In
either case, the Baron deserves to be considered as a valu-
able man, and treated with all the deference which good
policy will warrant.
either case, the Baron deserves to be considered as a valu-
able man, and treated with all the deference which good
policy will warrant.
Hamilton - 1834 - Life on Hamilton - v1
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hathitrust.
org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 167
of the people brought them rapidly into the field on an emer-
gency; but there were few of that order of men who
would, from choice, endure the privations of a military life,
augmented as they were by the defects of a new and very
imperfect establishment.
The prejudices of the country were also strong against
any thing in the shape of a regular army. In vain were
the militia required to submit, while in service, to the arti-
cles of war. Both officers and men resisted every mea-
sure for the introduction of discipline; and it will be re-
marked, as a strong indication of the prevailing jealousy
of an exercise of power over the militia, that within a
month after authorizing them to be called into service by
the commander-in-chief, congress found it necessary, in
compliance with public opinion, and at a time when they
were waging a contest for their liberties with the greatest
empire of Europe, to pass a resolution, that these powers
were only to be exercised with the consent of the state
authorities. *
In the winter of the ensuing year, measures were taken
for more efficient arrangements: of these, the division of
the colonies, into military departments, was among the first.
Those north of Virginia composed the northern; the re-
mainder the southern; while, from the desire of preserv-
ing the operations in that quarter distinct, that of Canada
formed a third department.
On the arrival of the English troops near New-York,
more vigorous measures were adopted. An order was
issued for a levy of thirteen thousand eight hundred men
to reinforce the army, a flying camp of ten thousand more
was directed to be embodied in the Jersies, and the gene-
ral staff enlarged.
These were, however, all temporary expedients. The
* Dec. 7,1775.
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? 168 THE LIFE OF
result of the contest on Long Island proved how little reli-
ance could be placed on militia, for any other purpose than
as transient auxiliaries; and, although the exertions of their
officers gave to particular corps discipline and system, yet
for a general scale of connected operations, they were
utterly inefficient. The letters of Washington are full
of the most urgent solicitations for a permanent esta-
blishment, without which he felt that he was waging a
hopeless contest, alike disastrous to the American cause,
and fatal to his own reputation. In one instance, he avows,
after enumerating the difficulties under which he laboured,
"If I were called upon to declare upon oath whether the
militia have been most serviceable or hurtful, on the whole,
I should subscribe to the latter. "
Experience did more to effect a change than the most
cogent arguments; and after a protracted discussion of
a report from the Board of war, which had been elected
in the preceding month of June, congress adopted a re-
solution* to raise eighty-eight battalions, to be enlisted for
three years, or during the war, to be apportioned among
the several states, giving a bounty to those who served
to its close; at the same time jealously providing that
the appointment of all, except general officers, should re-
main with the states, though the commissions proceeded
from congress, and confiding to the states the provision of
arms and munitions for their respective quotas.
This resolution, in pursuance of the suggestion of the
commander-in-chief, was followed by the introduction of
more efficient articles of war.
At the close of the year,f the fears of congress extorted
from them a resolution, investing Washington for a term
of six months with general powers; and their critical
*Sept. 16, 1776. f December 27th, 1776.
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? HAMILTON. 169
situation reconciled parts of the country to those powers
being carried into operation. *
But the progress of military discipline was slow: to
define the duties of each station was not an easy task; the
exigencies of the army often excused the transition of the
different departments from their proper spheres; and even
in the general staff, so prone was the disposition to question
the authority of the commander-in-chief, that Washington
found it necessary through the medium of General Greene,
to obtain a declaration from congress, that it never was
their intention that the commander-in-chief should be
bound by the decision of a council of war.
Great accessions were made to the science of the army
in the progress of the campaign of 1777. France gave us
La Fayette, the young enthusiast of liberty, who here
offered his first vows to that cause with which his name
will forever be identified ; -- the generous, the gallant, the
gifted DeNoailles -- the accomplished soldier DuPortail --
the unfortunate Custine -- the warm-hearted and volatile
Fleury -- Du Plessis,f as modest as he was gallant, the
* Congress made a communication to the convention of New-York, to
soften their feelings as to this measure. The consideration of it was post-
poned.
f "Whose gallant conduct," says Washington in a letter to congress, " at
Brandywine, Germantown, and his distinguished services at Fort Mercer,
where he united the offices of engineer and commandant of artillery entitle him
to the particular notice of congress. Whose conduct at Red Bank com-
manded the highest applause, and who after the evacuation was determined
upon, undertook as a volunteer, the hazardous operation of blowing up the
magazine without the apparatus usual on such occasions. I must farther add
that he possesses a degree of modesty not always found in men who perform
brilliant actions. It is with pleasure that I recommend to congress to give
him a brevet of lieutenant-colonel. I hope there will be no difficulty in
antedating the brevet, that the recompense may more immediately follow the
service which he has done. "
vol. i. 22
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? 170 THE LIFE OF
inheritor of the virtues of his great ancestor* -- the three"
brothers Armand -- Ternant, afterwards ambassador from
France, -- and many others not less ardent for distinction.
Prussia gave us the veteran Steuben, previously the aid-
de-camp of the great Frederic, and the founder of Ameri-
can tactics; and to Poland we owe Pulaski, who fell at
Savannah, and the patriotic Kosciusko.
The services of these individuals were soon appreciated
by the army; and those who survived the contest, retired
from the country clothed with every mark of respect which
an infant nation could confer.
But, in addition to the se, crowds of mercenary adventurers
nocked to the American standard, seeking bread and pre-
ferment, and indulging the most presumptuous and over-
weening pretensions. The embarrassments produced by
this circumstance were many and serious; besides the dis-
gust which was created in the minds of the American
officers on finding themselves postponed to men who were
generally their inferiors in character and talent, the army
was constantly embroiled by a series of petty intrigues,
having for their object the personal advancement of parti-
cular individuals.
This evil had been felt before the close of the first cam-
paign; but the situation of Washington interposed con-
siderations of delicacy as to his sentiments on this point
being made public. They were, however, communicated
to Colonel Hamilton, and within a short time after he had
* The Hugonot chief Philip Mornay du Plessis, of whose praise the French
historians are full. To whom Voltaire devoted the choicest effort of his
genius, and who is thus beautifully eulogized by Grotius,--
Nobilitas, animo claro quam sanguine major
Res hominum solers noscere, resque Dei
Consilium prudens, divis facundia linguae
Hie cum Morneo, contumulata jacent.
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? HAMILTON. 171
entered the family of the commander-in-chief, he address-
ed the following letter to Mr. Duer.
HAMILTON TO THE HON. "WILLIAM DUER.
The bearer of this is Mr. Malmedi, a French gentleman
of learning, abilities, and experience. I believe he thinks
himself entitled to preferment, and comes to congress for
that purpose.
At the recommendation of General Lee, he was made
brigadier-general by the state of Rhode-Island, and filled
the station to the satisfaction of his employers, as appears
by a letter from Governor Cook, speaking of him in the
highest terms of approbation.
This had led him to hope that he would be adopted by
the continent on an equal footing. But in this he will no
doubt be mistaken, as there are many insuperable objections
to such a measure.
Among others, it would tend to raise the expectations of
the Frenchmen, in general already too high, to a pitch
which it would be impossible to gratify or endure. It
might not, however, be amiss to do whatever propriety
would warrant to keep him in good humour, as he is a man
of sense and merit.
I think policy would justify the advancing him a step
higher than his former continental rank.
