s (Temple) and a
hekatompedon
(Hundred-Footer) as separate sacred areas, but there is no consensus on which labels fit which places.
Ancient-greek-cults-a-guide
Celebrants at the feast wore wreaths made of lugos and reclined on beds of it.
This festival has been interpreted as a drama of the deity's disappearance and return, in which the recovery of the goddess is symbolic of the yearly cycle of vegetative abundance.
A related possibility is that the drama expresses the Samians' anxiety lest Hera, the protector of their city and guarantor of their good fortune, abandon them.
The goddess is annually bound to her birthplace and her proper residence at Samos is reaffirmed.
The myth itself asserts that even should outside forces attempt to move the goddess, she would express a preference for her home and actively resist leaving it.
7
There are indeed indications that Hera at Samos was a goddess concerned with fertility. Among the objects dedicated to her were pinecones and pome- granates (real fruits as well as clay and ivory models), symbols of fecund reproduction. The offering of pomegranates, however, appears to cease after about 600. Joan V. O'Brien suggests that this is due to a shift in the percep- tion of Hera, through which her role as bride of Zeus came to be emphasized over her earlier manifestation as a powerful, independent goddess. In any case, Hera's role at Samos was never limited to assuring fertility, but must have been closely connected with the Samians' successful trading ventures. Stylized wooden ship models were common votives, and in the Archaic period two full-size ships were dedicated in the sanctuary. 8
The cult image of Samian Hera has been described by ancient witnesses as crudely carved and planklike. It was wooden, small and light enough to be carried annually to the shore for the Tonaia, but spent the rest of the year ensconced in the temple, dressed in rich garments and wearing a high crown. It also wore a pectoral ornament, resembling an extended collar or series of necklaces, which was characteristic of East Greek and Anatolian deities (the so-called "multiple breasts" of Artemis at Ephesos are another example). When the Samians built the huge Classical temple, they supplied it with a new cult image that resided in the cella, the normal location. The venerable old image was kept in the pronaos, or front room, of the temple. This arrangement was perhaps dictated by the need to keep the old image in its original location: its base in the pronaos stood on the same spot it had occupied in the cella of the old temple. As we have seen, keeping the goddess fixed in her proper place was a major cultic concern for the Samians. 9
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Hera at Korinth and Perachora
The Heraion at Perachora was among the richest minor sanctuaries in Greece. Literary sources are almost completely silent about this sanctuary, but the archaeological finds show that it was of great importance during the Archaic period. In the territory of the prosperous mercantile state of Korinth, it was founded in the eighth century and saw the construction of yet another of the very early temples to Hera we have noted. The first temple had a curved (apsidal) back wall and was only about 7. 5 m in length. Nothing is known about the cult image, but the goddess here was called Hera Akraia (of the Headland), a reference to the Perachora promontory on which the sanctuary was situated near a small harbor. Sixth-century dedications to Hera Limenia (of the Harbor) have also been found; surprisingly, these appear on a terrace above the harbor itself and the main part of the sanctuary. An Archaic struc- ture on the terrace, once thought to be a separate temple of Hera Limenia, is now considered an auxiliary building, probably a dining room. Blocks used in this building contain dedications to Hera under yet another title, Hera Leukolene (of the White Arms). These early (seventh- and sixth-century) dedications echo one of Homer's favorite epithets for Hera (e. g. Il. 5. 711, 8. 381, etc. ).
The pattern of votives shows that this was an important cult site for local people, as well as for sailors traveling up and down the Gulf of Korinth. The many imported objects, including Egyptian-style scarabs and Phoenician bronzes, illustrate the wide trading contacts of the Archaic Korinthians. The earliest, eighth-century temple at the harbor was accompanied by a deposit of Geometric votive objects, including drinking vessels, wine jugs, clay models of cakes presented as offerings to the goddess (koulouria), and house models. This temple was replaced in the sixth century with a new Doric stone temple, and a monumental altar was added. North of the altar the excavators found a flight of steps, which probably functioned as a spectator area for viewing the sacrifices. 10
The myth of Medeia, the young sorceress whom Jason brought back from his travels in the Black Sea, is best known from the play by Euripides. This work portrays her as a spurned wife who kills her children by Jason in order to avenge herself for his abandonment, then buries the children in the sanc- tuary of Hera Akraia and founds their cult (Eur. Med. 1378-83). There were, however, other myths about how the children of Medeia died. According to one, Medeia took each of her children in turn to the sanctuary of Hera to "hide them away" (katakruptein), thinking that this operation would make them immortal. (The word may mean that she buried them. ) When her hopes were disappointed and Jason discovered what she had done, he abandoned her. Another version held that Medeia instructed her children to bring a poisoned robe to her rival Glauke. When Glauke perished as a result of the gift, the enraged Korinthians stoned the innocent children. The murdered
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children took a supernatural vengeance by causing Korinthian infants to die, until the desperate citizens consulted an oracle and were told to institute annual sacrifices to Medeia's children. They also set up a statue known as Deima, or Terror, which took the form of "a frightening woman. " In antiquity, infant mortality was often attributed to female demons (Mormo, Lamia) who had a hideous appearance; the statue seems to have been designed to ward off such malign influences. Other sources tell us more about the relationship between the children's cult and that of Hera. Every year, seven boys and seven girls from noble families were dressed in black and sent to live in the sanctuary of Hera Akraia (it is unclear whether this refers to a sanctuary in Korinth itself, since no such sanctuary has been identified, or to that at Perachora). They cut their hair and dedicated it to Medeia's children, and presumably participated in the thre ? noi, or laments, sung for the children, and the enagismata, or sacrifices for the dead. 11
All these myths and related customs have been taken as evidence of a real (in the distant past) or symbolic child sacrifice to appease hostile divine forces, or as an initiation rite by which the youths and maidens, after a period of separation from the community, reached adult status. Certainly they indicate that the Korinthians thought it was necessary to devote elite children to the service of the goddess, and that upon this service depended the health and welfare of the entire community's children. The rituals originally may have been conducted for Medeia herself, since some scholars view her as a divine figure whose cult was superseded by Hera's. 12
Hera at Olympia
One of the paradoxes of the Panhellenic site of Olympia is that its earliest temple was erected not for Zeus, the primary deity of the sanctuary, but for Hera. During the late seventh century, a Heraion was built in the Altis, or sacred enclosure, which then contained no other major structures. Originally, only the foundations were of stone, while the walls were mud brick, and the rest of the structure, including the colonnade, was wood. The temple was refurbished in such a way that the columns were gradually replaced in stone, and each one was slightly different in style, thickness, and the type of stone used. The mismatched columns were probably the result of contributions by many donors, each of whom supplied one column and wanted it to be recog- nizably different from the rest.
