The name itself suggests that the
Çūdras were originally a conquered people, as Karian became synony-
mous with slave at Athens.
Çūdras were originally a conquered people, as Karian became synony-
mous with slave at Athens.
Cambridge History of India - v1
D.
, and who were manifestly a factor of
no small importance in the political history of Northern and Western India
– they are celebrated as great fighters in the Mahābhārata and other litera-
ture- remain to show that the conquest of Alexander and the Greek
invasion from Bactria had any result. Other indications point rather to
Persia than to Hellas. Thus the title Satrap, which was continued in use
by Alexander, still remains under Çakas and Kushāṇas to testify to the long
Persian dominion in N. W. India. Apart from this, political and social
relations do not appear to be affected at all either by Hellenic or by Persian
influence. The native army remains of the same sort, though greatly
enlarged. The social theory remains practically the same, save that a place
among degraded 'outcastes' is given to Yavanas as to other barbarians.
Architecture and the arts of sculpture, gem-engraving and coinage do indeed
bear witness, especially in the N. W. region of India to the influence of
Persia and Greece during this period, just as at a later date, native astrono-
my was affected, and indeed practically superseded by the system of
Alexandria. But the period with which we are dealing at present does not
make it necessary to inquire into the relation between India and the outer
world in respect to science. The idea that Indian epic poetry itself is due
to Hellenic influence has indeed been suggested ; but as a theory this idea
depends on so nebulous a parallel of plot that it has received no support.
>
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CHAPTER X
FAMILY LIFE AND SOCIAL CUSTOMS AS THEY
APPEAR IN THE SŪTRAS
The general period of the Sūtras extends from the sixth or seventh
century before Christ to about the second century. It is evident that the
different Vedic schools had Sūtras which were revised, or replaced by new
Sūtras, at various periods, and that some of these extended into later
centuries than others. Thus it would be a mistake to limit all the Sūtras of
all the schools to certain centuries. The Sūtras are manuals of instruction ;
and those which are of interest historically formed but a part of a large
volume, which was intended primarily for the guidance of religious teachers
and treated mainly of the sacrifice and other religious matters. Except for
students of ceremonial details these sacrificial works (Çrauta Sūtras) are of
no interest. What concerns us at present is that portion of the whole which
goes by the name of Gộihya and Dharma Sūtras, that is, manuals of
conduct in domestic and social relations. In some cases the rules given in
these two divisions are identical; and the two divisions are treated in such a
way as to condense one division for the sake of not repeating directions
given in the other. For our purpose they may be regarded as forming one
body containing rules of life not especially connected with the performance
of the greater sacrifices. · They differ mainly as representing the views of
different schools on minute points or as products of different parts of the
country, and as earlier or later opinions. All of them claim to be based
upon Vedic teaching. Thus the Grihya and Dharma Sūtras of Āpastamba
form but a few chapters of a work called the Kalpa, of which twenty-four
a
chapters teach the proper performance of sacrifice and only two treat of the
sacred law, while one abridged chapter gives the rules for the performance
of domestic ceremonies. Again this special ‘law-book’ is not a law-book
having universal application, but is a product of a Vedic school belonging
to the Andhras in the south-east of India ; and, thirdly, it combats some of
the opinions expressed by writers on the same subject. Somewhat similar
203
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204
(CH.
LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SUTRAS
>
conditions prevail in the case of the other Sūtras. They are, in short, local
manuals which form complete wholes only by virtue of their subject-matter,
but which, to their authors, were merely sections of a greater work, the
chief importance of which lay in the handing down of traditional
knowledge in regard to religious practices. They may be regarded, however,
as the first steps in the evolution of legal literature ; for the metrical Çāstras
or law-bocks are only the extension and completion of the rules of the
Dharma Sūtras, with a gradual increase in the part allotted to civil and
criminal law and a relaxation of the bond connecting the Sūtras with
definite Vedic sects. The Dharma Sūtras are more universal ; the Grihya ·
Sūtras reflect individual schools. But even the Gșihyas are not Çrauta
(divinely revealed), but Smärta (sacred tradition).
The content of the Grihya Sūtras as is implied by the name, is narrower
than that of the Dharma Sūtras. The first contain, however, to all students
of folk-lore a store-house of material in regard to rites and superstitions
connected with home life, such as no other body of literature in the world
presents. In the first place, the life of man is traced religiously from boy-
hood to burial. Every important phase of a man's existence is accompanied
with its appropriate rite ; and, incidentally, what to do and what not to do,
injunctions, prohibitions, taboos, are taught as general rules of conduct.
The greater events, birth, marriage, death, are described in their religious
setting, each with minute detail, so that not only are the sacred texts cited
which should be repeated on every occasion, but the physical acts to which
the texts are ancillary are described. For example, such a text must be
repeated while a dead man's bones are being collected. The one who collects
them must pick them up with such and such fingers and place them in just
such a jar. The wedding verses are indicated ; the bride must make just so
many steps and pour out grain with her hands held in just such a position,
etc. Some of the Vedic schools, instead of embracing all the Sūtras in one
work as a Kalpa Sūtra, have apparently laid so much stress on these
domestic rites that the manuals have become independent works, thus fore-
shadowing what happened later in the case of the Çāstras. The complete
work, embracing all kinds of Sūtras, as was to be expected, to the
Yajurveda schools, since the priests of this Veda were from the beginning
particularly concerned with manual exercises, in arranging the altar, etc. ,
and the details of sacrifice ; while the priests of the other Vedas had to do
more with the recitation and chanting of the sacred texts. Nevertheless, the
literature of the Rigveda also contains both Çrauta and Grihya Sūtras, as
does that of the Sāmaveda. Finally, the Atharvaveda possesses not only
a Väitāna Crauta Sūtra but a Kançika Sūtra, which is in part a Gșihya
Sūtra but contains also directions for carrying out the many magic cere-
monies connected with the text of that unique Veda.
a
## p. 205 (#239) ############################################
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THE GRIHYA SŪTRAS
205
case.
The preponderance of domestic ceremonies in the Gșihya Sūtra results
in Dharma, or social, matter being introduced rather adventitiously, as
when the rules concerning the choice of wives are given, whereas Grinya,
domestic, rules belong as much to the Dharma Sūtras as to the Gșihya
Sūtras themselves. The difference is that the weight in the Dharmas is
laid on the wider relation of man to the state, so that those sections which
deal with the family become condensed and subordinate. Specimens of
southern Gțihya Sutras are also not lacking. Thus as the Dharma of
Āpastamba reflects a South-Indian origin, so also the Gșihya Sūtra of
Khādira belongs to Southern India, and it is an indication that Sutra
literature extends far beyond the time of Buddha that this should be the
Such also may be surmised to be the fact (rather than that Vedic
schools were domiciled in South India at a much earlier period) from the
circumstance that the Sūtra of Khădira is a later and more concise version
of the Sūtra of Gobhila. There are other examples of this endeavour to
revise a Sūtra on lines of economy, each later writer reducing the work
of his predecessor as much as possible or convenient, conciseness being the
test of Sūtra excellence. Gobhila's work is detailed and lengthy ; Khādira's
is virtually the same work in condensed form. Everything that could be
omitted, such as explanatory digressions, smaller details of ceremonies, etc. ,
was left out, solely to make the work easier to remember. But clearness
as well as conciseness was aimed at and attained by a fresh arrangement of
the older matter.
An example of the scope and method of a Gộihya Sūtra may be taken
from the directions of Khădira regarding the little oblations to spirits and
gods required from a wedded pair. After describing the wedding ceremony,
Khādira passes directly to this question of offerings and oblations, describ-
ing first briefly the fire used for the purpose of receiving the oblation, thus :
The domestic (grihua) fire is that at which he has taken her hand (in marriage) or
that on which he has put the last piece of wood (as a student before marriage) or a(fresh)
fire twirled out (of wood), the last being pure but not tending to prosperity ; or he may
get his domestic fire from a frying-pan or from the house of a man who makes many
sacrifices, Cūdras excepted. The service begins with an evening oblation. After (the fire)
has been set in a blaze before sunset or sunrise, the sacrifice (is performed) after sunset
(and) after or before sunrise. He should make an oblation of rice-food fit for sacrifice
after washing it, if raw, with his hand (but) with a brass bowl if it is (not rice but) curds
or milk, or with the rice-pot. With the words 'Hail to Fire' (he makes oblation) in the
middle (of the fire, at eve); secondly in the north-eastern (part of the fire); in the morn.
ing, with the words, 'Hail to Sun' (he makes the first oblation). The wiping round and
other (acts) except sprinkling (of water round the fire) are here left out. Some say 'let
the wife make the oblations,' for this fire is the house-fire and the wife is the house
(home). When (the meal) is prepared, evening and morning, she (the wife) must say
а
## p. 206 (#240) ############################################
206
[сн.
LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SŪTRAS
3
("It is) ready,' (and he) must say aloud 'Om'l, but softly May it not fail ; to thee2 be
reverence. ' Of rice-food fit for sacrifice he should make (oblations) to Prajāpati; and to
(the form of the Fire-god called) Svishțakſit (i. e. good sacrificer) make a bali (offering),
depositing it outside or inside (the fire place) in four places : (one) at the water-barrel;
(another) at the middle door ; (another) at the couch or privy; and (finally, one) at
the heap of sweepings ; sprinkle each (offering on the ground with water) beth (before
and afterwards) and pour out what is left with the water toward the south. Of chaff,
water, and scum of boiled rice (let him make a bali offering) when a donation has been
made. The gods to whom the bali offerings belong are Earth, Wind, Prajāpati, the All-
gods, Water, Herbs, Trees, Space, Love or Wrath, the hosts of Rakshasas, the Fathers
and Rudra. He should make the offering in silence; he should make it of any food
(but) make it only once in case (a meal) is prepared at different times; and if (prepared!
at different places (then he should make the offering of) what belongs to the house.
holder (himself). But of all food he should offer (some) in the fire and give the rest to
a priest : this he si ould do himself. He should offer the offerings himself from rice
(-harvest) to barley (-harvest) or from barley (-harvest) to rice (-harvest); (yea,) he
himself should offer them3.