Congress, in the beginning, went upon a very injudicious
plan with respect to Frenchmen. To every adventurer
that came, without even the shadow of credentials, they
gave the rank of field officers. This circumstance second-
ing the aspiring disposition natural to those people, carried
the expectations of those who really had any pretensions to
the character of officers, to such a length, that exceeded all
the bounds of moderation. As it was impossible to pursue
this impolitic plan, the congress have begun to retrench their
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? 172 THE LIFE OF
excessive liberality; and the consequence has been uni-
versal disgust and discontent.
It would perhaps be injurious, as the French are much
addicted to national punctilio, to run into the opposite ex-
treme to that first embraced, and by that mean create a
general clamor and dissatisfaction. Policy suggests the
propriety of discriminating a few of the most deserving,
and endeavouring to keep them in temper, even by gratify-
ing them beyond what they can reasonably pretend to.
This will enable us to shake off the despicable part with
safety, and to turn a deaf ear to the exorbitant demands
of the many. It will be easily believed in France that
their want of merit occasioned their want of success, from
the extraordinary marks of favour that have been con-
ferred on others; whereas, the united voice of complaint
from the whole, might make ill impressions in their own
country, which it is not our interest should exist.
We are already greatly embarrassed with the French-
men among us, and from the genius of the people, shall
continue to be so. It were to be wished that our agents in
France, instead of courting them to come out, were in-
structed to give no encouragement, but where they could
not help it; that is, where applications were made to them
by persons countenanced and supported by great men whom
it would be impolitic to disoblige. Be assured, sir, we shall
never be able to satisfy them, and they can be of no use to
us, at least for some time. Their ignorance of our lan-
guage, of the disposition of the people, the resources and de-
ficiencies of the country, their own habits and tempers, --
all these are disqualifications that put it out of their power
to be of real use or service to us. You will consider what
I have said as entirely my own sentiments, and believe me
to be with regard,
Sir, your most humble servant,
A. Hamilton.
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? HAMILTON. 173
The remonstrances which were made on this subject
received little consideration; and it was soon discovered to
be the policy of the Cabal to foster these men; who, find-
ing Washington unwilling to promote their views at the sa-
crifice of the public interests, became parties and active
instruments of a faction, by which they had been led to in-
dulge the most sanguine expectations.
Amid the various objects of moment which occupied his
mind, Washington's temper could ill brook the importuni-
ties with which he was continually beset; and he was occa-
sionally drawn into expressions of opinion which were
readily seized upon, and made the subject of the most un-
generous comments.
Another source of difficulty, and one productive of the
most serious inconveniences, especially when viewed in
connexion with the preceding topic, was the imperfect con-
dition of the regiments.
The field officers in commission were so numerous, that
adequate commands were in vain sought to be provided
for them. It became necessary to combine selections from
different corps; whence arose another difficulty, -- the ap-
pointment of officers from one state, to the command of the
troops of another.
To remedy these defects -- to devise a plan for the re-
duction of the regiments -- to regulate rank, and to intro-
duce system into the civil departments of the army, were
the first objects which the commander-in-chief desired to
accomplish, and which he pressed upon the attention of
congress with unremitting solicitude.
To aid these designs, within a short time after the army
had taken up their winter quarters,* a committee of five
members of congress was appointed to proceed to Valley
Forge, and confer with the General.
* January 11, 1778.
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? 174 THE LIFE OF
Soon after their arrival in camp, on the twenty-eighth of
January, 1778, a paper was submitted to the committee?
giving a general outline of the defects in, and proposed
amendments to, the existing arrangements. This produc-
tion was digested with great labour, and bears the marks of
the most studied precision of language, and of the most
careful arrangement of its parts.
From two successive drafts in his hand-writing, on which
are minute notes of reference for information to the heads
of the different departments of the army, it is manifestly
the work of Colonel Hamilton; a duty the more readily
imposed upon him, from his having cultivated every oppor-
tunity which the society of the foreign officers gave him, of
adding a knowledge of the most approved innovations of
modern science, to those principles which previous research
and a strong military talent had led him to adopt.
The primary measure suggested in this plan, was the
half-pay and pensionary establishment; a measure strongly
indicated by principles of justice, and by the numerous re-
signations, and "more frequent importunities for permission
to resign, and from some officers of the greatest merit. "
This is followed by suggestions of the most feasible mode
of completing the regiments, and altering their establish-
ment, and a sketch of the existing condition of the army --
of the military resources of the different states, and a mi-
nute examination of the situation of each branch of the ser-
vice, in its civil, military, and medical establishment; a new
organization of it into eighty battalions* was proposed, and
suggestions made, for correcting the various abuses by which
it was so much embarrassed.
This plan was accepted by the committee, reported with
some alterations, approved by congress, and became the
basis of the military system of the revolution. One propo-
+ To compose a force of forty thousand and twenty rank and file.
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? HAMILTON. 175
sition alone, that of the half-pay, was attended with great
difficulty. After various amendments and votes, half-pay
for seven years was granted, excluding the officers while
they held any office of profit, and limiting the general offi-
cers to the half-pay of colonels; an arrangement which
was afterwards stripped of its more objectionable features,
and half-pay for life established; and on the twenty-se-
venth of May the new army establishment was created.
But the success of the efforts to restore a discipline,
chiefly depended on the conduct of the Quarter-master-ge-
neral's department, which had now been placed on a bet-
ter basis ; for while the soldiers could, with justice, reproach
their officers with a non-compliance with their engage-
ments, subordination was hopeless. This object was at
last happily attained.
It has been previously remarked, that the committee of
congress had expressed a strong censure upon the adminis-
tration of that department for a long time past, and "point-
ed to the selection of a man of approved abilities and ex-
tensive capacity at the head of that establishment," as the
only mean of restoring it to order and regularity. After
frequent solicitations from Washington and other influen-
tial persons, General Greene, with great reluctance, con-
sented to accept the appointment. A new plan for this de-
partment was framed, instead of the four branches into
which it had been subdivided, without any due subordina-
tion. One Quarter-master-general and two Assistants were
recommended. On the twenty-eighth of January, 1778,
General Schuyler was proposed to congress by the com-
mittee at camp, as Commissary-general, and his appoint-
ment was ardently desired by Washington; but the party
of Gates was against him. At the instance of the same
committee, Jeremiah Wadsworth, a man of great vigour,
talent, and independence of character was appointed to that
place. Concert with the general staff ensued; and though
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? 176 THE LIFE OF
at an immense expense, the soldiers were in a measure se-
cured from the recurrence of those evils which had been
so long and vainly deplored.
An important result was also at this time attained by the
adoption of a new plan of an Inspectorship, to which office
the Baron Steuben had recently been appointed.
The introduction of a new system of tactics was soon
perceived in the improved discipline of the army, in the
control of the detached commands, and in the regulation of
the jarring duties of the officers.
This measure was, in its outset, not free from difficul-
ties. The undefined duties of this station gave rise to the
greatest dissatisfaction among the officers, and continued
embarrassment to the commander-in-chief, and indicated
the necessity of retrenching the authority which, in their
jealousy of General Washington, and from a desire to la-
vish on their favourite extraordinary powers, the hostile
party had conferred upon Conway.
To effect this object in a manner which would avoid
compromitting the General, Colonel Hamilton addressed
the following letter to his friend Mr. Duer:
HAMILTON TO DUER.
Head Quarters.
DEAR SIR:
I take the liberty to trouble you with a few hints on a
matter of some importance. Baron Steuben, who will be
the bearer of this, waits on Congress to have his office ar-
ranged upon some decisive and permanent footing. It will
not be amiss to be on your guard. The Baron is a gentle-
man for whom I have a particular esteem, and whose zeal,
intelligence, and success, the consequence of both, entitle
him to the greatest credit. But I am apprehensive, with
all his good qualities, a fondness for power and importance,
natural to every man, may lead him to wish for more ex-
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? HAMILTON. 177
tensive prerogatives in his department, than it will be for
the good of the service to grant. I should be sorry to ex-
cite any prejudice against him on this account; perhaps I
may be mistaken in my conjecture. The caution I give
will do no harm, if I am; if I am not, it may be useful.