Some scholars, disturbed by the anomaly of a Heraion as the only temple in a sanctuary of Zeus, have suggested that the temple was from the beginning dedicated jointly to Zeus and Hera, or that it was originally a temple of Zeus, and was rededicated to Hera only after Zeus' Classical temple was built in the fifth century. The question is still open, but we should keep in mind that a temple was never a requirement for a sanctuary, and was often absent from sanctuaries of Zeus in particular (as at Dodona, another Panhellenic Zeus
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sanctuary). The focus of Zeus' cult was not a cult statue, but the great ash altar where he received sacrifices. Furthermore, Hera was, as we have seen, one of the earliest temple deities, and one who was consistently provided with temples in the early Archaic period. Hera's cult in the Altis may have been introduced by Pheidon, the seventh-century king of Argos who estab- lished a military presence in Elis and reorganized the Olympic games. If this is the case, the Hera temple originally served as an offshoot of the Argive Heraion, and a reminder of the political and military supremacy of Argos in the early Archaic period. 13
Pausanias (5. 16. 1-20. 5) provides a detailed description of the temple's amazing contents. The cult image of Hera was seated, and behind it stood a statue of Zeus wearing a helmet. The positioning of Zeus' statue suggests that he was not the primary deity of this temple, but that his role as Hera's spouse was important to the cult (this is borne out by other aspects of the cult described below). Both statues are described as "simple" works, and thus probably belonged to the Archaic period. Nearby were images of many other deities in ivory and gold, some by famous sculptors and others by unknown artists: the Horai (Seasons) and Themis their mother, Athena, Demeter and Kore, Apollo and Artemis, Hermes, and so on. A richly decorated cedar- wood chest was dedicated by the family of Kypselos, the seventh-century tyrant of Korinth; this famous chest was covered with labeled episodes from heroic myths. There was also a small bed, recalling the "couch of Hera" in the Heraion at Argos; a disc on which was inscribed the ritual formula for the Olympic truce forbidding men in arms to enter the sanctuary, and the ivory and gold table used to hold the wreaths for Olympic victors.
Hera's cult at Olympia was administered by a college of sixteen women chosen from the most venerable and respected matrons of the district. These women organized the Heraia, or games held to honor Hera, concurrently with the quadrennial Olympic games. While women were generally excluded from the Olympic games both as competitors and as spectators, the Heraia involved a footrace for girls of three different age categories. They ran in the same stadium as the men and boys, though the track was one-sixth shorter. The winners received a portion of the meat from the cow sacrificed to Hera and a crown of olive. The sixteen women of Elis also wove a robe for Hera, which was presumably dedicated in the temple and may have adorned the cult image. They arranged choruses for Physkoa, a Dionysiac heroine, and for Hippodameia, the heroine who figures in one of the founding myths of Olympia. 14 It was to win the hand of Hippodameia that Pelops raced against her father, the king of Elis, thus inaugurating the chariot races at Olympia. The sixteen women traced their origin to Hippodameia, who first formed the college in order to give thanks to Hera for her marriage to Pelops. An alter- native story said that the women were brought together as arbiters to settle disputes between the Eleans and the Pisatans, who fought over the control of the sanctuary in the seventh and sixth centuries. If the story is accurate, this is
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one of the rare cases in which women's religious authority translated into a limited form of political authority.
Hera in Italy
The city of Poseidonia/Paestum in southern Italy was settled by Greeks from the Argolid. Within the walls to the south of the city, the new inhabitants built a Doric temple of Hera in the sixth century. The temple is notable for its double cella; the two halves are separated by a central row of columns. Since there was no technical need for this feature, which had been used in early temples to support the roof, scholars have speculated that there may have been two cult images. Perhaps Zeus was worshiped with Hera, as he was at Olympia. Terracottas from the sanctuary show the king and queen of the gods enthroned together. A second temple to Hera was built beside the first in the fifth century, and must have contained a newer cult image. Another theory about this temple holds that it was consecrated to Poseidon, the patron god of the city. 15
The Hera cult in the city was linked to an extraurban sanctuary at the mouth of the river Sele, north of Paestum. The medieval lime kilns on the site show that the sanctuary's structures were long ago dismantled and the marble components burned, yet here one of the most significant caches of Greek sculpture to be uncovered in the twentieth century escaped destruc- tion. Buried in the sand, excavators found more than thirty sculptured metopes from what was probably the earliest Hera temple at the site (c. 560). Many of these metopes illustrate the deeds of Herakles; others are scenes from the epic cycle of poems about Troy. 16 A second, larger temple of Hera, dating to about 500, was differently ornamented, with metopes depicting dancing pairs of maidens. The terracotta votives in this sanctuary are very reminiscent of those in the other Heraia we have studied: they show the enthroned goddess holding a spear, a child, a horse, or a pomegranate. Not coincidentally, the Virgin of the eighth-century CE church built near this site is known as the Madonna of the Pomegranate. Other typical gifts to the goddess, also found at both Argos and Samos, are implements of war: mini- ature terracotta shields and armor. Like the Heraion at Samos, this famous sanctuary was supposed to have been founded by Jason and the Argonauts to honor Argive Hera. 17
The sanctuary of Hera Lakinia at Kroton has been described as the most important sanctuary in southern Italy during the Classical period because of its role as the seat of the Achaian and Italian Leagues. Its rich votives begin in the seventh century and include a bronze ship model and a diadem decorated with leaves and acorns that may have adorned a wooden cult image. Like the other Olympian goddesses, Hera often received gifts of clothing, among which an elaborate purple cloak, embroidered with figures in gold and silver and presented by Alkistenes of Sybaris, was renowned. The nearby sanctuary
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? Figure 3. 2 Metope from Hera sanctuary at Foce del Sele: Centaur, 570-60. Museo Archeologico Nazionale. Bildarchiv Foto Marburg.