It will have been observed that the religious ceremony of the bali-
offering implies a cult midway between that of the Vedic sacrifice and the
sectarian sacrifice not countenanced by the orthodox. The bali is a bit of
food cast upon the ground at the places named, the recipients being
supposed to be the Vedic divinities of a lower order, ending with Rudra,
and the hosts of harmful spirits who are thus propitiated. Each divinity
has a bali in his appropriate place and at the right time. Thus the offering
by the couch is for Love; that flung to the north is for Rudra ; that by
the door is for (personified) Space ; and the offering to the harmful spirits
are given at night. The sprinkling of the offering means (probably) the
sprinkling of the ground or place where the offering is cast. The Dharma
Sūtras also take up this question of offerings. The citation above by
implication recognises only the wife as preparer of the meal. But a rich house-
holder may have his meals prepared by a priest or other member of the
‘reborn' castes or even by a Çūdra. Special rules are necessary in the last
case. The slave cook, being impure, must have his hair and beard and nails
cut daily or at least at stated intervals, and it must be the householder who
places on the fire the food prepared by Çūdras. Then in this case it is
the cook who says (when the meal is prepared), 'It is ready' and the house-
1 Om is the sacred syllable, answering in cases like that above to ‘very goo'd
(Amen). The evening and morning are mentioned in this order because the evening
precedes the day ; and only two meals are mentioned because the Hindus eat but twice
a day.
2 In the Sūtras clarity is often sacrificed to brevity. It is not clear hero whether the
wife or husband speaks or whom the word "Thee' refers. Presumably the husband
addresses the words to the food itself (compare Gobhila's Gșihya Sūtra, 1, 3, 18). The
text and translation (by Prof. Oldenberg) of Khādira are published in S. B. E. vol, XXIX.
3 That is from spring till autumn the householder offers barley, and from rice.
time till barley-harvest time (autumn till spring) he offers rice. The passage quoted is
also translated by Prof. Oldenberg, in S. B. E. vol. XXIX, p. 385.
а
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RITES TO AVERT DISASTER AND DISEASE
207
holder who responds (as Āpastamba gives the rule with a slight variation)
'Well-prepared food bestows the splendour; may it never fail. '
The rites involving the goblins of disaster and disease have naturally
a prominent place in the domestic ritual of the Gșihya Sūtras and afford
us glimpses of an otherwise unknown pantheon. The wife herself, who has
so little to do with texts, must go outside her house and offer food to
'the white demon with black teeth, the lord of bad women,' and if she
bears a child the husband must daily, till the wife's confinement ends, offer
rice and mustard in the fire near the door where the wife is confined,
dispersing demons whose names are given : 'Çanda, Marka, Upavīra,
,
Çaundikeya, Ulūkhala, Malimlucha, Droņāsa, Chyavana,' all indicative
of trouble, as are those that follow (apparently a supplementary list),
'Ālikhat, Animisha, Kimvadanta, Upaçruti, Haryaksha, Kumbhiņ, Çatru,
Pātrapāņi, Nșimaņi, Haņtrimukha, Sarsha pāruņa, Chyavana, avaunt. '
But if the child falls ill with epilepsy, the 'dog-disease,' the father cures him
by covering him with a net and murmuring,
Kūrkura, Su-Kūrkura, Kūrkura (it is) who holds ſast the children ; scat (chech
chet ! ), dog, let him go ; reverence to thee, Sisara, barker, bender, true the gods have
given thee a boon, and hast thou chosen my boy ? Scat, dog, let him go (as before).
True, the Bitch of heaven, Saramā, is thy mother, Sisara is thy father, and Yama's
black and speckled dogs thy brothers ; but scat, dog, let him go? .
s
The demon attacking the boy is here called Kumāra, the cult is
obviously demoniac. In general, the Sūtras of this class are concerned not
with the greater sacrifices, which are discussed in the Crauta Sūtra, called
the Havis and Soma sacrifices, but with the so-called great sacrifices of
food cooked (pāka) and offered on special noon-days and at funeral feasts,
or seven in all, including offerings to serpents as well as to demons and
gods.
The last of these domestic 'cooked-food' sacrifices introduces a
feature :
On the full moon day of the month Chaitra he makes (images of) a pair of
animals out of meal ; (he offars) them and jujube leaves (to the gods); to Indra and
Agni a figure with prominent navel ; and balls to Rudra (Cārkhyana, Gpihya Sūtra,
IV. 19)
These images of meal representing living beings are partly due to the
new feeling of pity for animals and the desire not to injure life, which plays
a part in Brāhmanism as well as in Buddhism. It must be admittted,
however, that economy had something to do with the substitution of animals
of meal for real animals, but ostensibly it is a Vishņuite trait. The general
1 Pāraskara. Gyihya Sūtra, I, 16, 23 f.
2 lb. 24.
8 From the full moon of the month Crāvana, offerings to soakes have to be made
daily till it is safe to sleep on the ground again. This is called the Pratyavarohaņı
and occurs on the full moon day called Agrahāyaņi, when one may 'descend again' (from
the high couch).
new
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208
[Ch.
LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SUTRAS
a cow.
rule in this regard is that attributed to Manu : ‘Animals may be killed
(so said Manu) at the Madhuparka and Soma sacrifice and at the rites for
Manes and gods. ' But it is an old rite of hospitality to kill a cow for a
guest! ; and, as a matter of form, each honoured guest is actually offered
The host says to the guest, holding the knife ready to slay the
cow, that he has the cow for him ; but the guest is then directed to say :
Mother of Rudras, daughter of the Vasus, sister of the Adityas navel
of immortality (is she). Do not kill the guiltless cowr; she is (Earth itself),
Aditi, the goddess. I speak to them that understand. ' He adds, My
sin has been killed and that of so-and-so ; let her go and eat grass. But
if he really wants to have her eaten, he says, 'I kill my sin and the sin of
so-and-so' (in killing her), and though in many cases the offer of the cow is
thus plainly a formal piece of etiquette, yet the offering to the guest was not
complete without flesh of some sort ; and it is clear from the formulas that
any of the worthiest guests might demand the cow's death, though as
the 'six worthy guests' are teacher, priest, father-in-law, king, friend,
and Āryan ‘reborn' man, and all of these were doubtless well grounded in
that veneration for the cow which is expressed above by identifying her
with Earth (as Aditi), there was probably seldom any occasion to harrow
the feelings of the cow-revering hosta. Pāraskara mentions only the cow
but Çānkhāyana (G. S. II, 15, 1) already substitutes a goat as a possible
alternative ; he also mentions the gods to which this animal is sacred,
that is, he seeks to make the animal offered to the guest a sacrifice to a god.
Thus he
says that if the animal is offered to the teacher and killed it is 'sacred
to the Fire. god'; if it is offered to a king, it is sacred to Indra, and if to a
friend (mitra) it is sacred to Mitra. Similar additions may be traced in
many particulars, sometimes found by comparing one text with another,
sometimes clearly interpolated.
The Sūtras, while they do not recognise the sects of later days, yet
point to the different conception of deity embodied in the two great modern
sects worshipping Rudra-Çiva and Vishņu. Thus, as above, Rudra and the
Rakshasas are also associated in the rule : When one repeats a text sacred
to Rudra, to the Rakshasas, to the Manes, to the Asuras, or one that con-
tains an imprecation, one shall touch water' (Çankh. G. S. , I, 10,9). On
the other hand, when the bridegroom leads the bride to take the seven steps,
which form part of the wedding ceremony, he murmurs a blessing at every
step: 'One for sap, two for juice, three for prosperity, four for comfort, five
for cattle, six for the seasons, Friend ! be with seven steps (mine) ; be thou
devoted to me'. And after each clause he says 'may Vishņu lead thee. '
Similarly, the fact that Vaiçravana (Kubera and Içāna (Rudra-Çiva) are
1 Chipter IV', p. 101.
2 Pāraskara, Gțihya Sülra, 1, 3, 26.
## p. 209 (#243) ############################################
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MARRIAGE CEREMONIES
209
>
>
9
worshipped ‘for the bridegroom' point to the phallic nature of these cognate
spirits (Pār. , G. S. , I, 8, 2 ; Çānkh. , G. S. , I, 11, 7).
The Gșihya Sūtras show that there was no one rite of universal accep-
tation in those ceremonies most intimately connected with domestic felicity.
Indeed, the author of the Āçvalāyana Grihya Sūtra (I, 7, 1) says expressly
that in the matter of weddings, 'customs are diverse,' and he gives only that
which is common usage. Thus he tells how the bride is to go about the
fire, mount the stone, pour out grain, gaze at the pole-star, etc. , but does
not mention other rites which other Gțihya Sūtras enjoin. Some of these,
however, are of universal interest ; and a comparison of the Hindu cere-
monies with those of other Aryan-speaking peoples shows that in all pro-
bability the Indian ritual has preserved elements reaching far back into
prehistoric times? .
Thus in the ceremony it is universal usage to walk the seven steps to.
gether and for the bridegroom to murmur, as he takes the bride's hand :
“This am I, that art thou, that art thou, this am I ; Heaven am I and Earth
art thou ; the (feminine) Rich (Rigveda verse) art thou, the Saman am I.
Be thou devoted to me,' and to make the bride mount a stone as an emblem
of firmness. But special rules are that women shall come to the bride's
house and eat and drink brandy and dance four times ; and that merry girls
shall escort the bridegroom to the bride's house, and that he must do all
the foolish (? ) things they tell him to d (except when taboo is con-
cerned). (Çārkh. , G. 8. , I, 12, 2). Some measure of values may perhaps
be obtained from the statement that the fee to the priest who performs the
marriage-ceremony is a cow, given by the bridegroom, if the groom is of
the same caste as the priest, but a village if the groom is 'royal', Rājanya,
that is a nobleman of 'kingly order, and a horse if the groom is of the third
estate (farmer, trader). Obviously the succeeding rule, which is not unique,
countenances a sort of sale in that it adds : “(The bridegroom must give)
to the one who has the daughter one hundred (cows) together with a
chariot. ' The same rule is found in the Dharma Sūtras (Āpastamba, II,
13, 12) with the explanation that the gift must be returned, as a sale is not
allowed –which only points back to an earlier period when the sale of
daughters was allowed.