In
either case, the Baron deserves to be considered as a valu-
able man, and treated with all the deference which good
policy will warrant.
On the first institution of this office, the General allowed
him to exercise more ample powers than would be proper
for a continuance. They were necessary in the commence-
ment; to put things in a train, with a degree of despatch
which the exigency of our affairs required; but it has been
necessary to restrain them, even earlier than was intended.
The novelty of the office excited questions about its boun-
daries; the extent of its operations alarmed the officers of
every rank for their own rights. Their jealousies and dis-
contents were rising fast to a height that threatened to
overturn the whole plan. It became necessary to apply a
remedy. The General has delineated the functions of the
inspectorship in general orders, a copy of which will be
sent to congress. The plan is good, and satisfactory to the
army in general.
It may be improved, but it will be unsafe to deviate es-
sentially from it. It is, of course, the General's intention
that whatever regulations are adopted by him, should un-
dergo the revision, and receive the sanction of congress;
but it is indispensable, in the present state of our army, that
he should have the power, from time to time, to introduce
and authorize the reformations necessary in our system.
It is a work which must be done by occasional and gradual
steps, and ought to be entrusted to a person on the spot,
who is thoroughly acquainted with all our defects, and has
judgment sufficient to adopt the progressive remedies they
require. The plan established by congress, on a report of
vol. i. 23
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? 178 THE LIFE OF
the Board of war, when Conway was appointed, appears to
me exceptionable in many respects. It makes the inspector
independent of the commander-in-chief; confers powers
which would produce universal opposition in the army, and,
by making the previous concurrence of the Board of war
requisite to the introduction of every regulation which should
be found necessary, opens such a continual source of delay
as would defeat the usefulness of the institution. Let the
commander-in-chief introduce, and the legislature after-
wards ratify or reject, as they shall think proper. Perhaps
you will not differ much from me, when I suppose, that so
far as relates to the Board of war, the former scheme was
a brat of faction, and therefore ought to be renounced.
There is one thing which the Baron has much at heart,
which, in good policy, he can by no means be indulged in:
-- it is the power of enforcing that part of discipline, which
we understand by subordination, or an obedience to orders.
This power can only be properly lodged with the com-
mander-in-chief, and would inflame the whole army if put
into other hands. Each captain is vested with it in his
company, -- each colonel in his regiment, -- each general
in his particular command, -- and the commander-in-chief
in the whole.
When I began this letter, I did not intend to meddle with
any other subject than the Inspectorship; but one just
comes into my head, which appears to me of no small im-
portance. The goodness or force of an army depends as
, much, perhaps more, on the composition of the corps which
form it, as on its collective number. The composition is
good or bad, not only according to the quality of the men,
but in proportion to the completeness or incompleteness of
a corps in respect to numbers. A regiment, for instance,
with a full complement of officers, and fifty or sixty men,
is not half so good as a company with the same number of
men. A colonel will look upon such a command as un-
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? HAMILTON. 179
worthy his ambition, and will neglect and despise it; -- a
captain would pride himself in it, and take all the pains in
his power to bring it to perfection. In one case, we shall
see a total relaxation of discipline, and negligence of every
thing that constitutes military excellence; on the other,
there will be attention, energy, and every thing that can be
wished. Opinion, whether well or ill founded, is the go-
verning principle of human affairs. A corps much below
its establishment, comparing what it is, with what it ought
to be, loses all confidence in itself, and the whole army
loses that confidence and emulation which are essential to
success. These, and a thousand other things that will oc-
cur to you, make it evident, that the most important advan-
tages, attend the having complete corps, and proportional
disadvantages, the reverse. Ten thousand men, distributed
into twenty imperfect regiments, will not have the efficiency
of the same number, in half the number of regiments. The
fact is, with respect to the American army, that the want
of discipline, and other defects we labour under, are as
much owing to the skeleton state of our regiments, as to
any other cause. -- What then?
Have we any prospect of filling our regiments? My
opinion is, that we have nearly arrived to our ne plus ultra.
If so, we ought to reduce the number of corps, and give
them that substance and consistency which they want, by
incorporating them together, so as to bring them near their
establishment. By this measure, the army would be infi-
nitely improved, and the state would be saved the expense
of maintaining a number of superfluous officers.
In the present condition of our regiments, they are incapa-
ble even of performing their common exercises without join-
ing two or more together, -- an expedient reluctantly sub-
mitted to by those officers who see themselves made second
in command of a battalion, instead of first, as their com-
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? 180 THE LIFE OP
mission imports, which happens to every younger colonel
whose regiment is united with that of an elder.
What would be the inconveniences, while the officers
who remain in command, and who might be selected from
the others on account of superior merit, would applaud
themselves in the preference given them, and rejoice at a
change which confers such additional consequence on them-
selves?
Those who should be excluded by the measure, would
return home discontented, artd make a noise, which would
soon subside and be forgotten among matters of greater
moment. To quiet them still more effectually, if it should
be thought necessary, they might be put upon half-pay for
a certain time.
If on considering this matter, you should agree with me
in sentiment, it were to be wished the scheme could be im-
mediately adopted, while the arrangement now in hand is
still unexecuted. If it is made, it will be rather inconve-
nient immediately after to unhinge and throw the whole
system again afloat.
When you determined on your last arrangement, you did
not know what success the different states might have had
in drafting and recruiting. It would then have been impro-
per to reduce the number of corps, as proposed. We have
now seen their success; we have no prospect of seeing the
regiments filled; -- we should reduce them.
Believe me to be, with great esteem and regard,
Dear sir, your obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
The measures here suggested were frequently brought
before the consideration of congress, and various steps were
taken to remedy the evil; but the reduction of the army,
always difficult and embarrassing, especially in popular go-
vernments, required great deliberation in a war where too
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? HAMILTON. 181
often the caprices of individuals were unavoidably more con-
sulted, than the public interest.
The proposed limitation of the office of Inspector-general
was made, and among his papers a draft of a plan for that
department of the army, exists in Hamilton's hand-writing.
It was proposed to congress by General Washington, in
lieu of the system which had been framed in 1777, and was
adopted in part on the fifth of May, 1778.
This plan proposed the establishment of one inspector-
general, six deputy inspector-generals, and one inspector
to each brigade; defined the duties of the office, rendering
it subordinate to congress, to the board of war, and to the
commander-in-chief, at the head of which it was proposed
to place Baron Steuben, and also to introduce into it Gene-
ral Cadwallader and Colonel Fleming. Of the former of
whom, it is remarked in a letter from Washington, "that he
is a military genius, of a decisive and independent spirit,
properly impressed with the necessity of order and disci-
pline, and of sufficient vigour to enforce it. He would soon
perfect himself in the practical part, and be fit to suc-
ceed to the first place in the department. " Of Colonel Fle-
ming, who has been previously mentioned as the early in-
structer of Hamilton, it is observed, "he is an excellent dis-
ciplinarian, and from long practice in the British army, has
acquired the necessary knowledge. " The military arrange-
ments were soon after improved, by the better organization
of the armoury department, and measures taken connected
with the corps of cavalry, at the head of which it was sub-
sequently* proposed to place General Cadwallader.
In effecting the contemplated change in the inspector-
general's department, "the fondness for importance," of
which Hamilton speaks, in his letter to Mr. Duer, as a trait
of Steuben, was the source of many a disquietude, for the
* September 7th, 1778.
