, G. B. , 1900, p. 23.
5 Byrom's Journal, vol. 11, part 2, p. 634.
o See Some Animadversions upon Dr Trapp's late Reply, Works, vol. vi, p. 319.


## p. 314 (#338) ############################################

314
William Law and the Mystics
the Vision of AU Things in God. There is no question that he
was strongly attracted to, and probably influenced by, Malebranche's
view that all true knowledge is but the measure of the extent to
which the individual can participate in the universal life; that,
unless we see God in some measure, we do not see anything; and
that it is only by union with God we are capable of knowing what
we do know? On the other hand, there are points in Malebranche's
philosophy—which curiously stops short of its logical conclusion-
quite opposed to Law's later thought: more especially the belief,
which Malebranche shared with Descartes on the one side and
Locke on the other, that body and spirit are separate and contrary
existences; whereas, in Law's view, body and spirit are but inward
and outward expressions of the same being? . Among other mystics
studied by Law were Dionysius the Areopagite, the Belgian and
German writers Johannes Ruysbroek, Johann Tauler, Heinrich
Suso and others, and the seventeenth century quietists, Fénelon,
Madame Guyon and Antoinette Bourignon. The last two were
much admired by Byrom, who loved to recur to them in writing and
in talk; but they were not altogether congenial to Law; they were
too diffuse, sentimental and even hysterical to please his essentially
robust and manly temper. When, however, he was about forty-six
(c. 1733), he came across the work of the seer who supplied just what
he needed, and who set his whole nature aglow with mystical fervour.
Jacob Boehme (or Behmen, as he has usually been called in
England), the peasant shoemaker of Görlitz, is one of the most
amazing phenomena in an amazing age. He was the son of a
herdsman, and, as a boy, helped his father to tend cattle; he
was taught how to write and read, was apprenticed to a shoe-
maker, married the daughter of a butcher and lived quietly and
humbly, troubled only by years of bitter persecution from his
pastor, who stirred up the civil authorities against him. This
was his outer life, sober and hardworking, like that of his fellow-
seer, William Blake, but, like him also, he lived in a glory of
inner illumination, by the light of which he caught glimpses of
mysteries and of splendours which, even in Boehme's broken and
faltering syllables, dazzle and blind the ordinary reader. He saw
with the eye of his mind into the heart of things, and he wrote
down so much of it as he could understand with his reason. He
had a quick and supple intelligence, and an intense power of
See Recherche de la Vérité, specially livre m, chap. vi, Que nous voyons toutes
choses en Dieu.
See The Spirit of Love, Works, vol. VIII, pp. 31 and 33.


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315
visualizing. Everything appears to him as an image, and, with him,
a logical process expresses itself in a series of pictures. Although
illiterate and untrained, Boehme was in touch with the thought of
his time, and the form of his work, at any rate, owes a good deal to
it. The older speculative mysticism which rather despised nature,
and sought for light from within, coming down from Plotinus
through Meister Eckhart and Tauler, had, in Germany, been carried
on and developed by Caspar von Schwenckfeld and Sebastian
Franck; while a revival of the still older practical or 'perceptive
a
mysticism of the east, based on a study of the natural sciences (in
which were included astrology, alchemy and magic), had been
brought about by Cornelius Agrippa and Paracelsus, both of whom
owed much to the Jewish Cabbala. These two mystical traditions,
the one starting from within, the other from without, were, to some
extent, reconciled into one system by the Lutheran pastor Valentin
Weigel, with whose mysticism Boehme has much in common.
The older mystics— eastern and western alike—had laid supreme
stress on unity as seen in the nature of God and all things. No
one more fully believed in ultimate unity than did Boehme; but
he lays peculiar stress on the duality, or, more accurately, the
trinity in unity, and the central point of his philosophy is the
fundamental postulate that all manifestation necessitates oppo-
sition. He asserted the uniformity of law throughout all existence,
physical and spiritual, and this law, which applies throughout
nature, divine and human alike, is that nothing can reveal itself
without resistance, good can only be known through evil, and
weakness through strength, just as light is only visible when
reflected by a dark body?