1 On this point, cf. Haas and Weber, Indische Studien, vol. v ; L. von Schroeder,
Die Hochzeitsgebrä'lche der Esten und etniger anderer finnisch-ugrischer Volkerschaften
in Vergleichung mit denen der indogermanischen Volker (1888) ; M. Winternitz, Das
altindische Hochzeitsrituell. . . mit Vergleichung der Hochzeitsgebräuche bei den übrigen
indogermanischen Volkern (1892); also a paper by the last writer on the same subject
in the Transactions of the National Folk-lore Society (Congress, 1891-2), and one by Th.
Zachariae, ‘Zum altindischen Hochzeitsrituell' (Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Mor.
genlandes, vol. XVII, pp. 135 f. , and 211 f. ).
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210
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LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SUTRAS
The distinction among the orders mentioned in the gifts above is only
one of innumerable passages in which, as a matter of course and without
thought of any other social order, the castes are named as priest, noble or
warrior, and 'people', the last terms embracing all those ‘reborn', who are
not priests or warriors or slaves. The slaves, Çūdras and lower orders, are
recognised as part of the social structure.
The name itself suggests that the
Çūdras were originally a conquered people, as Karian became synony-
mous with slave at Athens. Yet the Çūdras were not Pariahs but members
of the household, who took part in some of the domestic rites.
The test of caste is not marriage alone but defilement by eating and
touching what is unclean. In this regard the Sūtras show only the begin.
ning of that formal theory of defilement which results in a pure man of the
upper castes being defiled by the shadow of an impure man, and in the taboo
of all contact with the impure. According to Gautama (Dharma Sūtra, XVII,
I f. ), Brāhman may eat food given by any of the 'reborn' who are worthy
members of their caste, and if in need of food to support life he may take
food and other things even from a Çūdra. Food forbidden is that defiled
naturally by hairs or insects falling into it and that touched by woman dur-
ing her courses, by a black bird (crow), or by a foot, etc. , or given by an
outcast, a woman of bad character, a person accused, an hermaphrodite, a
police-officer (dandika), a carpenter, a miser, a jailer, a physician, a man who
hunts without using the bow (i. e. a non-Aryan snarer of animals), a man who
eats refuse or the food of a multitude, of an enemy, etc. The list continues
with the taboo of food offered disrespectfully and of certain animals,
Āpastamba (Dharma S. , I 6, 18, 1 f. ) allows the acceptance of gifts, includ-
ing a house and land, even from an Ugra (low caste or mixed caste), though,
like the later law-books, his code states that a priest may not eat in the
house of anyone of the three orders (varņas) belong him ; but he may
eat the food of any other priest, and according to 'some' he may eat the
food of people of any caste except Çūdras and even their food in times of
distress. Forbidden by him is the food of an artisan, of people who let
houses or land, a spy, an unauthorised hermit (Buddhist ? ), besides that of
surgeon, usurer, and others. Caste is varņa or jāti, 'colour' and 'kin,' the
former embracing the latter, as a social order including clans or families.
Even in the all-important matter of marriage, caste is not so important as
family. The only test, when one seeks a wife, according to Çānkhāyana, is
that of the family : ‘They ask the girl in marriage, reciting the clan-names. '
The text of Āçvalāyana expressly mentions as a form of marriage that in
which the bridegroom kills the relatives and rapes the weeping girl, evident-
ly a form once countenanced as well as enumerated among possible forms;
at any rate it bars out all examination of the bride's social position. Indeed
the marriage rules permit the marriage of a Çūdra woman, though as the
:
1
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CASTE AND FAMILY
211
>
>
>
last of four wives, with a member of the highest caste (e. g. Pār. , G. S. , 1, 4,
11), whose offspring, of course, being ‘mixed' or impure, is not a member of
the Āryan 'reborn,' but nevertheless is recognised legally. And what shall
we say of those who are not ‘reborn' although Āryans ? The rule in this
case is universal that, if priest, warrior, or member of the third estate fail to
be ‘reborn in the Veda,' i. e. if such a one is not duly initiated into his
social order at the proper time, he loses his prerogatives and becomes an
‘outcast'. 'No one should initiate such men, nor teach them, nor perform
sacrifice for them, nor have intercourse with them, and further, 'A person
whose ancestors through three generations have been thus outcast is exclud-
ed from the sacrament of initiation and from being taught the Veda,' that
is, they become Vrātyas or entirely outcast persons with whom one may not
even have intercourse unless they perform special ritest.
In general the Gșihya Sūtras may be said to be the later scholastic
codification of rules, formulas, and rites long practised, concerned chiefly
with the orderly progress of an individual ideal life, and incidentally with
such ceremonies as naturally occur in such a life, that is, besides rites from
babyhood to marriage, fixed moon-rites etc. , those concerned with building,
holidays, burial, etc. That they are not of Vedic age in their present form,
though in substance reverting in part to Brāhmaṇa beginnings, may be con-
cluded from their obvious posteriority in respect of language and metre
(where verses are cited) to the Brāhmaṇas, not to speak of earlier Vedic
texts, as well as from the fact that several Sūtras emanate from districts
scarcely known even by name to the Brāhmaṇas. The general order of
arrangement in the Gșihya Sūtras is one conditioned by the subject matter
which is to reveal the whole duty of man as a householder. Most of them
begin with the marriage and continue with the birth of a child, the
ceremonies at conception and at various stages before birth, at the birth it.
self, at the naming of the child, when he sees the sun, when he is fed, when
his hair is cut, when he becomes a student, and when he returns home from
his Guru (tutor) and becomes a householder. Then the child, now grown to
a man, marries and the circle begins again. Finally the rite for the burial
is described. A few texts take up the round of life at another point, that
where the student-life begins. This is the procedure in the case of some of
the Black Yajurveda texts (for example, the Mānava and Kāțhaka Sūtras),
but it makes no difference where one begins; each Sūtra follows out the life
to the end, and the general uniformity shows that, whatever be the minor
discrepancies and divergences of opinion (of which the authors are
themselves well aware), the Gșihya Sūtras as a whole are based upon one
model, and that, whether in the northern or southern districts, the lives of
1 See Paraskara, Grihya Sülra, II, 5, 40 f. , and Weber Ind. Literaturgesch. p. 73 f. ,
Eng. trans. p. 67.
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LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SUTRAS
9
3
orthodox Āryans were governed by a remarkable conformity of ritual. It is
not improbable that, as has been suggested by Professor Oldenberg, many
of the rites prescribed as general rules were nothing more than formulas of
secret magic owned at first by certain families and afterwards become unis
versal property?
The specimen given above will suffice to show the artless style of
these didactic Sūtras. They have in fact no style save that attained
by scrupulous brevity. In the following paragraphs we shall seek rather
to illustrate certain phases of the Gșihya Sūtras as indicative of religious and
magical beliefs and of the social environment in which they were produced,
or at least for which they were intended.
We may begin with reverting to the cure of epilepsy already mentioned.
In the course of childhood the boy may be attacked by the dog-demon
(epilepsy). What is the father to do? The names of the canine demons
have been mentioned above with a parallel passage containing more of
the same sort. These are to be averted by a sort of honorific propitiation.
They are lauded ; but their objectionable behaviour in this special case is
deprecated. The author of our Sūtra contents himself with this. But
a rival author or two (Hiraṇyakeçin, G. S. , II, 2, 7, 1 f. ; Āpastamba,
2
Grihya Sūtra, VII, 18, 1) are not content with the method here advocated.
According to them, the father must make a hole in the roof of the royal
gaming-hall and pull the boy through it, lay him on his back on dice strewn
about, and then, while a gong is sounded, recite the deprecatory words
to the dog-demons and pour curds and salt over the boy. Several items of
this recipe are of interest, the avoidance of the door, the use of salt
and curds to frighten demons, the gong for the same purpose to be beaten
on the south side of the hall. These may be said to be universal antidotes;
peculiar is the use of the dice, which has no parallel in the similar situations
offered by the Sūtra. Finally the fact that the father makes a hole in
the roof of the gaming-hall shows that it is made of thatch (easily repaired)
and leads to the question what sort of architecture is normally to be
found implied in the Sutras. The gaming-hall is the public gambling-
place which a king is directed to build for the use of his subjects, and
curiously enough, with the exception of the house-holder's own dwelling, it
is almost the only reference to edifices found in the Sūtras. On the other
hand, all the dicta of the Sūtras show that such life as is depicted is
supposed to be country life ; the district and the village are the geographical
entities. Cities are not ignored but are despised”. Thus there are no
1 Compare the admirable discussion of the position of the Gșihya Sūtras by
Prof. Oldenburg in S. B. E. vol. XXX.
2 Apastamba, Dharma Sūtra, I, 32, 21, let him avoid going into towns', and
Baudhāyana, Dharma Sūtra, II, 3, 6, 33, 'It is impossible for one to obtain salvation,
who lives in a town, covered with dust,'
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RELIGIOUS AND MAGICAL BELIEFS
213
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>
>
ceremonies for urban life. But there is a rite for ploughing, when sacrifice
is made to Açani (the thunder-bolt) and to Sītā (the furrow), as well
as to other bucolic deities, Aradā, Anaghā, etc. , as to the greater bucolic
gods, Parjanya and Indra and Bhaga, with similar offerings on the occasion
of the 'furrow sacrifice,' the 'threshing-floor sacrifice,' when one sows,
reaps, or takes in the harvest, all indicating that the life portrayed is that
of the village agriculturist, who must even 'offer a sacrifice at mole-heaps
to Akhurāja, the king of moles' (Gobhila, Gșihya Sūtra, IV, 4, 28 f. ;
ibid. 30 f. ). So the constant injunctions to go out of the village,” to
sacrifice at a place where four roads meet, or on a hill, etc. , imply life in
villages even for householders and scholars rather than in towns (Gobhila,
III, 5, 32-35).