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? 182 THE LIFE OF
Baron was too valuable to be offended, and too sensitive to
be easily satisfied.
This petted veteran has been much misunderstood. He
has been regarded as the type of a race now gone by. It
has been supposed that his mind was ever in the drill, that
he considered mankind as born for arms, and believed that
the business of society was war. But his character rose
far above that of a mere soldier. While in Paris, he was
invited by the Count St. Germains to visit America, as the
General most competent to organize an army. He arrived
in seventy-seven; and of the extent and value of his servi-
ces, the conduct of the troops at Monmouth is the best com-
mentary. His exertions were so successful, that at the close
of the war few countries could boast a better disciplined or
more serviceable corps than the American army. That he
stood high in the favour of the great Frederick, is a proof that
he was more than an ordinary man. His information was
various, his intellect active and comprehensive, his temper
energetic and decisive, his knowledge of men great, and in
ihe intercourse of life he showed himself an accomplished
gentleman. His disposition being generous and jovial, and
his conversation various and playful, he was fond of socie-
ty, of which he was a favourite, where a little proneness to
parade placed him sometimes too much in advance. But
his character had in it nothing repulsive or selfish; and amidst
all his imprudences, there shone forth many a gleam of the
warmest benevolence. Of Hamilton he became exceed-
ingly fond, who repaid this preference by every office of
friendship. Aware of his profusion, he became the volun-
teer trustee of his funds, and often would the old General,
smiling, declare -- "the Secretary of the Treasury is my
banker -- my Hamilton takes care of me, when he cannot
take care of himself. "
Another subject was at this time taken into serious con-
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? HAMILTON. 183
aideration, -- the policy to be adopted towards the numer-
ous Indians who threatened the frontier of the republic.
The reluctance of the United States to employ them as
auxiliaries, is among the most gratifying incidents in the
early history of the Revolution. But this disposition was
at last changed by the different policy of the enemy; and in
a report framed by Mr. Gouverneur Morris,* stating "that
unless they were employed with them, they would be em-
ployed against them," suggesting "that there is great reason
to believe that the novelty of their appearance in the field,
the circumstances of horror and affright which attend their
attack, will have a great effect upon the minds of men wholly
unacquainted with such an enemy," it is proposed that the
Southern Indians should be embodied under General Gist,
and the Oneidas employed as light troops -- among whom
Louis, a chief of considerable talent, was soon after commis-
sioned as colonel, and served with singular fidelity through-
out the war.
The pacific conduct of a large portion of the Mohawks,
had been chiefly attributable to General Schuyler. In the
reign of Queen Anne, his ancestor had been employed as su-
perintendent over this savage people, and he became so po-
pular, that his portrait was preserved among them with the
greatest care, and brought out at every important council
they held. This influence descended in the family; and du-
ring the fiercest moments of the contest, instances and mes-
sages of mutual kindness occurred. The wild imaginative
sensibility of this race clothed the person of Schuyler with
an almost supernatural sacredness; and it is a remarkable
fact, that on the very day on which Miss McCrea was mur-
dered, his wife and second daughter passed these hordes un-
molested. Even until the close of Schuyler's life, parties
are remembered to have been seen encamping near his
* February 20th, 1778.
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? 184 THE LIFE OF
residence at Albany, preferring confident claims upon his
bounty, indulging in mimic representations of their savage
sports, and reminding him that he was descended from their
"Great Father Queedir. "
The rejection by congress of the conciliatory bills which
had been proposed by the British government, in conse-
quence of the state of our negotiations at Paris, was fol-
lowed by the arrival of Mr. Deane, with copies of the trea-
ties which had been concluded with France the preceding
winter.
The acknowledgement of our independence by the rival
of England, and the assurances of aid which were given,
was an event which, after the many delays that had been
interposed, elevated the hopes of the nation to the highest
point. Copies of the treaties were circulated by order of
congress -- a general thanksgiving was appointed -- and to
add to the effect, the army of Washington celebrated with
military pomp the alliance of the nations.
The spirit of exultation which followed the capture of
Burgoyne, though checked by the subsequent reverses of
the year, and by the distresses of the army through the
winter, again revived; and for a moment the country indul-
ged in the fond hope that their sufferings were now to end.
The provident mind of Washington took immediate alarm,
which a letter drawn up by Colonel Hamilton, in reply to
General Greene, strongly depicts.
WASHINGTON TO GREENE.
In answer to your favour of the third, I give it clearly
as my opinion, that no change has happened in our affairs,
which will justify the least relaxation in any of our military
preparations, and consequently, that the provisions you have
been, and are making in your department, ought to be con-
tinued in their fullest vigour and extent.
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? HAMILTON. 185
The intelligence from abroad is extremely favourable,
and affords us an earnest of success, with proper manage-
ment, but there is nothing in it that can make it prudent to
depart in the smallest degree from the exertion we should
otherwise have made. There may still be business enough
to call out our most strenuous efforts. Britain is a country
full of resources. Her interest and connexions in Europe
are great; an union within, under a popular administra-
tion, which a principle of common danger may produce,
would render her capable of great internal exertions.
The storm which now seems to be rising in Europe may
subside, and a compromise ensue between the contending
powers, from which a change in the system may result, very
advantageous to the views of our enemies. All these are
events which may happen; and which, if there were no
other considerations, would make it unwise to suffer our-
selves to be lulled into security, or to remit any endeavours
that may serve to put our military affairs upon the most
respectable footing possible.
But it is also to be remembered, that the British army in
America is still very considerable; and if collected, would
be formidable to all the force we should be able to oppose to
it. In all probability, it will either be withdrawn or assem-
bled at one point, for some vigorous and enterprising push,
if it were only to make the way for a negotiation. The for-
mer is more to be wished than expected. British pride
would never submit to it, but in the last extremity; and per-
haps we should flatter ourselves too much, to suppose that
extremity exists. If the latter should be the case, remissness
in our present preparations might be fatal; or at any rate,
could not fail to have a very injurious influence. The ene-
my might obtain successes which would have a most un-
happy operation upon the current of our sentiments at home,
and upon the progress of our negotiations and growing
friendships abroad.
vol. I. 24
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? 186 THE LIFE OF
If we had nothing to fear from any offensive operations of
the enemy, policy may require very extensive and important
offensive operations on our part, which will make it neces-
sary we should be prepared in the amplest manner at all
points.
In a word, in what manner so ever the remainder of the
contest is to be prosecuted, whether it is to depend upon
fighting or negotiation, a powerful army, well furnished
with every apparatus of war, will put it in our power to
meet all contingencies, with confidence and advantage, and
to pursue the true interests of these States, through any com-
bination of circumstances that shall present itself, with firm-
ness and decision.
Whether any or what change may happen in the local
situation of the army, in the approaching campaign, or what
disposition in your department may be requisite in conse-
quence, are matters which, for particular reasons, I cannot
yet determine. A council will soon be held, in which will
be decided a general plan of operations for the army. When
this is done, you will receive your instructions accordingly:
in the mean time, you will proceed in the plan already on
foot. With great esteem, I am, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
G. W.
These sentiments were repeatedly urged upon congress
by the commander-in-chief, and the utmost efforts were
made to check the growth of that supineness which, che-
rished by the false expectations of the country, threatened
the most alarming consequences.
Within a short time after the date of this letter, a nego-
tiation was again opened for the exchange of prisoners.
The report of the board of war had shown that there
were in captivity, at the commencement of the year, nearly
seventeen hundred men.