of Vigna Nuova contained numerous chains and tools, which may have been dedications to Hera by prisoners captured during Kroton's destruction of Sybaris (510) and ultimately freed. 18
Hera and marriage
Hera often receives the cult title Teleia (the Fulfilled) in reference to her status as an archetypal bride and consort. In Greek culture, marriage and mother- hood were the only acceptable goals for most women, and while Hera is not an enthusiastic mother in myth, we have seen that she functions as a nurturing goddess in some cults. Myths of Hera often illustrate the socially sanctioned status of the legitimate wife. The "marriage month" Gamelion, which appeared in many city calendars and involved sacrifices to Hera, was an auspicious time for weddings. Her union with Zeus was celebrated in the
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villages of Attica during the minor festival of Hieros Gamos (Sacred Marriage), while Zeus Teleios and Hera Teleia are invoked by Athenian poets in contexts that have to do with marriage. 19
In Boiotian Plataiai, the site of a major Hera festival, the temple contained two statues of the goddess. One was called Hera Nympheuomene (Led as a Bride) referring to the marriage procession, and the other was Hera Teleia. The goddess' festival, the Daidala, was celebrated every four (or six) years. According to Pausanias' account (9. 2. 5-3. 4), this involved the felling of an oak tree selected when the Plataians set out food for the crows in a sacred grove. The first tree the birds settled in was cut and fashioned into a crude statue called Daidala. At much longer intervals of sixty years, the festival called the Great Daidala took place. Unlike the annual observance, this involved the participation of cities all over Boiotia, each of whom contributed a cow and a bull. One of the wooden figures produced at the quadrennial festival was dressed as a bride and ceremoniously conducted in a cart from the river Asopos up to the peak of Mt. Kithairon. There, along with the other wooden figures and the sacrificial animals, it was burnt in a huge bonfire on the altar. 20
The myth that explained the origin of this custom told how Zeus had quarreled with Hera, who "hid herself away" in the area of Mt. Kithairon. On the advice of a local king, Zeus devised a method to find and reconcile her: he pretended to marry a rival, the oaken statue. Hera and the outraged matrons of Plataiai disrupted the wedding procession, only to discover that the bride was a wooden image. Amused at the trick, Hera nevertheless insisted on the burning of the false rival. In the historical period, the festival was understood to commemorate the reconciliation of Zeus and Hera, and was therefore a celebration of divine and human marriage. Both the images in Hera's temple, Nympheuomene and Teleia, refer to aspects of Hera's concern with legitimate, socially sanctioned unions, and the myth likewise stresses how Hera and the women of Plataiai jealously protected their prerogatives as wives in a culture that considered extramarital sex for men normal, yet took seriously the rule that a man must have only one wife. Otherwise, issues of social status and inheritance could become muddied.
On the other hand, the festival seems to incorporate elements that predate the myth of Hera's feminine jealousy, and point to the worship of an inde- pendently powerful goddess. Zeus has no place in the ritual itself, which seems to be akin to other sacred log processions attested in Boiotia and elsewhere, such as the Daphnephoria (Carrying the Laurel). Sacrifices on mountain peaks were characteristic of Minoan religion, and a shrine known as the Daidaleion is attested from Mycenaean Knossos. Hera's cult, with its marital preoccupations, may have been superimposed upon rituals that were once carried out for a prehellenic tree or mountain goddess who disappeared and returned on a seasonal basis. At the same time, the myth of Hera's quarrel with Zeus should not be dismissed as a comical tale concocted to explain the
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ritual. At Stymphalos in Arkadia, there was a similar myth of Hera's quarrel with and separation from Zeus, and there too the goddess' cult titles referred to marital status. Hera, it was said, grew up in Stymphalos, and possessed three sanctuaries, one as Pais (Girl), one as Teleia, which she received upon her marriage to Zeus, and one as Chera (Widow). She received the latter because she returned to Stymphalos "while she was quarreling with Zeus" and was without a husband. Thus, in the Stymphalian cult Hera provided models for the three stages of female life as the Greeks conceptualized it, but it was her period of separation from Zeus that provided the impetus for the goddess' return to her own land. Hera's identity as a local goddess could best be manifested when she was apart from Zeus, not installed as his bride on Olympos. 21
Further reading
Clark 1998 compares several festivals of Hera in relation to the institution of marriage. Kyrieleis 1993 is a useful account of the sanctuary of Hera at Samos by one of its excavators. O'Brien 1993 argues, speculatively at times, for continuity in Hera's cults from the Bronze Age to the Archaic period and gives detailed archaeological information. Tomlinson 1992 is a good intro- duction to the material record at Perachora, while Pedley 1990 (cf. Pedley 2005. 167-85) provides one of the few accounts in English of the Hera sanc- tuaries at Poseidonia/Paestum and Foce del Sele.
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4
MISTRESS OF CITADELS Athena
Athena's name probably comes from the city of Athens and not the other way around. In a Linear B tablet from Knossos, we hear of the Potnia (Mistress) of At(h)ana, and there is a consensus that Athena was in origin a Minoan or Mycenaean deity, perhaps identical with the shield goddess who appears on a painted tablet at Mycenae itself. 1 As a warrior goddess who protected the king and citadel, this Mistress had parallels in the Near East (Ishtar, Anat) and Egypt (Neith). Still, the exact relationship between the Bronze Age goddess and the Athena of the Classical Greeks is unclear, for gaps and incon- sistencies in the archaeological evidence mean that we cannot demonstrate continuity of worship. Athena's sanctuaries and temples are very often to be found at the city center, particularly on fortified heights like the Athenian Akropolis. In Greek towns of the early Iron Age, her dwelling place was often juxtaposed to that of the local chieftain or king; later she championed the polis with its varied forms of government. She presided over the arts of war, such as the taming of horses, the training of warriors, and the building of ships. As a goddess of crafts, particularly weaving and metalworking, she evokes the palace economies of the Bronze Age.
The Athenian Akropolis
Fittingly, the center of Athena's worship in her namesake city was a most impressive citadel, the Akropolis. Among the many riddles of Athenian cult topography, the question of Athena's temples on the Archaic and Classical Akropolis is perhaps the most vexing. Nobody has yet achieved a definitive reconstruction of the sequence of major Athena temples and how these match up with the structures mentioned in the inscriptions and literary sources. Archaeological remains provide evidence of several temples. First, there is the so-called Bluebeard temple, named for the triple-bodied, snake-legged creature in its pediment, which belonged to the second quarter of the sixth century. This Doric temple, the first monumental temple on the Akropolis, may have stood on the north side, directly over the old Mycenaean palace, or on the south side where the Parthenon was later built; it is sometimes called
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the "grandfather of the Parthenon. " Second, well-preserved foundations on the north side, excavated in the nineteenth century by Wilhelm Do? rpfeld, belong to a splendid late sixth-century temple, also Doric, which possessed two porches and a cella divided into four chambers. Sculpture from this temple, including a striding Athena attacking a giant, has been identified. A number of sculptures from unidentified buildings, such as the "Olive tree pediment," are also known. Finally, immediately following the victories of 490, the Athenians began to build a splendid, large temple as a thank offering to the goddess. Located on the south side of the Akropolis, this was the Older Parthenon, the direct predecessor of the great Periklean temple. When the Persians sacked the Akropolis in 480, they burned the existing temples, including the unfinished Older Parthenon, and the remains of these were incorporated into the north Akropolis defensive wall. 2
It is safe to say that Athena possessed a temple from the eighth or seventh century, since this is the most likely date of the ancient olivewood cult image around which the central rituals for the goddess were organized. 3 Two Homeric passages are relevant; in the Iliad (2. 549) she establishes the cult of Erechtheus "in her own rich temple" while in the Odyssey (7. 78-81) she travels across the sea and enters "the strong-built house of Erechtheus. " The Ionic building we call the Erechtheion was known to the Classical Athenians as "the temple with the image" or the archaios neo ? s (Old Temple), even though it was quite new at the time. It took over this name from its predeces- sor, either the Do? rpfeld temple or a "pre-Erechtheion. " Active controversy attends the question of whether the Ionic building, in addition to housing Athena's olivewood statue, is also the shrine of Erechtheus; some say the latter, described by Pausanias (1. 26. 5-27. 4), is to be found elsewhere on the Akropolis. Though the question must remain open, the Homeric passages above suggest that Athena's holiest shrine always housed Erechtheus' cult as well. The same sacerdotal family, known as the Eteoboutadai, supplied the priests for both Poseidon-Erechtheus and Athena Polias. If the cults were housed together, we also have an explanation for the four-chambered cellas of both the Do? rpfeld temple and the Ionic temple. 4
An early fifth-century decree (IG I3 4) was carved on a metope from the Bluebeard temple and therefore postdates the dismantling of that structure. It refers to a neo ?