Thus, when God, the triune principle, or will under three
aspects, desires to become manifest, He divides the will into two,
the 'yes' and the ‘no,' and so founds an eternal contrast to Himself
out of His own hidden nature, in order to enter into a struggle
with it, and, finally, to discipline and assimilate it. The object of
all manifested nature is the transforming of the will which says
'no' into the will which says 'yes,' and this is brought about by
seven organizing spirits or forms. The first three of these bring
nature out of the dark element to the point where contact with
light is possible. Boehme calls them harshness, attraction and
anguish, which, in modern terms, are contraction, expansion, and
rotation. The first two are in deadly antagonism, and, being
1 • Without contraries is no progression,' as Blake puts it in his development of the
same thesis in The Marriage of Heaven and Hell.
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William Law and the Mystics
forced into collision, form an endless whirl of movement. These
two forces, with their resultant effect, are to be found all through
manifested nature, within man and without, and are called by
different names: good, evil and life; God, the devil and the world;
homogeneity, heterogeneity, strain, or the three laws of motion,
centripetal and centrifugal force, resulting in rotation. They are
the outcome of the 'nature' or 'no will,' and are the basis of
all manifestation. They are the power of God, apart from the
'love,' hence, their conflict is terrible. At this point, spirit
and nature approach and meet, and, from the shock, a new form
is liberated, lightning or fire, which is the fourth moment or
essence; in the spark of the lightning, all that is dark, gross and
selfish in nature is consumed; the flash brings the rotating
wheel of anguish to a standstill, and it becomes a cross. A divine
law is accomplished; for all life has a double birth, suffering is
the condition of joy and only in going through fire or the Cross
can man reach light. With the lightning ends the development
of the negative triad, and the evolution of the three higher forms
then begins ; Boehme calls them light or love, sound and sub-
stance; they are of the spirit, and, in them, contraction, expansion
and rotation are repeated in a new sense? The first three forms
give the stuff or strength of being ; the last three manifest the
quality of being, good or bad; and evolution can proceed in either
direction.
These principles of nature can be looked at in another way.
If they are resolved into two sets of three, in the first three the
dark principle which Boehme calls fire is manifested, while the
last three form the principle of light. These two are eternally
distinct, and, whichever is manifested, the other remains hidden.
This doctrine of the hidden and manifest is peculiar to Boehme,
and lies at the root of his explanation of evil. A spiritual principle
becomes manifest by taking on a form or quality. The 'dark' or
harsh principle in God is not evil in itself when in its right place,
i. e. , when hidden, and forming the necessary basis for the light or
good. But, through the fall of man, the divine order has been
transgressed, and the dark side has become manifest and appears
to us as evil. Many chemical processes help to give a crude
illustration of Boehme's thought. Suppose water' stands for
complete good or reality as God sees it. Of the two different gases,
1 Boehme refers to these seven forces in all his writings, but see his Threefold
Life of Man, chap. 1, $$ 23–32; chap. II, 88 27—36, 73; chap. II, § 1; chap. xv, $$ 5, 12;
or Signatura Rerum, chap. xiv, SS 10–15.
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Essence of Boehme's Mysticism 317
hydrogen (=evil) and oxygen (=good) each is manifested separately,
with peculiar qualities of its own, but, when they combine, their
original form goes 'into hiddenness,' and we get a new body
water. Neither of them alone is water, and yet water could not
'
be if either were lacking.
In reading Boehme, it must not be forgotten that he has a
living intuition of the eternal forces which lie at the root of all
things. He is struggling to express the stupendous world-drama
which is ever being enacted, in the universe without and in the soul
of man within; and, to this end, he presses into his service sym-
bolical, biblical and alchemical terms, although he fully realizes
their inadequacy. 'I speak thus,' he says, “in bodily fashion, for
the sake of my readers' lack of understanding. ' Unless this be
remembered, Boehme's work, in common with that of all mystics,
is liable to the gravest misunderstanding. He is never weary of
explaining that, although he is forced to describe things in a series
of images, there is no such thing as historical succession, 'for the
eternal dwells not in time 1. ' He has to speak of the generation of
God as though it were an act in time, although to do so is to use
'diabolical' (i. cw, knowingly untrue) language, for God hath no
beginning. Everything he describes is going on always and simul-
taneously, even as all the qualities he names are in everything
which is manifested. “The birth of nature takes place today, just
as it did in the beginning. '
It would be impossible to give here any adequate account of
Boehme's vision; but the four fundamental principles which he
enunciated and emphasized may be thus summarized: will or desire
as the original force; contrast or duality as the condition of all
manifestation; the relation of the hidden and the manifest; de-
velopment as a progressive unfolding of difference, with a final
resolution into unity. The practical and ethical result of this living
unity of nature is simple. Boehme's philosophy is one which can
only be apprehended by living it. Will, or desire, is the root-force
in man as it is in nature and in the Godhead, and, until this
is turned towards the light, any purely historical or intellectual
knowledge of these things is as useless as if hydrogen were to study
all the qualities of oxygen, expecting thus to become water;
whereas, what is needed is the actual union of the elements.