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? HAMILTON. 187
The treatment they received excited the utmost indig-
nation. During the summer the privates had been crowd-
ed into sugar houses, deprived of their clothing, kept on
short allowances, and debarred the privileges of being visit-
ed by an American commissary.
? HAMILTON. 167
of the people brought them rapidly into the field on an emer-
gency; but there were few of that order of men who
would, from choice, endure the privations of a military life,
augmented as they were by the defects of a new and very
imperfect establishment.
The prejudices of the country were also strong against
any thing in the shape of a regular army. In vain were
the militia required to submit, while in service, to the arti-
cles of war. Both officers and men resisted every mea-
sure for the introduction of discipline; and it will be re-
marked, as a strong indication of the prevailing jealousy
of an exercise of power over the militia, that within a
month after authorizing them to be called into service by
the commander-in-chief, congress found it necessary, in
compliance with public opinion, and at a time when they
were waging a contest for their liberties with the greatest
empire of Europe, to pass a resolution, that these powers
were only to be exercised with the consent of the state
authorities. *
In the winter of the ensuing year, measures were taken
for more efficient arrangements: of these, the division of
the colonies, into military departments, was among the first.
Those north of Virginia composed the northern; the re-
mainder the southern; while, from the desire of preserv-
ing the operations in that quarter distinct, that of Canada
formed a third department.
On the arrival of the English troops near New-York,
more vigorous measures were adopted. An order was
issued for a levy of thirteen thousand eight hundred men
to reinforce the army, a flying camp of ten thousand more
was directed to be embodied in the Jersies, and the gene-
ral staff enlarged.
These were, however, all temporary expedients. The
* Dec. 7,1775.
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? 168 THE LIFE OF
result of the contest on Long Island proved how little reli-
ance could be placed on militia, for any other purpose than
as transient auxiliaries; and, although the exertions of their
officers gave to particular corps discipline and system, yet
for a general scale of connected operations, they were
utterly inefficient. The letters of Washington are full
of the most urgent solicitations for a permanent esta-
blishment, without which he felt that he was waging a
hopeless contest, alike disastrous to the American cause,
and fatal to his own reputation. In one instance, he avows,
after enumerating the difficulties under which he laboured,
"If I were called upon to declare upon oath whether the
militia have been most serviceable or hurtful, on the whole,
I should subscribe to the latter. "
Experience did more to effect a change than the most
cogent arguments; and after a protracted discussion of
a report from the Board of war, which had been elected
in the preceding month of June, congress adopted a re-
solution* to raise eighty-eight battalions, to be enlisted for
three years, or during the war, to be apportioned among
the several states, giving a bounty to those who served
to its close; at the same time jealously providing that
the appointment of all, except general officers, should re-
main with the states, though the commissions proceeded
from congress, and confiding to the states the provision of
arms and munitions for their respective quotas.
This resolution, in pursuance of the suggestion of the
commander-in-chief, was followed by the introduction of
more efficient articles of war.
At the close of the year,f the fears of congress extorted
from them a resolution, investing Washington for a term
of six months with general powers; and their critical
*Sept. 16, 1776. f December 27th, 1776.
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? HAMILTON. 169
situation reconciled parts of the country to those powers
being carried into operation. *
But the progress of military discipline was slow: to
define the duties of each station was not an easy task; the
exigencies of the army often excused the transition of the
different departments from their proper spheres; and even
in the general staff, so prone was the disposition to question
the authority of the commander-in-chief, that Washington
found it necessary through the medium of General Greene,
to obtain a declaration from congress, that it never was
their intention that the commander-in-chief should be
bound by the decision of a council of war.
Great accessions were made to the science of the army
in the progress of the campaign of 1777. France gave us
La Fayette, the young enthusiast of liberty, who here
offered his first vows to that cause with which his name
will forever be identified ; -- the generous, the gallant, the
gifted DeNoailles -- the accomplished soldier DuPortail --
the unfortunate Custine -- the warm-hearted and volatile
Fleury -- Du Plessis,f as modest as he was gallant, the
* Congress made a communication to the convention of New-York, to
soften their feelings as to this measure. The consideration of it was post-
poned.
f "Whose gallant conduct," says Washington in a letter to congress, " at
Brandywine, Germantown, and his distinguished services at Fort Mercer,
where he united the offices of engineer and commandant of artillery entitle him
to the particular notice of congress. Whose conduct at Red Bank com-
manded the highest applause, and who after the evacuation was determined
upon, undertook as a volunteer, the hazardous operation of blowing up the
magazine without the apparatus usual on such occasions. I must farther add
that he possesses a degree of modesty not always found in men who perform
brilliant actions. It is with pleasure that I recommend to congress to give
him a brevet of lieutenant-colonel. I hope there will be no difficulty in
antedating the brevet, that the recompense may more immediately follow the
service which he has done. "
vol. i. 22
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? 170 THE LIFE OF
inheritor of the virtues of his great ancestor* -- the three"
brothers Armand -- Ternant, afterwards ambassador from
France, -- and many others not less ardent for distinction.
Prussia gave us the veteran Steuben, previously the aid-
de-camp of the great Frederic, and the founder of Ameri-
can tactics; and to Poland we owe Pulaski, who fell at
Savannah, and the patriotic Kosciusko.
The services of these individuals were soon appreciated
by the army; and those who survived the contest, retired
from the country clothed with every mark of respect which
an infant nation could confer.
But, in addition to the se, crowds of mercenary adventurers
nocked to the American standard, seeking bread and pre-
ferment, and indulging the most presumptuous and over-
weening pretensions. The embarrassments produced by
this circumstance were many and serious; besides the dis-
gust which was created in the minds of the American
officers on finding themselves postponed to men who were
generally their inferiors in character and talent, the army
was constantly embroiled by a series of petty intrigues,
having for their object the personal advancement of parti-
cular individuals.
This evil had been felt before the close of the first cam-
paign; but the situation of Washington interposed con-
siderations of delicacy as to his sentiments on this point
being made public. They were, however, communicated
to Colonel Hamilton, and within a short time after he had
* The Hugonot chief Philip Mornay du Plessis, of whose praise the French
historians are full. To whom Voltaire devoted the choicest effort of his
genius, and who is thus beautifully eulogized by Grotius,--
Nobilitas, animo claro quam sanguine major
Res hominum solers noscere, resque Dei
Consilium prudens, divis facundia linguae
Hie cum Morneo, contumulata jacent.
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? HAMILTON. 171
entered the family of the commander-in-chief, he address-
ed the following letter to Mr. Duer.
HAMILTON TO THE HON. "WILLIAM DUER.
The bearer of this is Mr. Malmedi, a French gentleman
of learning, abilities, and experience. I believe he thinks
himself entitled to preferment, and comes to congress for
that purpose.
At the recommendation of General Lee, he was made
brigadier-general by the state of Rhode-Island, and filled
the station to the satisfaction of his employers, as appears
by a letter from Governor Cook, speaking of him in the
highest terms of approbation.
This had led him to hope that he would be adopted by
the continent on an equal footing. But in this he will no
doubt be mistaken, as there are many insuperable objections
to such a measure.
Among others, it would tend to raise the expectations of
the Frenchmen, in general already too high, to a pitch
which it would be impossible to gratify or endure. It
might not, however, be amiss to do whatever propriety
would warrant to keep him in good humour, as he is a man
of sense and merit.
I think policy would justify the advancing him a step
higher than his former continental rank.
Congress, in the beginning, went upon a very injudicious
plan with respect to Frenchmen. To every adventurer
that came, without even the shadow of credentials, they
gave the rank of field officers. This circumstance second-
ing the aspiring disposition natural to those people, carried
the expectations of those who really had any pretensions to
the character of officers, to such a length, that exceeded all
the bounds of moderation. As it was impossible to pursue
this impolitic plan, the congress have begun to retrench their
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? 172 THE LIFE OF
excessive liberality; and the consequence has been uni-
versal disgust and discontent.