Besides the introduction of evil spirits and bucolic divinities into the
ritual of the domestic service, we find in the Sūtras for the first time
the recognition of images of the gods, which must be implied by the
regulations concerning the deities Içāna Midhushi, and Jayanta (ʻlord,'
'bountiful one,''conqueror') as well as the lord of the field,' Kshetrapati,
who are moved about and given water to drink (Āp. , G. S. , VII, 19,
13; ibid. 20, 1-3 and 13).
When a boy is initiated he is made to mount a stone with the
adjuration to be ‘firm as a stone' which elsewhere is confined to the bride,
and is then given in charge to‘Kashaka (Kaçaka), Antaka, Aghora,
Disease, Yama, Makba, Vaşini, Earth and Vaiçvānara, Waters, Herbs,
Trees, Heaven and Earth, Welfare, Glory, the All-gods, all the Bhūts, and
all the gods' (Hiraṇyakeçin, G. S. , I, 2, 6, 5). In this list of demons
and deities to whom the boy is given in charge, Vaşini as the 'ruling
goddess' is noticeable. She is probably the mother-goddess who despite
all Vedic influence always was the chief spiritual village-power identified
with Çiva's wife in various forms. Perhaps too, the recognition (in a rite to
procure increase of cattle) of a god described merely as 'He who has
a thousand arms and is the protector of cow-keepers' (Gaupatya), may be a
veiled allusion to Krishņa-Vishņu (Gobhila, IV, 5, 18).
As the Gộihya Sūtras in distinction from the Dharma are concerned
with domestic superstitions, these may rightly be considered their peculiar
contribution to the history of India. Of political and social life they
contain almost nothing except as confined within the bounds of the family.
The regular routine of the normal life contains a sufficiency of such
superstitions, though the underlying reason for them is due in some cases,
more to mechanical adjustment to a supposed harmony than to spiritual
fears. This is the case for example in the regulation that the initiation
of the Brāhman, Kshatriya, and Vaiçya shall take place, respectively,
in spring, summer, and autumn, in the eighth, eleventh, and twelfth
>
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214
[ CH.
LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SŪTRAS
years after conception, the respective seasons being supposed to represent
the castes, as the years represent the metres regarded as peculiar to these
castes. Deeper lies the origin of the following :- the rite to drive out of
the bride the influence deadly to the husband and to convert it into
an influence deadly to her possible paramour (Hir. G. S. , I, 7, 24, 1 f. ); the
prayer that the 'weeping women' (demons) and Vikeçi may not torment her,
nor the Piçāchas of the womb, who devour flesh and bring death (ibid. 6,
19, 7); the scattering of rice and other grains on the heads of the newly
wedded pair (ibid. 21, 6); and the corresponding rite according to which
the husband ties barley about the wife's head, here expressly to have
'
offspring' (Āp. , G. S. , VI, 14, 7). Naturally the conjugal relations offer a
fruitful field for this sort of thing. Thus we have a rite to make a
husband subject to his wife as well as to make her co-wives subject to
her (ibid. III, 9, 5, f. ) and another very peculiar rite, the object of which
is to keep the wife faithful, in which she is regarded much as is the
slave around whom, when suspected of estrangement, urine is poured from
a horn to keep him magically at home (Hir. , G. S. , I, 4, 14, 2).
Another subject claiming the attention of the Sūtra-maker is the
efficacy of amulets. These are tied upon the priests, as a sort of final
expression of good-will, in the Āçvayuja rite. They are made of lac and
herbs (Gobh. , III, 8, 6). Minor superstitions abound. If one yawns, one
must say, “May will and wisdom abide in me,' evidently a phase of
the popular belief that the soul may escape in a yawn or sneeze (Hir. ,
G. S. I, 5, 16, 2). Signs of ill-luck which must be averted by sacred
formula are found in the presence in the house of a dove, of bees,
or an anthill, in the budding forth of a post, etc. (ibid. I, 5, 17, 5). The
transmission of sin is illustrated by the dictum that if one touches a
sacrificial post the faults committed at the sacrifice are incurred (ibid. 16,
16); also by the injunction that when one's hair is cut a well-disposed
person should gather it up and hide it away, as the well-disposed person
(the mother, for example) thus 'hides the sin in the hair,' probably a
refinement on the original notion of not losing one's soul-strength at
the hands of some ill-disposed person (ibid. I, 2, 9, 18 ; cf. Āçv. , I, 17, 10,
etc. , where the formula is 'for long life'). Whether the objection to
certain trees as liable to cause eye-trouble, etc. , is grounded in fact or
fancy, causing the injunction to transplant them, may be questioned, but the
original cause has been lost in the maze of superstition, which makes the
· Açattha tree injurious on the east side of the house, the Plaksha on
the south, the Nyagrodha on the west, and Udumbara on the north.
Before speaking of the Dharma Sūtras in particular it will be necessary
here to settle the question as to what is meant by the Aryan, so often
mentioned in all the Sūtras. While not lacking in moral connotation,
>
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DHARMA SŪTRAS
215
)
so that as a common adjective ārya meant noble in heart as well as in race,
it is only in the democracy of religious philosophy that such a person
as an Āryan slave or barbarian was conceivable. Practically Ārya was
synonymous with ‘reborn' and indicated a person of the three upper
castes in good standing, antithetic to Çūdra and other low-caste or out-
caste persons. Yavanas (Greeks) are the most esteemed of foreigners, but
all Yavanas are regarded as sprung from Çūdra females and Kshatriya
males. Gautama says that sundry authorities hold this viewl. Such rules
as that given by Gautama (XII, 2) in the case of the violation of an
Āryan woman by a Çūdra, when compared with Āpastamba, Dh. S. , II,
,
26, 20, and 27, 9, prove conclusively that Ārya is ‘noble in race'as
distinguished from the 'black colour' (ibid. I, 27, 11, with the preceding
'non-Aryans'). Mr Ketkar in his History of Caste in India (p. 82), is
rather rash in stating that there was no racial discrepancy felt between
Āryan and Dravidian. It is true that those who were out-caste were no
longer called Aryang, but no Çūdra was ever regarded as Āryan, any
more than he could be 'reborn'. Ārya indicated racial distinction from the
times of the Rigveda onwards.
We have seen that the Grihya Sūtras practically recognise life only as
lived in villages. In the Dharma Sūtras, as these are later and have
to do with wider relations, the town (pur, nagara) appears as a larger
unit, though how much larger it is not easy to say ; and when we
remember that pur is after all only a stronghold or fort, and nagara
is anything larger than a village, we must be cautious of too ready belief in
large cities. Everything indicates on the contrary that life was still chiefly
that of small places and kings were only petty chieftains. There was not
supposed to be any school or even studying done in town. The Dharma
Sūtra of Gautama, regarded as the oldest of extant Dharma Sūtras, says
expressly that one should not recite the holy texts at any time in a town ;
and it is assumed, as in the Gșihya Sūtras, that such life as is described
passes normally in villages. Even in the description of the royal residence
(v. inf. p. 220), the hall has a thatched roof. The king still stands up
in propria persona and hits a thief with a cudgel; and, if the king fails to
strike, the 'guilt falls on the king' (Gaut. Dh. S. , XII, 43). The commenta-
tators, apparently aware of the incongruity in applying such a rule to the
kings of their day, attempt to restrict its application as intended for specially
evil thieves (of gold) ; but it is in fact a general rule even as late as
Āpastamba (Dh. S. , I, 25, 4), who says : 'A thief shall loosen his hair and
appear before the king carrying a cudgel on his shoulder. With that
(cudgel) he (the king) shall smite him ; if he dies his sin is expiated, but,
if the king forgives him, the guilt falls on him who forgives ; or he (the
1 Dh. Cāstra, IV, 21 (erroneously rendered 'offspring of male Cūdras and female
Kshatriyas' in S. B. E. vol. II, p. lvi). This passage referring to Yavanas is unique in the
Sūtras. They are Bactrian and other Asiatic Greeks. See Chap. XXII.
2
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216
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LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SUTRAS
i
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1
thief) may throw himself into a fire or die by starvation. Thus the later
author seeks to excuse the king (but not the thief).
The Dharma Sūtras add to the data of social life material evidence
which shows that there were recognised customs not approved in one part
of the country but doubtfully admitted as good usage because locally
approved in other parts. For, in discussing usage, Baudhāyana (Dh. S. , I,
1,17 f. ) expressly says that customs peculiar to the South are to eat in the
company of an uninitiated person, in the company of one's wife, to eat
stale food, and to marry the daughter of a maternal uncle or of a paternal
aunt, while customs peculiar to the North are to deal in wool, to drink rum,
to sell animals that have teeth in the upper and in the lower jaws, to follow
the trade of arms, and to go to sea. He adds that to follow these practices
except where they are considered right usage is to sin, but that for cach
practice the local rule is authoritative, though Gautama denies this?
Baudhāyana also admits the doctrine that a priest who cannot support him-
self by the usual occupation of a Brāhman may take up arms and follow the
profession of a warrior ; though here again his opinion is opposed to that
of the earlier Gautama, who argues that such an occupation on account of
its cruelty is not fitted for a priest. Whether the Gautama here represented
as opposed be the Gautama whose Sūtra has come down to us may be
doubted, but the two passages show that caste-integrity was not regarded as
essential, for no one could be a warrior and retain the mode of life deemed
proper for a priest.
The geography of the Sūtras illustrates very forcibly the limited reach
of interest at the same time that knowledge of a wider country was thoroughly
disseminated. Kalinga on the eastern coast is even the subject of versifi-
cation, 'He sins in his feet who visits the Kalingas,' and one who travels to
their country must perform a purificatory sacrifice; as must they who visit
the Ārattas (in the Punjab) or the Pundras and Vangas (in Bengal), while
the inhabitants of the country lying about Multān, Surat, the Deccan,
Mālwā, western Bengal, and Bihār all are declared by Baudhāyana to be of
mixed origin and · (by implication) their customs are not to be followed.
The 'country of the Āryans' embraces in fact only the narrow district
between the Patiala district in the Punjab and Bihār, and between the
northern hills (Himālayas) and those of Mālwā ; some even confine the
definition of Āryāvarta (ceuntry of the Āryans) to the district between the
Ganges and Jumna”.