s (Temple) and a hekatompedon (Hundred-Footer) as separate sacred areas, but there is no consensus on which labels fit which places. This inscription does however illustrate the pattern, probably dating to the early sixth century, of maintaining two Akropolis temples dedicated to Athena. One, situated on the north side, held the olivewood statue (and perhaps the associated cult of Erechtheus) and was the focus of the most ancient rituals. The other, on the south, came about as a result of the competitive vogue for elaborate "Hundred-Footers" that swept the Greek world in the seventh and sixth centuries, and the final representative of this tradition was the Parthe- non, with its colossal gold and ivory cult statue sculpted by Pheidias. 5 The
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? Figure 4. 1 Athena Parthenos. Roman marble copy of the cult statue in the Parthenon at Athens, 447-39. Ht 1. 045 m. National Archaeological Museum, Athens. Alinari/Art Resource.
southern temples, whose primary function was to store and display the increasing number of rich objects dedicated to Athena, were themselves a form of offering from the citizens to their goddess.
Some two hundred marble fragments preserve the inventories of the tamiai (treasurers) of Athena, officials who were responsible for keeping track of the valuable ritual objects and dedications stored in the Parthenon and the Erechtheion in the Classical period. These inventories show that the interior walls of the temples were fitted with shelves or cupboards. For smaller items, baskets (often gilded) and bronze boxes were used. The earliest inventory of objects in the Parthenon (434/3) includes gold and silver ritual vessels, armor, at least fifty-seven items of furniture, several lyres, and six Persian daggers inlaid with gold. Many of these objects were used in Athena's festivals and returned to the temple, while others were simply valuable or decorative items owned by the goddess. The inventories for the Ionic temple describe the contents of the room where Athena's olivewood cult statue stood, including a gold incense burner fitted into the floor and a lustral basin held by a male
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statue. The cult image itself is said to possess a gold circlet, earrings, a neck- band, five necklaces, a gold owl (probably on the statue's shoulder), a gold aegis with a gorgon's head, and a gold libation bowl. 6
The bastion flanking the south entrance to the Akropolis was the site of a cult of Athena Nike (Victory) dating to the early sixth century. During the modern restoration of the gemlike Classical temple perched on the bastion, workers found remains of the Archaic sanctuary, which had been incorpor- ated into the newer structure. Beneath the new altar, a block from the old was preserved with its sixth-century inscription: "Altar of Athena Nike. Patrokles erected it. " The theme of victory relates to the reorganization of the Pana- thenaia in 566 and that festival's association with Athena's victory over the giants. The Archaic sanctuary was presumably destroyed by the Persians, though the cult statue, a wooden Athena holding a pomegranate in the right hand and a helmet in the left, survived to be reinstalled in its new home. 7 The mid-fifth-century Nike Temple Decree (IG I3 35) commissioned Kallikrates to design the temple that still stands and established the office of priestess of Athena Nike, which was awarded based on the drawing of lots from all Athenian citizen women.
Figure 4. 2 Bronze votive statue of Athena in battle from the Athenian Akropolis, c. 480. Athens, National Archaeological Museum. Bildarchiv Foto Mar- burg.
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Athena's festival year
Athena's great festival, the Panathenaia, fell in midsummer during the first month of the Athenian calendar, Hekatombaion (named for the customary hecatombs or sacrifices of multiple cattle to the goddess). The preparations for the Panathenaia began nine months earlier, with the fall celebration of the Chalkeia (Festival of Bronze-workers) in honor of Athena Ergane (of Labors) and Hephaistos as deities of handicrafts. Weavers too honored Athena Ergane, and as part of the Chalkeia the ergastinai (women workers) set up a loom on which to weave the peplos destined to be presented to Athena during the Panathenaia. 8 They were assisted by little girls clad in white, about seven years old, and chosen from elite families to serve Athena. These girls, known as the arrhe ? phoroi, lived on the Akropolis "with the goddess" for the rest of the year, just as the daughters of king Kekrops once did.
As early summer drew near, the ritual and logistical preparations for the Panathenaia began in earnest. The purificatory month of Thargelion brought two holy days involving the cult statue of Athena, both associated with Aglauros, the daughter of Kekrops and priestess of Athena who leapt to her death from the Akropolis. The first day, called the Kallynteria (Beautifica- tion), is often described as the sweeping out of the temple (the verb kallunein can mean both "adorn" and "sweep, scour"). Alternatively, the ritual may have involved the kosme ? sis or adornment of the image with jewelry and other items, for it was said in connection with this festival that Aglauros was the first to adorn the gods' images. 9 Next, women of the Praxiergidai, an Athenian sacerdotal family, performed the Plynteria (Washing festival). They removed the garments of the statue and cleaned them. They may also have bathed the image itself, but our sources do not specifically say this. The naked image was veiled for one day, on which it was considered unlucky to conduct either private or public business; Athenian sanctuaries were closed during the Plynteria as well, and some Attic towns (also known as demes), such as Erchia and Thorikos, held their own observances. At this time the Praxiergidai conducted secret rites, and a cake made of figs, the first domesti- cated fruit, was carried at the head of a procession as a reminder of Athens' primitive origins. The somberness of the day was attributed to the mourning for Aglauros, but it was clearly part of a cycle of purification and a necessary preliminary to the celebration of the New Year and Panathenaia. A month called Plynterion, attested in the Ionian islands of Paros, Thasos, and Chios, suggests that this observance predates the Ionian migration, though it is not certain that "Washing month" refers specifically to the same ritual. 10
During Skirophorion, the arrhe ? phoroi were called on to perform a secret nocturnal rite. According to Pausanias (1. 27. 3), Athena's priestess gave them sacred objects in baskets, which they carried on their heads to an enclosure in the city not far from the sanctuary of Aphrodite in the Gardens, accessible by a "natural underground descent. " Neither the priestess nor the girls
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knew what the objects were, but when they reached their destination, they exchanged what they were carrying for other hidden objects, and returned to the Akropolis. This curious ritual has been interpreted as a fertility rite and/or a rite of passage, especially given the mention of Aphrodite and the comment of one scholiast that the secret objects were dough models of male genitalia and snakes. Although Pausanias does not identify Aphrodite's sanctuary as the actual destination of the arrhe ? phoroi, it has been suggested that the girls climbed down a passageway on the north slope of the Akropolis toward an area that served in Classical times as a shrine of Aphrodite and Eros. 11 Their journey reflects the myth that Athena gave the daughters of Kekrops something secret to carry in a basket, which turned out to be the snake-legged, earthborn infant Erichthonios. When the girls disobeyed the goddess' command and peeked into the basket, they were terrified and leapt from the Akropolis. Pandrosos (All-Dew), the one daughter who obeyed Athena, had a shrine beside the Ionic temple of Athena, and the families of former arrhe ? phoroi sometimes made dedications to Athena and Pandrosos. 12 The term arrhe ? phoros (also spelled errhe ? phoros) refers to a "bearer" of something; ancient commentators suggested that the unknown first element in the word came from arrhe ? ta (unspoken things) or herse ? (dew).