The whole of Boehme's practical teaching, as, also, that of Law,
might be summed up in the story told of an Indian sage who was
importuned by a young man as to how he could find God. For
Mysterium Magnum, part I, chap. vin.
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William Law and the Mystics
some time, the sage did not give any answer; but, one evening, he
bade the youth come and bathe with him in the river, and, while
there, he gripped him suddenly and held his head under the water
until he was nearly drowned. When he had released him, the sage
asked, “What did you want most when your head was under
water? ' and the youth replied, 'A breath of air. ' To which the
sage answered, “When you want God as you wanted that breath
of air you will find Him. '
This realization of the momentous quality of the will is the
secret of every religious mystic? ; the hunger of the soul, as Law
calls it? , is the first necessity, and all else will follow. Such was
the thought of the writer who, spiritually, was closely akin to our
two greatest English mystics. William Blake saw visions and
spoke a tongue like that of the illuminated cobbler ; and of
Law, who was not a seer, we learn that, when he first read
Boehme's works, they put him into 'a perfect sweat. ' Only those
who combine intense mystical aspiration with a clear and imperious
intellect can fully realize what the experience must have been.
The two most important of Law's mystical treatises are An
Appeal to all that Doubt (1740), and The Way to Divine Knowo-
ledge (1752). The first of these should be read by anyone desirous
of knowing Law's later thought, for it is a clear and fine exposition
of his attitude with regard more especially to the nature of man,
the unity of all nature and the quality of fire or desire. The
later book is an account of the main principles of Boehme,
with a warning as to the right way to apply them, and it was
written as an introduction to the new edition of Boehme's works
which Law contemplated publishing. Law's later, are but an
expansion of his earlier, views; the main difference being that,
whereas, in the practical treatises (Christian Perfection and
A Serious Call), he urges certain temper and conduct because
it is our duty to obey God, or because it is right or lawful, in his
later writings-Boehme having furnished the clue--he adds not only
the reason for this conduct being right, but the means of attaining
it, by expounding the working of the law itself. The following
aspect, then, of Boehme's teaching is that which Law most con-
sistently emphasizes.
1 Cf. St Augustine, • To will God entirely is to have Him,' The City of God, book XI,
chap. Iv; or Ruysbroek's answer to the priests from Paris who came to consult him on
the state of their souls : 'You are as you desire to be. '
• Hunger is all, and in all worlds everything lives in it, and by it. ' See Law's
letter to Langcake, 7 September 1751, printed in Walton's Notes and Materials, p. 541.
3 See Law's letter to W. Walker, Byrom's Journal, vol. I, part 2, p. 559.
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Man was made out of the breath of God; his soul is a spark of)
the Deity. It, therefore, cannot die, for it ‘has the unbeginning
unending life of God in it. ' Man has fallen from his high estate
through ignorance and inexperience, through seeking separation,
taking the part for the whole, desiring the knowledge of good and
evil as separate things. The assertion of self is, thus, the root of
all evil; for, so soon as the will of man turns to itself, and would,
as it were, have a sound of its own, it breaks off from the divine
harmony, and falls into the misery of its own discord. ' For it is the
state of our will that makes the state of our life. Hence, by 'the
fall,' man's standpoint has been dislocated from the centre to the
circumference, and he lives in a false imagination. Every quality
is equally good, for there is nothing evil in God, from whom all
comes; but evil appears to be through separation.