1 See Bühler, S.
no small importance in the political history of Northern and Western India
– they are celebrated as great fighters in the Mahābhārata and other litera-
ture- remain to show that the conquest of Alexander and the Greek
invasion from Bactria had any result. Other indications point rather to
Persia than to Hellas. Thus the title Satrap, which was continued in use
by Alexander, still remains under Çakas and Kushāṇas to testify to the long
Persian dominion in N. W. India. Apart from this, political and social
relations do not appear to be affected at all either by Hellenic or by Persian
influence. The native army remains of the same sort, though greatly
enlarged. The social theory remains practically the same, save that a place
among degraded 'outcastes' is given to Yavanas as to other barbarians.
Architecture and the arts of sculpture, gem-engraving and coinage do indeed
bear witness, especially in the N. W. region of India to the influence of
Persia and Greece during this period, just as at a later date, native astrono-
my was affected, and indeed practically superseded by the system of
Alexandria. But the period with which we are dealing at present does not
make it necessary to inquire into the relation between India and the outer
world in respect to science. The idea that Indian epic poetry itself is due
to Hellenic influence has indeed been suggested ; but as a theory this idea
depends on so nebulous a parallel of plot that it has received no support.
>
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CHAPTER X
FAMILY LIFE AND SOCIAL CUSTOMS AS THEY
APPEAR IN THE SŪTRAS
The general period of the Sūtras extends from the sixth or seventh
century before Christ to about the second century. It is evident that the
different Vedic schools had Sūtras which were revised, or replaced by new
Sūtras, at various periods, and that some of these extended into later
centuries than others. Thus it would be a mistake to limit all the Sūtras of
all the schools to certain centuries. The Sūtras are manuals of instruction ;
and those which are of interest historically formed but a part of a large
volume, which was intended primarily for the guidance of religious teachers
and treated mainly of the sacrifice and other religious matters. Except for
students of ceremonial details these sacrificial works (Çrauta Sūtras) are of
no interest. What concerns us at present is that portion of the whole which
goes by the name of Gộihya and Dharma Sūtras, that is, manuals of
conduct in domestic and social relations. In some cases the rules given in
these two divisions are identical; and the two divisions are treated in such a
way as to condense one division for the sake of not repeating directions
given in the other. For our purpose they may be regarded as forming one
body containing rules of life not especially connected with the performance
of the greater sacrifices. · They differ mainly as representing the views of
different schools on minute points or as products of different parts of the
country, and as earlier or later opinions. All of them claim to be based
upon Vedic teaching. Thus the Grihya and Dharma Sūtras of Āpastamba
form but a few chapters of a work called the Kalpa, of which twenty-four
a
chapters teach the proper performance of sacrifice and only two treat of the
sacred law, while one abridged chapter gives the rules for the performance
of domestic ceremonies. Again this special ‘law-book’ is not a law-book
having universal application, but is a product of a Vedic school belonging
to the Andhras in the south-east of India ; and, thirdly, it combats some of
the opinions expressed by writers on the same subject. Somewhat similar
203
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LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SUTRAS
>
conditions prevail in the case of the other Sūtras. They are, in short, local
manuals which form complete wholes only by virtue of their subject-matter,
but which, to their authors, were merely sections of a greater work, the
chief importance of which lay in the handing down of traditional
knowledge in regard to religious practices. They may be regarded, however,
as the first steps in the evolution of legal literature ; for the metrical Çāstras
or law-bocks are only the extension and completion of the rules of the
Dharma Sūtras, with a gradual increase in the part allotted to civil and
criminal law and a relaxation of the bond connecting the Sūtras with
definite Vedic sects. The Dharma Sūtras are more universal ; the Grihya ·
Sūtras reflect individual schools. But even the Gșihyas are not Çrauta
(divinely revealed), but Smärta (sacred tradition).
The content of the Grihya Sūtras as is implied by the name, is narrower
than that of the Dharma Sūtras. The first contain, however, to all students
of folk-lore a store-house of material in regard to rites and superstitions
connected with home life, such as no other body of literature in the world
presents. In the first place, the life of man is traced religiously from boy-
hood to burial. Every important phase of a man's existence is accompanied
with its appropriate rite ; and, incidentally, what to do and what not to do,
injunctions, prohibitions, taboos, are taught as general rules of conduct.
The greater events, birth, marriage, death, are described in their religious
setting, each with minute detail, so that not only are the sacred texts cited
which should be repeated on every occasion, but the physical acts to which
the texts are ancillary are described. For example, such a text must be
repeated while a dead man's bones are being collected. The one who collects
them must pick them up with such and such fingers and place them in just
such a jar. The wedding verses are indicated ; the bride must make just so
many steps and pour out grain with her hands held in just such a position,
etc. Some of the Vedic schools, instead of embracing all the Sūtras in one
work as a Kalpa Sūtra, have apparently laid so much stress on these
domestic rites that the manuals have become independent works, thus fore-
shadowing what happened later in the case of the Çāstras. The complete
work, embracing all kinds of Sūtras, as was to be expected, to the
Yajurveda schools, since the priests of this Veda were from the beginning
particularly concerned with manual exercises, in arranging the altar, etc. ,
and the details of sacrifice ; while the priests of the other Vedas had to do
more with the recitation and chanting of the sacred texts. Nevertheless, the
literature of the Rigveda also contains both Çrauta and Grihya Sūtras, as
does that of the Sāmaveda. Finally, the Atharvaveda possesses not only
a Väitāna Crauta Sūtra but a Kançika Sūtra, which is in part a Gșihya
Sūtra but contains also directions for carrying out the many magic cere-
monies connected with the text of that unique Veda.
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THE GRIHYA SŪTRAS
205
case.
The preponderance of domestic ceremonies in the Gșihya Sūtra results
in Dharma, or social, matter being introduced rather adventitiously, as
when the rules concerning the choice of wives are given, whereas Grinya,
domestic, rules belong as much to the Dharma Sūtras as to the Gșihya
Sūtras themselves. The difference is that the weight in the Dharmas is
laid on the wider relation of man to the state, so that those sections which
deal with the family become condensed and subordinate. Specimens of
southern Gțihya Sutras are also not lacking. Thus as the Dharma of
Āpastamba reflects a South-Indian origin, so also the Gșihya Sūtra of
Khādira belongs to Southern India, and it is an indication that Sutra
literature extends far beyond the time of Buddha that this should be the
Such also may be surmised to be the fact (rather than that Vedic
schools were domiciled in South India at a much earlier period) from the
circumstance that the Sūtra of Khădira is a later and more concise version
of the Sūtra of Gobhila. There are other examples of this endeavour to
revise a Sūtra on lines of economy, each later writer reducing the work
of his predecessor as much as possible or convenient, conciseness being the
test of Sūtra excellence. Gobhila's work is detailed and lengthy ; Khādira's
is virtually the same work in condensed form. Everything that could be
omitted, such as explanatory digressions, smaller details of ceremonies, etc. ,
was left out, solely to make the work easier to remember. But clearness
as well as conciseness was aimed at and attained by a fresh arrangement of
the older matter.
An example of the scope and method of a Gộihya Sūtra may be taken
from the directions of Khădira regarding the little oblations to spirits and
gods required from a wedded pair. After describing the wedding ceremony,
Khādira passes directly to this question of offerings and oblations, describ-
ing first briefly the fire used for the purpose of receiving the oblation, thus :
The domestic (grihua) fire is that at which he has taken her hand (in marriage) or
that on which he has put the last piece of wood (as a student before marriage) or a(fresh)
fire twirled out (of wood), the last being pure but not tending to prosperity ; or he may
get his domestic fire from a frying-pan or from the house of a man who makes many
sacrifices, Cūdras excepted. The service begins with an evening oblation. After (the fire)
has been set in a blaze before sunset or sunrise, the sacrifice (is performed) after sunset
(and) after or before sunrise. He should make an oblation of rice-food fit for sacrifice
after washing it, if raw, with his hand (but) with a brass bowl if it is (not rice but) curds
or milk, or with the rice-pot. With the words 'Hail to Fire' (he makes oblation) in the
middle (of the fire, at eve); secondly in the north-eastern (part of the fire); in the morn.
ing, with the words, 'Hail to Sun' (he makes the first oblation). The wiping round and
other (acts) except sprinkling (of water round the fire) are here left out. Some say 'let
the wife make the oblations,' for this fire is the house-fire and the wife is the house
(home). When (the meal) is prepared, evening and morning, she (the wife) must say
а
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LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SŪTRAS
3
("It is) ready,' (and he) must say aloud 'Om'l, but softly May it not fail ; to thee2 be
reverence. ' Of rice-food fit for sacrifice he should make (oblations) to Prajāpati; and to
(the form of the Fire-god called) Svishțakſit (i. e. good sacrificer) make a bali (offering),
depositing it outside or inside (the fire place) in four places : (one) at the water-barrel;
(another) at the middle door ; (another) at the couch or privy; and (finally, one) at
the heap of sweepings ; sprinkle each (offering on the ground with water) beth (before
and afterwards) and pour out what is left with the water toward the south. Of chaff,
water, and scum of boiled rice (let him make a bali offering) when a donation has been
made. The gods to whom the bali offerings belong are Earth, Wind, Prajāpati, the All-
gods, Water, Herbs, Trees, Space, Love or Wrath, the hosts of Rakshasas, the Fathers
and Rudra. He should make the offering in silence; he should make it of any food
(but) make it only once in case (a meal) is prepared at different times; and if (prepared!
at different places (then he should make the offering of) what belongs to the house.
holder (himself). But of all food he should offer (some) in the fire and give the rest to
a priest : this he si ould do himself. He should offer the offerings himself from rice
(-harvest) to barley (-harvest) or from barley (-harvest) to rice (-harvest); (yea,) he
himself should offer them3.