The New Year brought the Panathenaia, held on 28 Hekatombaion, the anniversary of Athena's triumph in the battle of the gods and giants. The battle of the gods and giants was the scene intricately woven into Athena's peplos; Elizabeth Barber has shown that such story cloths were an inherit- ance from the early Archaic period, if not the Bronze Age, and required months to create. 13 Every four years the weeklong annual festival became the Great Panathenaia, when games were celebrated on a lavish, Panhellenic scale. The wide variety of events included musical competitions and recita- tions of Homer, chariot racing, men's and boys' athletics, a dance in armor (purrhike ? ), a regatta in the harbor, and a torch race. Winners received commemorative jars filled with olive oil, many of which have survived for modern study.
The highlight of the festival was the Panathenaic parade, which followed the Sacred Way from the Dipylon gate through the potters' quarter and agora to the Akropolis, a distance of about 1 km. Unlike the games, the procession was an inclusive event with representatives from many segments of the Athenian population, who were given different ritual duties: non-citizens, freed slaves, women, and old men. Still, members of aristocratic families played the most important roles. On the Parthenon frieze, the procession is shown entering the company of the gods (i. e. the Akropolis? ) and presenting the newly woven robe to the goddess. Perhaps the olivewood statue was now fully dressed and adorned for the first time since the removal of its kosmos during the Plynteria. Meanwhile, a massive sacrifice took place and the meat was distributed to the gleeful residents of the city. The management of this elaborate festival was the responsibility of a number of officers, some
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of whom administered the games while others, the hieropoioi (doers of sacred things), organized the sacrifices. While the Panathenaic festival was "founded" in 566, this date probably represents a reorganization and elabor- ation of existing rituals, such as the weaving of the peplos, that reach back to the eighth century or earlier. In later centuries many changes were introduced, such as the inclusion in the parade of a ship on wheels with a giant "peplos" displayed as its sail. This elaborate cloth was produced by professional male weavers, but it did not take the place of the women's peplos, which was approximately 1. 8 by 2 m, the size of an actual garment. 14
Other Athenian cults
To judge from the evidence of the surviving deme calendars, many of the Attic demes held local celebrations of Athena's great city festivals. At Thorikos there was a sacrifice for the Plynteria, and at Erchia a sacrifice to Kourotro- phos (Nurturer of Youths), Athena Polias, Aglauros, Zeus Polieus, Poseidon, and Pandrosos fell on 3 Skirophorion, the same day the arrhe ? phoroi carried their secret objects for the goddess. 15 In the coastal deme of Phaleron, the Salaminioi, an extended family with strong ties to the nearby island of Salamis and its cult of Athena Skiras, maintained a sanctuary of the goddess. This Attic sanctuary of Athena Skiras played a role in the vintage festival of the Oschophoria and Athena herself, in association with the hero Skiros, received the clan's offering of a pregnant sheep in the winter month of Maimakterion. 16
The little-known cult of Athena Pallenis (of Pallene) is important for the light it sheds on the process by which the cults of Attica were absorbed into the larger system of the Athenian polis during the eighth and seventh centuries, and their continuing relations. Athenaeus (6. 234f-235a) preserves the rather mangled texts of a dedication and a sacred law pertaining to this Athena Pallenis. From them we learn that several of the inland demes, including Pallene, were gathered into a league centered on the worship of Athena. No later than the seventh century, this cult was brought under the supervision of the state in the person of the archo ? n basileus (the King Archon, who had inherited the original king's religious authority). He selected a group of officials known as archontes (rulers), who in turn designated parasitoi (fellow diners) from each member deme. The parasites and archons, the social elite of their communities, enjoyed a yearly banquet funded by the goddess in a building maintained for this purpose. Like several gods whose sanctuaries were located outside the urban area of Athens, Athena Pallenis possessed considerable wealth and her sanctuary easily financed the annual feast. A fine fifth-century temple in the agora, moved from its original site in the Roman period and previously assigned to Ares, is now thought to be the shrine of Athena Pallenis. 17
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Goddess and Palladion
Pallas was a common literary title of Athena, and the name appears on Archaic dedications from the Athenian Akropolis. There are two possible etymologies, one from the verb pallein, to brandish, and one that makes Pallas a synonym for girl or maiden.
The epic cycle told of a covert mission by Odysseus and Diomedes to enter Troy and carry off a small statue of Athena known as the Palladion (statue of Pallas). Sent down from heaven by Zeus, the talismanic image ensured the security of Troy as long as the Trojans possessed it. Many late sources speak of this tradition, and vase paintings illustrate the theft of the diminutive statue. Athens, Argos, Sparta, Rome, and other cities had protective images of this type, and each boasted that its Athena was none other than the original Palladion of Troy. The Argive claim was the oldest, for the Athenians and Spartans said that their Palladia were confiscated from the Argive hero Diomedes. 18 The Palladion of Argos was most likely the image housed in the akropolis temple on Larisa, which existed from the sixth century or earlier. (The cult itself, in which Athena and Zeus were closely associated as poliad deities, dated to Geometric times. ) Callimachus recorded the annual ritual of the statue's purification in his fifth Hymn (5. 1-2, 33-34), which indicates that female members of the clan or phratry of Arestor served as "bath pourers" (lotrocho ? oi) for Pallas. A procession accompanied the Palladion, carried on the shield of Diomedes, to the river Inachos about 4 km from the city, where it was bathed in the river. The only other attested Greek ritual in which a statue is carried out of its temple in order to be bathed belongs to another Palladion, this one at Athens.