It would perhaps be injurious, as the French are much
addicted to national punctilio, to run into the opposite ex-
treme to that first embraced, and by that mean create a
general clamor and dissatisfaction. Policy suggests the
propriety of discriminating a few of the most deserving,
and endeavouring to keep them in temper, even by gratify-
ing them beyond what they can reasonably pretend to.
This will enable us to shake off the despicable part with
safety, and to turn a deaf ear to the exorbitant demands
of the many. It will be easily believed in France that
their want of merit occasioned their want of success, from
the extraordinary marks of favour that have been con-
ferred on others; whereas, the united voice of complaint
from the whole, might make ill impressions in their own
country, which it is not our interest should exist.
We are already greatly embarrassed with the French-
men among us, and from the genius of the people, shall
continue to be so. It were to be wished that our agents in
France, instead of courting them to come out, were in-
structed to give no encouragement, but where they could
not help it; that is, where applications were made to them
by persons countenanced and supported by great men whom
it would be impolitic to disoblige. Be assured, sir, we shall
never be able to satisfy them, and they can be of no use to
us, at least for some time. Their ignorance of our lan-
guage, of the disposition of the people, the resources and de-
ficiencies of the country, their own habits and tempers, --
all these are disqualifications that put it out of their power
to be of real use or service to us. You will consider what
I have said as entirely my own sentiments, and believe me
to be with regard,
Sir, your most humble servant,
A. Hamilton.
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? HAMILTON. 173
The remonstrances which were made on this subject
received little consideration; and it was soon discovered to
be the policy of the Cabal to foster these men; who, find-
ing Washington unwilling to promote their views at the sa-
crifice of the public interests, became parties and active
instruments of a faction, by which they had been led to in-
dulge the most sanguine expectations.
Amid the various objects of moment which occupied his
mind, Washington's temper could ill brook the importuni-
ties with which he was continually beset; and he was occa-
sionally drawn into expressions of opinion which were
readily seized upon, and made the subject of the most un-
generous comments.
Another source of difficulty, and one productive of the
most serious inconveniences, especially when viewed in
connexion with the preceding topic, was the imperfect con-
dition of the regiments.
The field officers in commission were so numerous, that
adequate commands were in vain sought to be provided
for them. It became necessary to combine selections from
different corps; whence arose another difficulty, -- the ap-
pointment of officers from one state, to the command of the
troops of another.
To remedy these defects -- to devise a plan for the re-
duction of the regiments -- to regulate rank, and to intro-
duce system into the civil departments of the army, were
the first objects which the commander-in-chief desired to
accomplish, and which he pressed upon the attention of
congress with unremitting solicitude.
To aid these designs, within a short time after the army
had taken up their winter quarters,* a committee of five
members of congress was appointed to proceed to Valley
Forge, and confer with the General.
* January 11, 1778.
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? 174 THE LIFE OF
Soon after their arrival in camp, on the twenty-eighth of
January, 1778, a paper was submitted to the committee?
giving a general outline of the defects in, and proposed
amendments to, the existing arrangements. This produc-
tion was digested with great labour, and bears the marks of
the most studied precision of language, and of the most
careful arrangement of its parts.
From two successive drafts in his hand-writing, on which
are minute notes of reference for information to the heads
of the different departments of the army, it is manifestly
the work of Colonel Hamilton; a duty the more readily
imposed upon him, from his having cultivated every oppor-
tunity which the society of the foreign officers gave him, of
adding a knowledge of the most approved innovations of
modern science, to those principles which previous research
and a strong military talent had led him to adopt.
The primary measure suggested in this plan, was the
half-pay and pensionary establishment; a measure strongly
indicated by principles of justice, and by the numerous re-
signations, and "more frequent importunities for permission
to resign, and from some officers of the greatest merit. "
This is followed by suggestions of the most feasible mode
of completing the regiments, and altering their establish-
ment, and a sketch of the existing condition of the army --
of the military resources of the different states, and a mi-
nute examination of the situation of each branch of the ser-
vice, in its civil, military, and medical establishment; a new
organization of it into eighty battalions* was proposed, and
suggestions made, for correcting the various abuses by which
it was so much embarrassed.
This plan was accepted by the committee, reported with
some alterations, approved by congress, and became the
basis of the military system of the revolution. One propo-
+ To compose a force of forty thousand and twenty rank and file.
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? HAMILTON. 175
sition alone, that of the half-pay, was attended with great
difficulty. After various amendments and votes, half-pay
for seven years was granted, excluding the officers while
they held any office of profit, and limiting the general offi-
cers to the half-pay of colonels; an arrangement which
was afterwards stripped of its more objectionable features,
and half-pay for life established; and on the twenty-se-
venth of May the new army establishment was created.
But the success of the efforts to restore a discipline,
chiefly depended on the conduct of the Quarter-master-ge-
neral's department, which had now been placed on a bet-
ter basis ; for while the soldiers could, with justice, reproach
their officers with a non-compliance with their engage-
ments, subordination was hopeless. This object was at
last happily attained.
It has been previously remarked, that the committee of
congress had expressed a strong censure upon the adminis-
tration of that department for a long time past, and "point-
ed to the selection of a man of approved abilities and ex-
tensive capacity at the head of that establishment," as the
only mean of restoring it to order and regularity. After
frequent solicitations from Washington and other influen-
tial persons, General Greene, with great reluctance, con-
sented to accept the appointment. A new plan for this de-
partment was framed, instead of the four branches into
which it had been subdivided, without any due subordina-
tion. One Quarter-master-general and two Assistants were
recommended. On the twenty-eighth of January, 1778,
General Schuyler was proposed to congress by the com-
mittee at camp, as Commissary-general, and his appoint-
ment was ardently desired by Washington; but the party
of Gates was against him. At the instance of the same
committee, Jeremiah Wadsworth, a man of great vigour,
talent, and independence of character was appointed to that
place. Concert with the general staff ensued; and though
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? 176 THE LIFE OF
at an immense expense, the soldiers were in a measure se-
cured from the recurrence of those evils which had been
so long and vainly deplored.
An important result was also at this time attained by the
adoption of a new plan of an Inspectorship, to which office
the Baron Steuben had recently been appointed.
The introduction of a new system of tactics was soon
perceived in the improved discipline of the army, in the
control of the detached commands, and in the regulation of
the jarring duties of the officers.
This measure was, in its outset, not free from difficul-
ties. The undefined duties of this station gave rise to the
greatest dissatisfaction among the officers, and continued
embarrassment to the commander-in-chief, and indicated
the necessity of retrenching the authority which, in their
jealousy of General Washington, and from a desire to la-
vish on their favourite extraordinary powers, the hostile
party had conferred upon Conway.
To effect this object in a manner which would avoid
compromitting the General, Colonel Hamilton addressed
the following letter to his friend Mr. Duer:
HAMILTON TO DUER.
Head Quarters.
DEAR SIR:
I take the liberty to trouble you with a few hints on a
matter of some importance. Baron Steuben, who will be
the bearer of this, waits on Congress to have his office ar-
ranged upon some decisive and permanent footing. It will
not be amiss to be on your guard. The Baron is a gentle-
man for whom I have a particular esteem, and whose zeal,
intelligence, and success, the consequence of both, entitle
him to the greatest credit. But I am apprehensive, with
all his good qualities, a fondness for power and importance,
natural to every man, may lead him to wish for more ex-
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? HAMILTON. 177
tensive prerogatives in his department, than it will be for
the good of the service to grant. I should be sorry to ex-
cite any prejudice against him on this account; perhaps I
may be mistaken in my conjecture. The caution I give
will do no harm, if I am; if I am not, it may be useful.