It will have been observed that the religious ceremony of the bali-
offering implies a cult midway between that of the Vedic sacrifice and the
sectarian sacrifice not countenanced by the orthodox. The bali is a bit of
food cast upon the ground at the places named, the recipients being
supposed to be the Vedic divinities of a lower order, ending with Rudra,
and the hosts of harmful spirits who are thus propitiated. Each divinity
has a bali in his appropriate place and at the right time. Thus the offering
by the couch is for Love; that flung to the north is for Rudra ; that by
the door is for (personified) Space ; and the offering to the harmful spirits
are given at night. The sprinkling of the offering means (probably) the
sprinkling of the ground or place where the offering is cast. The Dharma
Sūtras also take up this question of offerings. The citation above by
implication recognises only the wife as preparer of the meal. But a rich house-
holder may have his meals prepared by a priest or other member of the
‘reborn' castes or even by a Çūdra. Special rules are necessary in the last
case. The slave cook, being impure, must have his hair and beard and nails
cut daily or at least at stated intervals, and it must be the householder who
places on the fire the food prepared by Çūdras. Then in this case it is
the cook who says (when the meal is prepared), 'It is ready' and the house-
1 Om is the sacred syllable, answering in cases like that above to ‘very goo'd
(Amen). The evening and morning are mentioned in this order because the evening
precedes the day ; and only two meals are mentioned because the Hindus eat but twice
a day.
2 In the Sūtras clarity is often sacrificed to brevity. It is not clear hero whether the
wife or husband speaks or whom the word "Thee' refers. Presumably the husband
addresses the words to the food itself (compare Gobhila's Gșihya Sūtra, 1, 3, 18). The
text and translation (by Prof. Oldenberg) of Khādira are published in S. B. E. vol, XXIX.
3 That is from spring till autumn the householder offers barley, and from rice.
time till barley-harvest time (autumn till spring) he offers rice. The passage quoted is
also translated by Prof. Oldenberg, in S. B. E. vol. XXIX, p. 385.
а
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RITES TO AVERT DISASTER AND DISEASE
207
holder who responds (as Āpastamba gives the rule with a slight variation)
'Well-prepared food bestows the splendour; may it never fail. '
The rites involving the goblins of disaster and disease have naturally
a prominent place in the domestic ritual of the Gșihya Sūtras and afford
us glimpses of an otherwise unknown pantheon. The wife herself, who has
so little to do with texts, must go outside her house and offer food to
'the white demon with black teeth, the lord of bad women,' and if she
bears a child the husband must daily, till the wife's confinement ends, offer
rice and mustard in the fire near the door where the wife is confined,
dispersing demons whose names are given : 'Çanda, Marka, Upavīra,
,
Çaundikeya, Ulūkhala, Malimlucha, Droņāsa, Chyavana,' all indicative
of trouble, as are those that follow (apparently a supplementary list),
'Ālikhat, Animisha, Kimvadanta, Upaçruti, Haryaksha, Kumbhiņ, Çatru,
Pātrapāņi, Nșimaņi, Haņtrimukha, Sarsha pāruņa, Chyavana, avaunt. '
But if the child falls ill with epilepsy, the 'dog-disease,' the father cures him
by covering him with a net and murmuring,
Kūrkura, Su-Kūrkura, Kūrkura (it is) who holds ſast the children ; scat (chech
chet ! ), dog, let him go ; reverence to thee, Sisara, barker, bender, true the gods have
given thee a boon, and hast thou chosen my boy ? Scat, dog, let him go (as before).
True, the Bitch of heaven, Saramā, is thy mother, Sisara is thy father, and Yama's
black and speckled dogs thy brothers ; but scat, dog, let him go? .
s
The demon attacking the boy is here called Kumāra, the cult is
obviously demoniac. In general, the Sūtras of this class are concerned not
with the greater sacrifices, which are discussed in the Crauta Sūtra, called
the Havis and Soma sacrifices, but with the so-called great sacrifices of
food cooked (pāka) and offered on special noon-days and at funeral feasts,
or seven in all, including offerings to serpents as well as to demons and
gods.
The last of these domestic 'cooked-food' sacrifices introduces a
feature :
On the full moon day of the month Chaitra he makes (images of) a pair of
animals out of meal ; (he offars) them and jujube leaves (to the gods); to Indra and
Agni a figure with prominent navel ; and balls to Rudra (Cārkhyana, Gpihya Sūtra,
IV. 19)
These images of meal representing living beings are partly due to the
new feeling of pity for animals and the desire not to injure life, which plays
a part in Brāhmanism as well as in Buddhism. It must be admittted,
however, that economy had something to do with the substitution of animals
of meal for real animals, but ostensibly it is a Vishņuite trait. The general
1 Pāraskara. Gyihya Sūtra, I, 16, 23 f.
2 lb. 24.
8 From the full moon of the month Crāvana, offerings to soakes have to be made
daily till it is safe to sleep on the ground again. This is called the Pratyavarohaņı
and occurs on the full moon day called Agrahāyaņi, when one may 'descend again' (from
the high couch).
new
## p. 208 (#242) ############################################
208
[Ch.
LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SUTRAS
a cow.
rule in this regard is that attributed to Manu : ‘Animals may be killed
(so said Manu) at the Madhuparka and Soma sacrifice and at the rites for
Manes and gods. ' But it is an old rite of hospitality to kill a cow for a
guest! ; and, as a matter of form, each honoured guest is actually offered
The host says to the guest, holding the knife ready to slay the
cow, that he has the cow for him ; but the guest is then directed to say :
Mother of Rudras, daughter of the Vasus, sister of the Adityas navel
of immortality (is she). Do not kill the guiltless cowr; she is (Earth itself),
Aditi, the goddess. I speak to them that understand. ' He adds, My
sin has been killed and that of so-and-so ; let her go and eat grass. But
if he really wants to have her eaten, he says, 'I kill my sin and the sin of
so-and-so' (in killing her), and though in many cases the offer of the cow is
thus plainly a formal piece of etiquette, yet the offering to the guest was not
complete without flesh of some sort ; and it is clear from the formulas that
any of the worthiest guests might demand the cow's death, though as
the 'six worthy guests' are teacher, priest, father-in-law, king, friend,
and Āryan ‘reborn' man, and all of these were doubtless well grounded in
that veneration for the cow which is expressed above by identifying her
with Earth (as Aditi), there was probably seldom any occasion to harrow
the feelings of the cow-revering hosta. Pāraskara mentions only the cow
but Çānkhāyana (G. S. II, 15, 1) already substitutes a goat as a possible
alternative ; he also mentions the gods to which this animal is sacred,
that is, he seeks to make the animal offered to the guest a sacrifice to a god.
Thus he
says that if the animal is offered to the teacher and killed it is 'sacred
to the Fire. god'; if it is offered to a king, it is sacred to Indra, and if to a
friend (mitra) it is sacred to Mitra. Similar additions may be traced in
many particulars, sometimes found by comparing one text with another,
sometimes clearly interpolated.
The Sūtras, while they do not recognise the sects of later days, yet
point to the different conception of deity embodied in the two great modern
sects worshipping Rudra-Çiva and Vishņu. Thus, as above, Rudra and the
Rakshasas are also associated in the rule : When one repeats a text sacred
to Rudra, to the Rakshasas, to the Manes, to the Asuras, or one that con-
tains an imprecation, one shall touch water' (Çankh. G. S. , I, 10,9). On
the other hand, when the bridegroom leads the bride to take the seven steps,
which form part of the wedding ceremony, he murmurs a blessing at every
step: 'One for sap, two for juice, three for prosperity, four for comfort, five
for cattle, six for the seasons, Friend ! be with seven steps (mine) ; be thou
devoted to me'. And after each clause he says 'may Vishņu lead thee. '
Similarly, the fact that Vaiçravana (Kubera and Içāna (Rudra-Çiva) are
1 Chipter IV', p. 101.
2 Pāraskara, Gțihya Sülra, 1, 3, 26.
## p. 209 (#243) ############################################
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MARRIAGE CEREMONIES
209
>
>
9
worshipped ‘for the bridegroom' point to the phallic nature of these cognate
spirits (Pār. , G. S. , I, 8, 2 ; Çānkh. , G. S. , I, 11, 7).
The Gșihya Sūtras show that there was no one rite of universal accep-
tation in those ceremonies most intimately connected with domestic felicity.
Indeed, the author of the Āçvalāyana Grihya Sūtra (I, 7, 1) says expressly
that in the matter of weddings, 'customs are diverse,' and he gives only that
which is common usage. Thus he tells how the bride is to go about the
fire, mount the stone, pour out grain, gaze at the pole-star, etc. , but does
not mention other rites which other Gțihya Sūtras enjoin. Some of these,
however, are of universal interest ; and a comparison of the Hindu cere-
monies with those of other Aryan-speaking peoples shows that in all pro-
bability the Indian ritual has preserved elements reaching far back into
prehistoric times? .
Thus in the ceremony it is universal usage to walk the seven steps to.
gether and for the bridegroom to murmur, as he takes the bride's hand :
“This am I, that art thou, that art thou, this am I ; Heaven am I and Earth
art thou ; the (feminine) Rich (Rigveda verse) art thou, the Saman am I.
Be thou devoted to me,' and to make the bride mount a stone as an emblem
of firmness. But special rules are that women shall come to the bride's
house and eat and drink brandy and dance four times ; and that merry girls
shall escort the bridegroom to the bride's house, and that he must do all
the foolish (? ) things they tell him to d (except when taboo is con-
cerned). (Çārkh. , G. 8. , I, 12, 2). Some measure of values may perhaps
be obtained from the statement that the fee to the priest who performs the
marriage-ceremony is a cow, given by the bridegroom, if the groom is of
the same caste as the priest, but a village if the groom is 'royal', Rājanya,
that is a nobleman of 'kingly order, and a horse if the groom is of the third
estate (farmer, trader). Obviously the succeeding rule, which is not unique,
countenances a sort of sale in that it adds : “(The bridegroom must give)
to the one who has the daughter one hundred (cows) together with a
chariot. ' The same rule is found in the Dharma Sūtras (Āpastamba, II,
13, 12) with the explanation that the gift must be returned, as a sale is not
allowed –which only points back to an earlier period when the sale of
daughters was allowed.