Trials for accidental homicide and the murder of non-citizens were con- ducted at a court in the place called Palladion, located on the southeast side of Athens on the Ilissos river. The origins of this court were tied in legend to the sanctuary of Athena "at Palladion," which contained an image thought to be the celebrated Trojan Palladion, confiscated by King Demophon from Diomedes and his men at the port of Phaleron. During the scuffle, Demophon either killed the Argives themselves, or accidentally caused the death of an Athenian. He was brought to trial in the court at Palladion, which ever after served the same function. Two old priestly families, the Gephyraioi and Bouzygai, oversaw the sanctuary, and during an annual festival the statue was carried in a procession to Phaleron, where it was washed in the sea. The washing ritual for the Palladion has often been conflated with the ceremonies of the Plynteria, but there is no basis for this idea. The bath in the sea (or in sea water) was clearly connected with the need to "cleanse" the image from the miasma brought about by repeated exposure to the killers who were tried in the court, and the original bathing of the statue was ascribed to King Demophon himself. Because it was made of wood and small enough to carry about, the Palladion was probably of Archaic date. 19
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Ionian Athena
Though a less dominating presence than at Athens, Athena was a prominent civic goddess in virtually every Ionian city by the eighth century. At Miletos, where Apollo was the patron deity, the seventh-century Athena temple was constructed in a commercial district on the site of a former Minoan and Mycenaean colony. It was repeatedly damaged and rebuilt over the succeed- ing centuries. 20 An unbroken series of votive offerings, including metal items such as a fragmentary bronze griffin cauldron, stretches from the eighth century on and hints at the wealth of the sanctuary. Likewise, the earliest activity at Athena's sanctuary in Erythrai is dated to the eighth century; among the oldest structures found there were a temple (rebuilt in the sixth century) and a ruler's dwelling. Pausanias (7. 5. 9) describes the cult statue of Athena Polias at Erythrai as a large enthroned Athena made of wood, holding a distaff and crowned with a polos, a cylindrical headdress often worn by goddesses. He attributes it to the Archaic sculptor Endoios. Such representations of Athena with spinning tools are virtually absent from the Greek mainland, although facilities for sacred weaving in her sanctuaries were not unusual. 21
At Old Smyrna, the Athena cult seems to have been introduced by Ionian refugees from Kolophon who seized the city from its Aiolian founders in the late eighth century. The first temple to Athena, a modest apsidal structure, appeared shortly thereafter (c. 690), and its successors grew ever more elaborate. Excavation has revealed a wealth of faience, ivory, terracotta, and stone objects traceable to Rhodes, Krete, Cyprus, and Syria, evidence of the cosmopolitan city's flourishing trade in the Orientalizing period. Around 600, the Lydian ruler Alyattes sacked the city and looted the temple, but the people quickly rebuilt it. Several mushroom-shaped capitals from the early sixth-century temple, influenced by Phoenician and Hittite models, have sur- vived. Alyattes also burned the temple of Athena at Assessos, in the territory of Miletos. As a result of this sacrilege he fell ill, and the Delphic oracle ordered him rebuild the temple as penance for the offense to the goddess. Investigation of the ancient site, where excavators found the remains of an Archaic city and at least one temple destroyed and rebuilt in the seventh century, supports the general outline of Herodotus' account (1. 16, 19-22). 22
At the citadel of Emporio on Chios, the eighth-century sanctuary of Athena shared the space inside the circuit wall with a ruler's megaron, while the townspeople lived on the slopes below. Around 600, the hillside town was abandoned for a settlement in the harbor below, yet the Athena sanctuary was kept in use and a temple was added in the mid-sixth century. The temple design carefully preserved an earlier structure, an irregular stone box less than a meter high, touching the bedrock and filled with earth. This crude altar or basis for offerings, once the center of the open-air sanctuary, shared the focal area of the cella with the cult image. Nine small griffin protomes of
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lead, found in the cella, may have been attached to the helmet of this statue. 23 Priene, Phokaia, Ephesos, Teos, Kolophon, and Klazomenai too had their cults of Athena Polias or Poliouchos (Protector of the City), demonstrating the great popularity of Athena among the Ionians. Herodotus (1. 147-49) relates that all these cities except for Ephesos and Kolophon celebrated the Apatouria, a coming-of-age festival celebrated by the phratries. Athena and Zeus presided over the Apatouria at Athens, so the same may have been true in the Ionian cities.
Boiotian Athena
Homer (Il. 4. 8, 5. 908) gives Athena the epithet Alalkomenei? s, which literally means "she who protects" and evokes the warlike goddess of the Palladion. Several cults of Athena under this name existed, but its oldest home was perhaps her ancient sanctuary in the Boiotian town of Alalkomenai. Exca- vated but never published, it lay in a plain between the towns of Haliartos and Koroneia. According to Strabo (9. 2. 36), the venerable sanctuary was held in such respect that the city was never ravaged by a hostile army. His account is contradicted by Pausanias (9. 33. 5-6), who reports that Sulla impiously looted the temple's celebrated ivory statue. With the loss of the sacred image, the sanctuary at last fell into decline, and was overgrown with vegetation by the second century CE. Local legend held that Athena was born or grew to adulthood here; her poetic epithet Tritogeneia (Triton-born) was associated with the river Triton. 24
Oddly enough, nearby Koroneia boasted another Athena sanctuary of equal antiquity and renown, which served as the site of the Pamboiotia, or festival of all the Boiotians. This gathering, already old in Pindar's time, involved contests in chariot racing, music, and athletics. A series of sixth- century Boiotian vases showing a festival in progress and an armed Athena standing before an altar and temple have been attributed to this cult. The worship of Athena Itonia originated in the Thessalian town of Iton, but was brought to Boiotia when the Boiotoi moved south in the early Iron Age. In the seventh century Alcaeus (fr. 3, 325 LP) sang of this Athena, whom he addresses as Queen Athena polemadokos (Sustainer of War). The goddess' companion was a chthonian deity represented as a snake and understood to be either Zeus or Hades. In the fifth century, Agorakritos, the pupil of Pheidias, created bronzes of Athena and Zeus for the Itoneion. Athena was served by a priestess, successor of the legendary priestess Iodama, who ventured at night into the sacred area and saw a vision of the goddess wearing the aegis with its gorgon head. Iodama was turned to stone (perhaps she was identified with a life-size statue) and a fire was lit daily on her altar in the sanctuary. 25
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The Lokrian Maidens
Ajax the Lesser, a native of Lokris, attacked the Trojan maiden Kassandra who had sought refuge beside the statue of Athena, and as he dragged her away he toppled the sacred image. The goddess' wrath was directed at all the Greeks for this sacrilege but especially at Ajax, who in the Homeric account was shipwrecked and drowned before reaching home (Od. 4. 499-511). In the third year, a plague fell upon Lokris, and the people consulted Apollo's oracle at Delphi. They were told that their penance for Ajax's crime would last a thousand years. They must choose two of their girls by lot and deliver them to the shores of Troy as temple servants of Athena. These girls must be led to the goddess secretly by night, while the Trojan men hunted them down. Maidens killed attempting to reach the safety of the temple were to be burned with wood that bore no fruit, and their ashes cast in the sea; those who arrived unharmed had to remain in the sanctuary for life, barefoot and wear- ing only a simple shift, sweeping out the temple and performing other menial duties like slaves. They grew old as virgins, and when one died, another must be brought to take her place.