In
either case, the Baron deserves to be considered as a valu-
able man, and treated with all the deference which good
policy will warrant.
On the first institution of this office, the General allowed
him to exercise more ample powers than would be proper
for a continuance. They were necessary in the commence-
ment; to put things in a train, with a degree of despatch
which the exigency of our affairs required; but it has been
necessary to restrain them, even earlier than was intended.
The novelty of the office excited questions about its boun-
daries; the extent of its operations alarmed the officers of
every rank for their own rights. Their jealousies and dis-
contents were rising fast to a height that threatened to
overturn the whole plan. It became necessary to apply a
remedy. The General has delineated the functions of the
inspectorship in general orders, a copy of which will be
sent to congress. The plan is good, and satisfactory to the
army in general.
It may be improved, but it will be unsafe to deviate es-
sentially from it. It is, of course, the General's intention
that whatever regulations are adopted by him, should un-
dergo the revision, and receive the sanction of congress;
but it is indispensable, in the present state of our army, that
he should have the power, from time to time, to introduce
and authorize the reformations necessary in our system.
It is a work which must be done by occasional and gradual
steps, and ought to be entrusted to a person on the spot,
who is thoroughly acquainted with all our defects, and has
judgment sufficient to adopt the progressive remedies they
require. The plan established by congress, on a report of
vol. i. 23
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? 178 THE LIFE OF
the Board of war, when Conway was appointed, appears to
me exceptionable in many respects. It makes the inspector
independent of the commander-in-chief; confers powers
which would produce universal opposition in the army, and,
by making the previous concurrence of the Board of war
requisite to the introduction of every regulation which should
be found necessary, opens such a continual source of delay
as would defeat the usefulness of the institution. Let the
commander-in-chief introduce, and the legislature after-
wards ratify or reject, as they shall think proper. Perhaps
you will not differ much from me, when I suppose, that so
far as relates to the Board of war, the former scheme was
a brat of faction, and therefore ought to be renounced.
There is one thing which the Baron has much at heart,
which, in good policy, he can by no means be indulged in:
-- it is the power of enforcing that part of discipline, which
we understand by subordination, or an obedience to orders.
This power can only be properly lodged with the com-
mander-in-chief, and would inflame the whole army if put
into other hands. Each captain is vested with it in his
company, -- each colonel in his regiment, -- each general
in his particular command, -- and the commander-in-chief
in the whole.
When I began this letter, I did not intend to meddle with
any other subject than the Inspectorship; but one just
comes into my head, which appears to me of no small im-
portance. The goodness or force of an army depends as
, much, perhaps more, on the composition of the corps which
form it, as on its collective number. The composition is
good or bad, not only according to the quality of the men,
but in proportion to the completeness or incompleteness of
a corps in respect to numbers. A regiment, for instance,
with a full complement of officers, and fifty or sixty men,
is not half so good as a company with the same number of
men. A colonel will look upon such a command as un-
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? HAMILTON. 179
worthy his ambition, and will neglect and despise it; -- a
captain would pride himself in it, and take all the pains in
his power to bring it to perfection. In one case, we shall
see a total relaxation of discipline, and negligence of every
thing that constitutes military excellence; on the other,
there will be attention, energy, and every thing that can be
wished. Opinion, whether well or ill founded, is the go-
verning principle of human affairs. A corps much below
its establishment, comparing what it is, with what it ought
to be, loses all confidence in itself, and the whole army
loses that confidence and emulation which are essential to
success. These, and a thousand other things that will oc-
cur to you, make it evident, that the most important advan-
tages, attend the having complete corps, and proportional
disadvantages, the reverse. Ten thousand men, distributed
into twenty imperfect regiments, will not have the efficiency
of the same number, in half the number of regiments. The
fact is, with respect to the American army, that the want
of discipline, and other defects we labour under, are as
much owing to the skeleton state of our regiments, as to
any other cause. -- What then?
Have we any prospect of filling our regiments? My
opinion is, that we have nearly arrived to our ne plus ultra.
If so, we ought to reduce the number of corps, and give
them that substance and consistency which they want, by
incorporating them together, so as to bring them near their
establishment. By this measure, the army would be infi-
nitely improved, and the state would be saved the expense
of maintaining a number of superfluous officers.
In the present condition of our regiments, they are incapa-
ble even of performing their common exercises without join-
ing two or more together, -- an expedient reluctantly sub-
mitted to by those officers who see themselves made second
in command of a battalion, instead of first, as their com-
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? 180 THE LIFE OP
mission imports, which happens to every younger colonel
whose regiment is united with that of an elder.
What would be the inconveniences, while the officers
who remain in command, and who might be selected from
the others on account of superior merit, would applaud
themselves in the preference given them, and rejoice at a
change which confers such additional consequence on them-
selves?
Those who should be excluded by the measure, would
return home discontented, artd make a noise, which would
soon subside and be forgotten among matters of greater
moment. To quiet them still more effectually, if it should
be thought necessary, they might be put upon half-pay for
a certain time.
If on considering this matter, you should agree with me
in sentiment, it were to be wished the scheme could be im-
mediately adopted, while the arrangement now in hand is
still unexecuted. If it is made, it will be rather inconve-
nient immediately after to unhinge and throw the whole
system again afloat.
When you determined on your last arrangement, you did
not know what success the different states might have had
in drafting and recruiting. It would then have been impro-
per to reduce the number of corps, as proposed. We have
now seen their success; we have no prospect of seeing the
regiments filled; -- we should reduce them.
Believe me to be, with great esteem and regard,
Dear sir, your obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
The measures here suggested were frequently brought
before the consideration of congress, and various steps were
taken to remedy the evil; but the reduction of the army,
always difficult and embarrassing, especially in popular go-
vernments, required great deliberation in a war where too
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? HAMILTON. 181
often the caprices of individuals were unavoidably more con-
sulted, than the public interest.
The proposed limitation of the office of Inspector-general
was made, and among his papers a draft of a plan for that
department of the army, exists in Hamilton's hand-writing.
It was proposed to congress by General Washington, in
lieu of the system which had been framed in 1777, and was
adopted in part on the fifth of May, 1778.
This plan proposed the establishment of one inspector-
general, six deputy inspector-generals, and one inspector
to each brigade; defined the duties of the office, rendering
it subordinate to congress, to the board of war, and to the
commander-in-chief, at the head of which it was proposed
to place Baron Steuben, and also to introduce into it Gene-
ral Cadwallader and Colonel Fleming. Of the former of
whom, it is remarked in a letter from Washington, "that he
is a military genius, of a decisive and independent spirit,
properly impressed with the necessity of order and disci-
pline, and of sufficient vigour to enforce it. He would soon
perfect himself in the practical part, and be fit to suc-
ceed to the first place in the department. " Of Colonel Fle-
ming, who has been previously mentioned as the early in-
structer of Hamilton, it is observed, "he is an excellent dis-
ciplinarian, and from long practice in the British army, has
acquired the necessary knowledge. " The military arrange-
ments were soon after improved, by the better organization
of the armoury department, and measures taken connected
with the corps of cavalry, at the head of which it was sub-
sequently* proposed to place General Cadwallader.
In effecting the contemplated change in the inspector-
general's department, "the fondness for importance," of
which Hamilton speaks, in his letter to Mr. Duer, as a trait
of Steuben, was the source of many a disquietude, for the
* September 7th, 1778.
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? 182 THE LIFE OF
Baron was too valuable to be offended, and too sensitive to
be easily satisfied.