1 On this point, cf. Haas and Weber, Indische Studien, vol. v ; L. von Schroeder,
Die Hochzeitsgebrä'lche der Esten und etniger anderer finnisch-ugrischer Volkerschaften
in Vergleichung mit denen der indogermanischen Volker (1888) ; M. Winternitz, Das
altindische Hochzeitsrituell. . . mit Vergleichung der Hochzeitsgebräuche bei den übrigen
indogermanischen Volkern (1892); also a paper by the last writer on the same subject
in the Transactions of the National Folk-lore Society (Congress, 1891-2), and one by Th.
Zachariae, ‘Zum altindischen Hochzeitsrituell' (Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Mor.
genlandes, vol. XVII, pp. 135 f. , and 211 f. ).
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LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SUTRAS
The distinction among the orders mentioned in the gifts above is only
one of innumerable passages in which, as a matter of course and without
thought of any other social order, the castes are named as priest, noble or
warrior, and 'people', the last terms embracing all those ‘reborn', who are
not priests or warriors or slaves. The slaves, Çūdras and lower orders, are
recognised as part of the social structure.
The name itself suggests that the
Çūdras were originally a conquered people, as Karian became synony-
mous with slave at Athens. Yet the Çūdras were not Pariahs but members
of the household, who took part in some of the domestic rites.
The test of caste is not marriage alone but defilement by eating and
touching what is unclean. In this regard the Sūtras show only the begin.
ning of that formal theory of defilement which results in a pure man of the
upper castes being defiled by the shadow of an impure man, and in the taboo
of all contact with the impure. According to Gautama (Dharma Sūtra, XVII,
I f. ), Brāhman may eat food given by any of the 'reborn' who are worthy
members of their caste, and if in need of food to support life he may take
food and other things even from a Çūdra. Food forbidden is that defiled
naturally by hairs or insects falling into it and that touched by woman dur-
ing her courses, by a black bird (crow), or by a foot, etc. , or given by an
outcast, a woman of bad character, a person accused, an hermaphrodite, a
police-officer (dandika), a carpenter, a miser, a jailer, a physician, a man who
hunts without using the bow (i. e. a non-Aryan snarer of animals), a man who
eats refuse or the food of a multitude, of an enemy, etc. The list continues
with the taboo of food offered disrespectfully and of certain animals,
Āpastamba (Dharma S. , I 6, 18, 1 f. ) allows the acceptance of gifts, includ-
ing a house and land, even from an Ugra (low caste or mixed caste), though,
like the later law-books, his code states that a priest may not eat in the
house of anyone of the three orders (varņas) belong him ; but he may
eat the food of any other priest, and according to 'some' he may eat the
food of people of any caste except Çūdras and even their food in times of
distress. Forbidden by him is the food of an artisan, of people who let
houses or land, a spy, an unauthorised hermit (Buddhist ? ), besides that of
surgeon, usurer, and others. Caste is varņa or jāti, 'colour' and 'kin,' the
former embracing the latter, as a social order including clans or families.
Even in the all-important matter of marriage, caste is not so important as
family. The only test, when one seeks a wife, according to Çānkhāyana, is
that of the family : ‘They ask the girl in marriage, reciting the clan-names. '
The text of Āçvalāyana expressly mentions as a form of marriage that in
which the bridegroom kills the relatives and rapes the weeping girl, evident-
ly a form once countenanced as well as enumerated among possible forms;
at any rate it bars out all examination of the bride's social position. Indeed
the marriage rules permit the marriage of a Çūdra woman, though as the
:
1
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CASTE AND FAMILY
211
>
>
>
last of four wives, with a member of the highest caste (e. g. Pār. , G. S. , 1, 4,
11), whose offspring, of course, being ‘mixed' or impure, is not a member of
the Āryan 'reborn,' but nevertheless is recognised legally. And what shall
we say of those who are not ‘reborn' although Āryans ? The rule in this
case is universal that, if priest, warrior, or member of the third estate fail to
be ‘reborn in the Veda,' i. e. if such a one is not duly initiated into his
social order at the proper time, he loses his prerogatives and becomes an
‘outcast'. 'No one should initiate such men, nor teach them, nor perform
sacrifice for them, nor have intercourse with them, and further, 'A person
whose ancestors through three generations have been thus outcast is exclud-
ed from the sacrament of initiation and from being taught the Veda,' that
is, they become Vrātyas or entirely outcast persons with whom one may not
even have intercourse unless they perform special ritest.
In general the Gșihya Sūtras may be said to be the later scholastic
codification of rules, formulas, and rites long practised, concerned chiefly
with the orderly progress of an individual ideal life, and incidentally with
such ceremonies as naturally occur in such a life, that is, besides rites from
babyhood to marriage, fixed moon-rites etc. , those concerned with building,
holidays, burial, etc. That they are not of Vedic age in their present form,
though in substance reverting in part to Brāhmaṇa beginnings, may be con-
cluded from their obvious posteriority in respect of language and metre
(where verses are cited) to the Brāhmaṇas, not to speak of earlier Vedic
texts, as well as from the fact that several Sūtras emanate from districts
scarcely known even by name to the Brāhmaṇas. The general order of
arrangement in the Gșihya Sūtras is one conditioned by the subject matter
which is to reveal the whole duty of man as a householder. Most of them
begin with the marriage and continue with the birth of a child, the
ceremonies at conception and at various stages before birth, at the birth it.
self, at the naming of the child, when he sees the sun, when he is fed, when
his hair is cut, when he becomes a student, and when he returns home from
his Guru (tutor) and becomes a householder. Then the child, now grown to
a man, marries and the circle begins again. Finally the rite for the burial
is described. A few texts take up the round of life at another point, that
where the student-life begins. This is the procedure in the case of some of
the Black Yajurveda texts (for example, the Mānava and Kāțhaka Sūtras),
but it makes no difference where one begins; each Sūtra follows out the life
to the end, and the general uniformity shows that, whatever be the minor
discrepancies and divergences of opinion (of which the authors are
themselves well aware), the Gșihya Sūtras as a whole are based upon one
model, and that, whether in the northern or southern districts, the lives of
1 See Paraskara, Grihya Sülra, II, 5, 40 f. , and Weber Ind. Literaturgesch. p. 73 f. ,
Eng. trans. p. 67.
a
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212
[ch.
LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SUTRAS
9
3
orthodox Āryans were governed by a remarkable conformity of ritual. It is
not improbable that, as has been suggested by Professor Oldenberg, many
of the rites prescribed as general rules were nothing more than formulas of
secret magic owned at first by certain families and afterwards become unis
versal property?
The specimen given above will suffice to show the artless style of
these didactic Sūtras. They have in fact no style save that attained
by scrupulous brevity. In the following paragraphs we shall seek rather
to illustrate certain phases of the Gșihya Sūtras as indicative of religious and
magical beliefs and of the social environment in which they were produced,
or at least for which they were intended.
We may begin with reverting to the cure of epilepsy already mentioned.
In the course of childhood the boy may be attacked by the dog-demon
(epilepsy). What is the father to do? The names of the canine demons
have been mentioned above with a parallel passage containing more of
the same sort. These are to be averted by a sort of honorific propitiation.
They are lauded ; but their objectionable behaviour in this special case is
deprecated. The author of our Sūtra contents himself with this. But
a rival author or two (Hiraṇyakeçin, G. S. , II, 2, 7, 1 f. ; Āpastamba,
2
Grihya Sūtra, VII, 18, 1) are not content with the method here advocated.
According to them, the father must make a hole in the roof of the royal
gaming-hall and pull the boy through it, lay him on his back on dice strewn
about, and then, while a gong is sounded, recite the deprecatory words
to the dog-demons and pour curds and salt over the boy. Several items of
this recipe are of interest, the avoidance of the door, the use of salt
and curds to frighten demons, the gong for the same purpose to be beaten
on the south side of the hall. These may be said to be universal antidotes;
peculiar is the use of the dice, which has no parallel in the similar situations
offered by the Sūtra. Finally the fact that the father makes a hole in
the roof of the gaming-hall shows that it is made of thatch (easily repaired)
and leads to the question what sort of architecture is normally to be
found implied in the Sutras. The gaming-hall is the public gambling-
place which a king is directed to build for the use of his subjects, and
curiously enough, with the exception of the house-holder's own dwelling, it
is almost the only reference to edifices found in the Sūtras. On the other
hand, all the dicta of the Sūtras show that such life as is depicted is
supposed to be country life ; the district and the village are the geographical
entities. Cities are not ignored but are despised”. Thus there are no
1 Compare the admirable discussion of the position of the Gșihya Sūtras by
Prof. Oldenburg in S. B. E. vol. XXX.
2 Apastamba, Dharma Sūtra, I, 32, 21, let him avoid going into towns', and
Baudhāyana, Dharma Sūtra, II, 3, 6, 33, 'It is impossible for one to obtain salvation,
who lives in a town, covered with dust,'
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213
a
>
>
ceremonies for urban life. But there is a rite for ploughing, when sacrifice
is made to Açani (the thunder-bolt) and to Sītā (the furrow), as well
as to other bucolic deities, Aradā, Anaghā, etc. , as to the greater bucolic
gods, Parjanya and Indra and Bhaga, with similar offerings on the occasion
of the 'furrow sacrifice,' the 'threshing-floor sacrifice,' when one sows,
reaps, or takes in the harvest, all indicating that the life portrayed is that
of the village agriculturist, who must even 'offer a sacrifice at mole-heaps
to Akhurāja, the king of moles' (Gobhila, Gșihya Sūtra, IV, 4, 28 f. ;
ibid. 30 f. ). So the constant injunctions to go out of the village,” to
sacrifice at a place where four roads meet, or on a hill, etc. , imply life in
villages even for householders and scholars rather than in towns (Gobhila,
III, 5, 32-35).
Besides the introduction of evil spirits and bucolic divinities into the
ritual of the domestic service, we find in the Sūtras for the first time
the recognition of images of the gods, which must be implied by the
regulations concerning the deities Içāna Midhushi, and Jayanta (ʻlord,'
'bountiful one,''conqueror') as well as the lord of the field,' Kshetrapati,
who are moved about and given water to drink (Āp. , G. S. , VII, 19,
13; ibid. 20, 1-3 and 13).