This tribute of maidens, reported most fully by Lycophron (Alex. 1141-73 with schol. ) and mentioned by a number of late authors, has no exact paral- lels in Greek practice. 26 Maiden sacrifices are common enough in myth, but rarely if ever did they occur in the ritual of historical times. The Lokrians of Italy, according to some dubious sources, devoted their daughters as sacred prostitutes to the service of Aphrodite, but in these accounts the girls' lives were not threatened, nor were they forced to leave their homes forever. A ritual requirement of lifelong virginity is extremely unusual: the Greeks had no Vestal Virgins. Therefore, the amazing account of the Lokrian Maidens would likely be dismissed today as a fantasy, but for a third-century inscription (IG IX 12 3. 706), which establishes the journey of the maidens as historical fact. It declares that the Aianteioi, or descendants of Ajax, and their city of Naryx in Opuntian Lokris, shall receive significant privileges (such as tax relief and priority access to courts) in return for sending the two maidens to Ilion. The girls are to have their expenses paid, including the cost of their wardrobes (kosmos). The inscription makes it clear, however, that the girls served for a limited period, not for life; that they wore new garments, not rags; and that they were chosen from elite families, not by lot.
There are indeed indications that Hera at Samos was a goddess concerned with fertility. Among the objects dedicated to her were pinecones and pome- granates (real fruits as well as clay and ivory models), symbols of fecund reproduction. The offering of pomegranates, however, appears to cease after about 600. Joan V. O'Brien suggests that this is due to a shift in the percep- tion of Hera, through which her role as bride of Zeus came to be emphasized over her earlier manifestation as a powerful, independent goddess. In any case, Hera's role at Samos was never limited to assuring fertility, but must have been closely connected with the Samians' successful trading ventures. Stylized wooden ship models were common votives, and in the Archaic period two full-size ships were dedicated in the sanctuary. 8
The cult image of Samian Hera has been described by ancient witnesses as crudely carved and planklike. It was wooden, small and light enough to be carried annually to the shore for the Tonaia, but spent the rest of the year ensconced in the temple, dressed in rich garments and wearing a high crown. It also wore a pectoral ornament, resembling an extended collar or series of necklaces, which was characteristic of East Greek and Anatolian deities (the so-called "multiple breasts" of Artemis at Ephesos are another example). When the Samians built the huge Classical temple, they supplied it with a new cult image that resided in the cella, the normal location. The venerable old image was kept in the pronaos, or front room, of the temple. This arrangement was perhaps dictated by the need to keep the old image in its original location: its base in the pronaos stood on the same spot it had occupied in the cella of the old temple. As we have seen, keeping the goddess fixed in her proper place was a major cultic concern for the Samians. 9
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Hera at Korinth and Perachora
The Heraion at Perachora was among the richest minor sanctuaries in Greece. Literary sources are almost completely silent about this sanctuary, but the archaeological finds show that it was of great importance during the Archaic period. In the territory of the prosperous mercantile state of Korinth, it was founded in the eighth century and saw the construction of yet another of the very early temples to Hera we have noted. The first temple had a curved (apsidal) back wall and was only about 7. 5 m in length. Nothing is known about the cult image, but the goddess here was called Hera Akraia (of the Headland), a reference to the Perachora promontory on which the sanctuary was situated near a small harbor. Sixth-century dedications to Hera Limenia (of the Harbor) have also been found; surprisingly, these appear on a terrace above the harbor itself and the main part of the sanctuary. An Archaic struc- ture on the terrace, once thought to be a separate temple of Hera Limenia, is now considered an auxiliary building, probably a dining room. Blocks used in this building contain dedications to Hera under yet another title, Hera Leukolene (of the White Arms). These early (seventh- and sixth-century) dedications echo one of Homer's favorite epithets for Hera (e. g. Il. 5. 711, 8. 381, etc. ).
The pattern of votives shows that this was an important cult site for local people, as well as for sailors traveling up and down the Gulf of Korinth. The many imported objects, including Egyptian-style scarabs and Phoenician bronzes, illustrate the wide trading contacts of the Archaic Korinthians. The earliest, eighth-century temple at the harbor was accompanied by a deposit of Geometric votive objects, including drinking vessels, wine jugs, clay models of cakes presented as offerings to the goddess (koulouria), and house models. This temple was replaced in the sixth century with a new Doric stone temple, and a monumental altar was added. North of the altar the excavators found a flight of steps, which probably functioned as a spectator area for viewing the sacrifices. 10
The myth of Medeia, the young sorceress whom Jason brought back from his travels in the Black Sea, is best known from the play by Euripides. This work portrays her as a spurned wife who kills her children by Jason in order to avenge herself for his abandonment, then buries the children in the sanc- tuary of Hera Akraia and founds their cult (Eur. Med. 1378-83). There were, however, other myths about how the children of Medeia died. According to one, Medeia took each of her children in turn to the sanctuary of Hera to "hide them away" (katakruptein), thinking that this operation would make them immortal. (The word may mean that she buried them. ) When her hopes were disappointed and Jason discovered what she had done, he abandoned her. Another version held that Medeia instructed her children to bring a poisoned robe to her rival Glauke. When Glauke perished as a result of the gift, the enraged Korinthians stoned the innocent children. The murdered
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children took a supernatural vengeance by causing Korinthian infants to die, until the desperate citizens consulted an oracle and were told to institute annual sacrifices to Medeia's children. They also set up a statue known as Deima, or Terror, which took the form of "a frightening woman. " In antiquity, infant mortality was often attributed to female demons (Mormo, Lamia) who had a hideous appearance; the statue seems to have been designed to ward off such malign influences. Other sources tell us more about the relationship between the children's cult and that of Hera. Every year, seven boys and seven girls from noble families were dressed in black and sent to live in the sanctuary of Hera Akraia (it is unclear whether this refers to a sanctuary in Korinth itself, since no such sanctuary has been identified, or to that at Perachora). They cut their hair and dedicated it to Medeia's children, and presumably participated in the thre ? noi, or laments, sung for the children, and the enagismata, or sacrifices for the dead. 11
All these myths and related customs have been taken as evidence of a real (in the distant past) or symbolic child sacrifice to appease hostile divine forces, or as an initiation rite by which the youths and maidens, after a period of separation from the community, reached adult status. Certainly they indicate that the Korinthians thought it was necessary to devote elite children to the service of the goddess, and that upon this service depended the health and welfare of the entire community's children. The rituals originally may have been conducted for Medeia herself, since some scholars view her as a divine figure whose cult was superseded by Hera's. 12
Hera at Olympia
One of the paradoxes of the Panhellenic site of Olympia is that its earliest temple was erected not for Zeus, the primary deity of the sanctuary, but for Hera. During the late seventh century, a Heraion was built in the Altis, or sacred enclosure, which then contained no other major structures. Originally, only the foundations were of stone, while the walls were mud brick, and the rest of the structure, including the colonnade, was wood. The temple was refurbished in such a way that the columns were gradually replaced in stone, and each one was slightly different in style, thickness, and the type of stone used. The mismatched columns were probably the result of contributions by many donors, each of whom supplied one column and wanted it to be recog- nizably different from the rest.