This petted veteran has been much misunderstood. He
has been regarded as the type of a race now gone by. It
has been supposed that his mind was ever in the drill, that
he considered mankind as born for arms, and believed that
the business of society was war. But his character rose
far above that of a mere soldier. While in Paris, he was
invited by the Count St. Germains to visit America, as the
General most competent to organize an army. He arrived
in seventy-seven; and of the extent and value of his servi-
ces, the conduct of the troops at Monmouth is the best com-
mentary. His exertions were so successful, that at the close
of the war few countries could boast a better disciplined or
more serviceable corps than the American army. That he
stood high in the favour of the great Frederick, is a proof that
he was more than an ordinary man. His information was
various, his intellect active and comprehensive, his temper
energetic and decisive, his knowledge of men great, and in
ihe intercourse of life he showed himself an accomplished
gentleman. His disposition being generous and jovial, and
his conversation various and playful, he was fond of socie-
ty, of which he was a favourite, where a little proneness to
parade placed him sometimes too much in advance. But
his character had in it nothing repulsive or selfish; and amidst
all his imprudences, there shone forth many a gleam of the
warmest benevolence. Of Hamilton he became exceed-
ingly fond, who repaid this preference by every office of
friendship. Aware of his profusion, he became the volun-
teer trustee of his funds, and often would the old General,
smiling, declare -- "the Secretary of the Treasury is my
banker -- my Hamilton takes care of me, when he cannot
take care of himself. "
Another subject was at this time taken into serious con-
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? HAMILTON. 183
aideration, -- the policy to be adopted towards the numer-
ous Indians who threatened the frontier of the republic.
The reluctance of the United States to employ them as
auxiliaries, is among the most gratifying incidents in the
early history of the Revolution. But this disposition was
at last changed by the different policy of the enemy; and in
a report framed by Mr. Gouverneur Morris,* stating "that
unless they were employed with them, they would be em-
ployed against them," suggesting "that there is great reason
to believe that the novelty of their appearance in the field,
the circumstances of horror and affright which attend their
attack, will have a great effect upon the minds of men wholly
unacquainted with such an enemy," it is proposed that the
Southern Indians should be embodied under General Gist,
and the Oneidas employed as light troops -- among whom
Louis, a chief of considerable talent, was soon after commis-
sioned as colonel, and served with singular fidelity through-
out the war.
The pacific conduct of a large portion of the Mohawks,
had been chiefly attributable to General Schuyler. In the
reign of Queen Anne, his ancestor had been employed as su-
perintendent over this savage people, and he became so po-
pular, that his portrait was preserved among them with the
greatest care, and brought out at every important council
they held. This influence descended in the family; and du-
ring the fiercest moments of the contest, instances and mes-
sages of mutual kindness occurred. The wild imaginative
sensibility of this race clothed the person of Schuyler with
an almost supernatural sacredness; and it is a remarkable
fact, that on the very day on which Miss McCrea was mur-
dered, his wife and second daughter passed these hordes un-
molested. Even until the close of Schuyler's life, parties
are remembered to have been seen encamping near his
* February 20th, 1778.
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? 184 THE LIFE OF
residence at Albany, preferring confident claims upon his
bounty, indulging in mimic representations of their savage
sports, and reminding him that he was descended from their
"Great Father Queedir. "
The rejection by congress of the conciliatory bills which
had been proposed by the British government, in conse-
quence of the state of our negotiations at Paris, was fol-
lowed by the arrival of Mr. Deane, with copies of the trea-
ties which had been concluded with France the preceding
winter.
The acknowledgement of our independence by the rival
of England, and the assurances of aid which were given,
was an event which, after the many delays that had been
interposed, elevated the hopes of the nation to the highest
point. Copies of the treaties were circulated by order of
congress -- a general thanksgiving was appointed -- and to
add to the effect, the army of Washington celebrated with
military pomp the alliance of the nations.
The spirit of exultation which followed the capture of
Burgoyne, though checked by the subsequent reverses of
the year, and by the distresses of the army through the
winter, again revived; and for a moment the country indul-
ged in the fond hope that their sufferings were now to end.
The provident mind of Washington took immediate alarm,
which a letter drawn up by Colonel Hamilton, in reply to
General Greene, strongly depicts.
WASHINGTON TO GREENE.
In answer to your favour of the third, I give it clearly
as my opinion, that no change has happened in our affairs,
which will justify the least relaxation in any of our military
preparations, and consequently, that the provisions you have
been, and are making in your department, ought to be con-
tinued in their fullest vigour and extent.
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? HAMILTON. 185
The intelligence from abroad is extremely favourable,
and affords us an earnest of success, with proper manage-
ment, but there is nothing in it that can make it prudent to
depart in the smallest degree from the exertion we should
otherwise have made. There may still be business enough
to call out our most strenuous efforts. Britain is a country
full of resources. Her interest and connexions in Europe
are great; an union within, under a popular administra-
tion, which a principle of common danger may produce,
would render her capable of great internal exertions.
The storm which now seems to be rising in Europe may
subside, and a compromise ensue between the contending
powers, from which a change in the system may result, very
advantageous to the views of our enemies. All these are
events which may happen; and which, if there were no
other considerations, would make it unwise to suffer our-
selves to be lulled into security, or to remit any endeavours
that may serve to put our military affairs upon the most
respectable footing possible.
But it is also to be remembered, that the British army in
America is still very considerable; and if collected, would
be formidable to all the force we should be able to oppose to
it. In all probability, it will either be withdrawn or assem-
bled at one point, for some vigorous and enterprising push,
if it were only to make the way for a negotiation. The for-
mer is more to be wished than expected. British pride
would never submit to it, but in the last extremity; and per-
haps we should flatter ourselves too much, to suppose that
extremity exists. If the latter should be the case, remissness
in our present preparations might be fatal; or at any rate,
could not fail to have a very injurious influence. The ene-
my might obtain successes which would have a most un-
happy operation upon the current of our sentiments at home,
and upon the progress of our negotiations and growing
friendships abroad.
vol. I. 24
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? 186 THE LIFE OF
If we had nothing to fear from any offensive operations of
the enemy, policy may require very extensive and important
offensive operations on our part, which will make it neces-
sary we should be prepared in the amplest manner at all
points.
In a word, in what manner so ever the remainder of the
contest is to be prosecuted, whether it is to depend upon
fighting or negotiation, a powerful army, well furnished
with every apparatus of war, will put it in our power to
meet all contingencies, with confidence and advantage, and
to pursue the true interests of these States, through any com-
bination of circumstances that shall present itself, with firm-
ness and decision.
Whether any or what change may happen in the local
situation of the army, in the approaching campaign, or what
disposition in your department may be requisite in conse-
quence, are matters which, for particular reasons, I cannot
yet determine. A council will soon be held, in which will
be decided a general plan of operations for the army. When
this is done, you will receive your instructions accordingly:
in the mean time, you will proceed in the plan already on
foot. With great esteem, I am, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
G. W.
These sentiments were repeatedly urged upon congress
by the commander-in-chief, and the utmost efforts were
made to check the growth of that supineness which, che-
rished by the false expectations of the country, threatened
the most alarming consequences.
Within a short time after the date of this letter, a nego-
tiation was again opened for the exchange of prisoners.
The report of the board of war had shown that there
were in captivity, at the commencement of the year, nearly
seventeen hundred men.
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? HAMILTON. 187
The treatment they received excited the utmost indig-
nation. During the summer the privates had been crowd-
ed into sugar houses, deprived of their clothing, kept on
short allowances, and debarred the privileges of being visit-
ed by an American commissary.