When a boy is initiated he is made to mount a stone with the
adjuration to be ‘firm as a stone' which elsewhere is confined to the bride,
and is then given in charge to‘Kashaka (Kaçaka), Antaka, Aghora,
Disease, Yama, Makba, Vaşini, Earth and Vaiçvānara, Waters, Herbs,
Trees, Heaven and Earth, Welfare, Glory, the All-gods, all the Bhūts, and
all the gods' (Hiraṇyakeçin, G. S. , I, 2, 6, 5). In this list of demons
and deities to whom the boy is given in charge, Vaşini as the 'ruling
goddess' is noticeable. She is probably the mother-goddess who despite
all Vedic influence always was the chief spiritual village-power identified
with Çiva's wife in various forms. Perhaps too, the recognition (in a rite to
procure increase of cattle) of a god described merely as 'He who has
a thousand arms and is the protector of cow-keepers' (Gaupatya), may be a
veiled allusion to Krishņa-Vishņu (Gobhila, IV, 5, 18).
As the Gộihya Sūtras in distinction from the Dharma are concerned
with domestic superstitions, these may rightly be considered their peculiar
contribution to the history of India. Of political and social life they
contain almost nothing except as confined within the bounds of the family.
The regular routine of the normal life contains a sufficiency of such
superstitions, though the underlying reason for them is due in some cases,
more to mechanical adjustment to a supposed harmony than to spiritual
fears. This is the case for example in the regulation that the initiation
of the Brāhman, Kshatriya, and Vaiçya shall take place, respectively,
in spring, summer, and autumn, in the eighth, eleventh, and twelfth
>
>
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214
[ CH.
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years after conception, the respective seasons being supposed to represent
the castes, as the years represent the metres regarded as peculiar to these
castes. Deeper lies the origin of the following :- the rite to drive out of
the bride the influence deadly to the husband and to convert it into
an influence deadly to her possible paramour (Hir. G. S. , I, 7, 24, 1 f. ); the
prayer that the 'weeping women' (demons) and Vikeçi may not torment her,
nor the Piçāchas of the womb, who devour flesh and bring death (ibid. 6,
19, 7); the scattering of rice and other grains on the heads of the newly
wedded pair (ibid. 21, 6); and the corresponding rite according to which
the husband ties barley about the wife's head, here expressly to have
'
offspring' (Āp. , G. S. , VI, 14, 7). Naturally the conjugal relations offer a
fruitful field for this sort of thing. Thus we have a rite to make a
husband subject to his wife as well as to make her co-wives subject to
her (ibid. III, 9, 5, f. ) and another very peculiar rite, the object of which
is to keep the wife faithful, in which she is regarded much as is the
slave around whom, when suspected of estrangement, urine is poured from
a horn to keep him magically at home (Hir. , G. S. , I, 4, 14, 2).
Another subject claiming the attention of the Sūtra-maker is the
efficacy of amulets. These are tied upon the priests, as a sort of final
expression of good-will, in the Āçvayuja rite. They are made of lac and
herbs (Gobh. , III, 8, 6). Minor superstitions abound. If one yawns, one
must say, “May will and wisdom abide in me,' evidently a phase of
the popular belief that the soul may escape in a yawn or sneeze (Hir. ,
G. S. I, 5, 16, 2). Signs of ill-luck which must be averted by sacred
formula are found in the presence in the house of a dove, of bees,
or an anthill, in the budding forth of a post, etc. (ibid. I, 5, 17, 5). The
transmission of sin is illustrated by the dictum that if one touches a
sacrificial post the faults committed at the sacrifice are incurred (ibid. 16,
16); also by the injunction that when one's hair is cut a well-disposed
person should gather it up and hide it away, as the well-disposed person
(the mother, for example) thus 'hides the sin in the hair,' probably a
refinement on the original notion of not losing one's soul-strength at
the hands of some ill-disposed person (ibid. I, 2, 9, 18 ; cf. Āçv. , I, 17, 10,
etc. , where the formula is 'for long life'). Whether the objection to
certain trees as liable to cause eye-trouble, etc. , is grounded in fact or
fancy, causing the injunction to transplant them, may be questioned, but the
original cause has been lost in the maze of superstition, which makes the
· Açattha tree injurious on the east side of the house, the Plaksha on
the south, the Nyagrodha on the west, and Udumbara on the north.
Before speaking of the Dharma Sūtras in particular it will be necessary
here to settle the question as to what is meant by the Aryan, so often
mentioned in all the Sūtras. While not lacking in moral connotation,
>
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DHARMA SŪTRAS
215
)
so that as a common adjective ārya meant noble in heart as well as in race,
it is only in the democracy of religious philosophy that such a person
as an Āryan slave or barbarian was conceivable. Practically Ārya was
synonymous with ‘reborn' and indicated a person of the three upper
castes in good standing, antithetic to Çūdra and other low-caste or out-
caste persons. Yavanas (Greeks) are the most esteemed of foreigners, but
all Yavanas are regarded as sprung from Çūdra females and Kshatriya
males. Gautama says that sundry authorities hold this viewl. Such rules
as that given by Gautama (XII, 2) in the case of the violation of an
Āryan woman by a Çūdra, when compared with Āpastamba, Dh. S. , II,
,
26, 20, and 27, 9, prove conclusively that Ārya is ‘noble in race'as
distinguished from the 'black colour' (ibid. I, 27, 11, with the preceding
'non-Aryans'). Mr Ketkar in his History of Caste in India (p. 82), is
rather rash in stating that there was no racial discrepancy felt between
Āryan and Dravidian. It is true that those who were out-caste were no
longer called Aryang, but no Çūdra was ever regarded as Āryan, any
more than he could be 'reborn'. Ārya indicated racial distinction from the
times of the Rigveda onwards.
We have seen that the Grihya Sūtras practically recognise life only as
lived in villages. In the Dharma Sūtras, as these are later and have
to do with wider relations, the town (pur, nagara) appears as a larger
unit, though how much larger it is not easy to say ; and when we
remember that pur is after all only a stronghold or fort, and nagara
is anything larger than a village, we must be cautious of too ready belief in
large cities. Everything indicates on the contrary that life was still chiefly
that of small places and kings were only petty chieftains. There was not
supposed to be any school or even studying done in town. The Dharma
Sūtra of Gautama, regarded as the oldest of extant Dharma Sūtras, says
expressly that one should not recite the holy texts at any time in a town ;
and it is assumed, as in the Gșihya Sūtras, that such life as is described
passes normally in villages. Even in the description of the royal residence
(v. inf. p. 220), the hall has a thatched roof. The king still stands up
in propria persona and hits a thief with a cudgel; and, if the king fails to
strike, the 'guilt falls on the king' (Gaut. Dh. S. , XII, 43). The commenta-
tators, apparently aware of the incongruity in applying such a rule to the
kings of their day, attempt to restrict its application as intended for specially
evil thieves (of gold) ; but it is in fact a general rule even as late as
Āpastamba (Dh. S. , I, 25, 4), who says : 'A thief shall loosen his hair and
appear before the king carrying a cudgel on his shoulder. With that
(cudgel) he (the king) shall smite him ; if he dies his sin is expiated, but,
if the king forgives him, the guilt falls on him who forgives ; or he (the
1 Dh. Cāstra, IV, 21 (erroneously rendered 'offspring of male Cūdras and female
Kshatriyas' in S. B. E. vol. II, p. lvi). This passage referring to Yavanas is unique in the
Sūtras. They are Bactrian and other Asiatic Greeks. See Chap. XXII.
2
## p. 216 (#250) ############################################
216
(ch.
LIFE AND CUSTOMS IN THE SUTRAS
i
a
1
thief) may throw himself into a fire or die by starvation. Thus the later
author seeks to excuse the king (but not the thief).
The Dharma Sūtras add to the data of social life material evidence
which shows that there were recognised customs not approved in one part
of the country but doubtfully admitted as good usage because locally
approved in other parts. For, in discussing usage, Baudhāyana (Dh. S. , I,
1,17 f. ) expressly says that customs peculiar to the South are to eat in the
company of an uninitiated person, in the company of one's wife, to eat
stale food, and to marry the daughter of a maternal uncle or of a paternal
aunt, while customs peculiar to the North are to deal in wool, to drink rum,
to sell animals that have teeth in the upper and in the lower jaws, to follow
the trade of arms, and to go to sea. He adds that to follow these practices
except where they are considered right usage is to sin, but that for cach
practice the local rule is authoritative, though Gautama denies this?
Baudhāyana also admits the doctrine that a priest who cannot support him-
self by the usual occupation of a Brāhman may take up arms and follow the
profession of a warrior ; though here again his opinion is opposed to that
of the earlier Gautama, who argues that such an occupation on account of
its cruelty is not fitted for a priest. Whether the Gautama here represented
as opposed be the Gautama whose Sūtra has come down to us may be
doubted, but the two passages show that caste-integrity was not regarded as
essential, for no one could be a warrior and retain the mode of life deemed
proper for a priest.
The geography of the Sūtras illustrates very forcibly the limited reach
of interest at the same time that knowledge of a wider country was thoroughly
disseminated. Kalinga on the eastern coast is even the subject of versifi-
cation, 'He sins in his feet who visits the Kalingas,' and one who travels to
their country must perform a purificatory sacrifice; as must they who visit
the Ārattas (in the Punjab) or the Pundras and Vangas (in Bengal), while
the inhabitants of the country lying about Multān, Surat, the Deccan,
Mālwā, western Bengal, and Bihār all are declared by Baudhāyana to be of
mixed origin and · (by implication) their customs are not to be followed.
The 'country of the Āryans' embraces in fact only the narrow district
between the Patiala district in the Punjab and Bihār, and between the
northern hills (Himālayas) and those of Mālwā ; some even confine the
definition of Āryāvarta (ceuntry of the Āryans) to the district between the
Ganges and Jumna”.
1 See Bühler, S.