Some scholars, disturbed by the anomaly of a Heraion as the only temple in a sanctuary of Zeus, have suggested that the temple was from the beginning dedicated jointly to Zeus and Hera, or that it was originally a temple of Zeus, and was rededicated to Hera only after Zeus' Classical temple was built in the fifth century. The question is still open, but we should keep in mind that a temple was never a requirement for a sanctuary, and was often absent from sanctuaries of Zeus in particular (as at Dodona, another Panhellenic Zeus
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sanctuary). The focus of Zeus' cult was not a cult statue, but the great ash altar where he received sacrifices. Furthermore, Hera was, as we have seen, one of the earliest temple deities, and one who was consistently provided with temples in the early Archaic period. Hera's cult in the Altis may have been introduced by Pheidon, the seventh-century king of Argos who estab- lished a military presence in Elis and reorganized the Olympic games. If this is the case, the Hera temple originally served as an offshoot of the Argive Heraion, and a reminder of the political and military supremacy of Argos in the early Archaic period. 13
Pausanias (5. 16. 1-20. 5) provides a detailed description of the temple's amazing contents. The cult image of Hera was seated, and behind it stood a statue of Zeus wearing a helmet. The positioning of Zeus' statue suggests that he was not the primary deity of this temple, but that his role as Hera's spouse was important to the cult (this is borne out by other aspects of the cult described below). Both statues are described as "simple" works, and thus probably belonged to the Archaic period. Nearby were images of many other deities in ivory and gold, some by famous sculptors and others by unknown artists: the Horai (Seasons) and Themis their mother, Athena, Demeter and Kore, Apollo and Artemis, Hermes, and so on. A richly decorated cedar- wood chest was dedicated by the family of Kypselos, the seventh-century tyrant of Korinth; this famous chest was covered with labeled episodes from heroic myths. There was also a small bed, recalling the "couch of Hera" in the Heraion at Argos; a disc on which was inscribed the ritual formula for the Olympic truce forbidding men in arms to enter the sanctuary, and the ivory and gold table used to hold the wreaths for Olympic victors.
Hera's cult at Olympia was administered by a college of sixteen women chosen from the most venerable and respected matrons of the district. These women organized the Heraia, or games held to honor Hera, concurrently with the quadrennial Olympic games. While women were generally excluded from the Olympic games both as competitors and as spectators, the Heraia involved a footrace for girls of three different age categories. They ran in the same stadium as the men and boys, though the track was one-sixth shorter. The winners received a portion of the meat from the cow sacrificed to Hera and a crown of olive. The sixteen women of Elis also wove a robe for Hera, which was presumably dedicated in the temple and may have adorned the cult image. They arranged choruses for Physkoa, a Dionysiac heroine, and for Hippodameia, the heroine who figures in one of the founding myths of Olympia. 14 It was to win the hand of Hippodameia that Pelops raced against her father, the king of Elis, thus inaugurating the chariot races at Olympia. The sixteen women traced their origin to Hippodameia, who first formed the college in order to give thanks to Hera for her marriage to Pelops. An alter- native story said that the women were brought together as arbiters to settle disputes between the Eleans and the Pisatans, who fought over the control of the sanctuary in the seventh and sixth centuries. If the story is accurate, this is
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one of the rare cases in which women's religious authority translated into a limited form of political authority.
Hera in Italy
The city of Poseidonia/Paestum in southern Italy was settled by Greeks from the Argolid. Within the walls to the south of the city, the new inhabitants built a Doric temple of Hera in the sixth century. The temple is notable for its double cella; the two halves are separated by a central row of columns. Since there was no technical need for this feature, which had been used in early temples to support the roof, scholars have speculated that there may have been two cult images. Perhaps Zeus was worshiped with Hera, as he was at Olympia. Terracottas from the sanctuary show the king and queen of the gods enthroned together. A second temple to Hera was built beside the first in the fifth century, and must have contained a newer cult image. Another theory about this temple holds that it was consecrated to Poseidon, the patron god of the city. 15
The Hera cult in the city was linked to an extraurban sanctuary at the mouth of the river Sele, north of Paestum. The medieval lime kilns on the site show that the sanctuary's structures were long ago dismantled and the marble components burned, yet here one of the most significant caches of Greek sculpture to be uncovered in the twentieth century escaped destruc- tion. Buried in the sand, excavators found more than thirty sculptured metopes from what was probably the earliest Hera temple at the site (c. 560). Many of these metopes illustrate the deeds of Herakles; others are scenes from the epic cycle of poems about Troy. 16 A second, larger temple of Hera, dating to about 500, was differently ornamented, with metopes depicting dancing pairs of maidens. The terracotta votives in this sanctuary are very reminiscent of those in the other Heraia we have studied: they show the enthroned goddess holding a spear, a child, a horse, or a pomegranate. Not coincidentally, the Virgin of the eighth-century CE church built near this site is known as the Madonna of the Pomegranate. Other typical gifts to the goddess, also found at both Argos and Samos, are implements of war: mini- ature terracotta shields and armor. Like the Heraion at Samos, this famous sanctuary was supposed to have been founded by Jason and the Argonauts to honor Argive Hera. 17
The sanctuary of Hera Lakinia at Kroton has been described as the most important sanctuary in southern Italy during the Classical period because of its role as the seat of the Achaian and Italian Leagues. Its rich votives begin in the seventh century and include a bronze ship model and a diadem decorated with leaves and acorns that may have adorned a wooden cult image. Like the other Olympian goddesses, Hera often received gifts of clothing, among which an elaborate purple cloak, embroidered with figures in gold and silver and presented by Alkistenes of Sybaris, was renowned. The nearby sanctuary
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? Figure 3. 2 Metope from Hera sanctuary at Foce del Sele: Centaur, 570-60. Museo Archeologico Nazionale. Bildarchiv Foto Marburg.
of Vigna Nuova contained numerous chains and tools, which may have been dedications to Hera by prisoners captured during Kroton's destruction of Sybaris (510) and ultimately freed. 18
Hera and marriage
Hera often receives the cult title Teleia (the Fulfilled) in reference to her status as an archetypal bride and consort. In Greek culture, marriage and mother- hood were the only acceptable goals for most women, and while Hera is not an enthusiastic mother in myth, we have seen that she functions as a nurturing goddess in some cults. Myths of Hera often illustrate the socially sanctioned status of the legitimate wife. The "marriage month" Gamelion, which appeared in many city calendars and involved sacrifices to Hera, was an auspicious time for weddings. Her union with Zeus was celebrated in the
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villages of Attica during the minor festival of Hieros Gamos (Sacred Marriage), while Zeus Teleios and Hera Teleia are invoked by Athenian poets in contexts that have to do with marriage. 19
In Boiotian Plataiai, the site of a major Hera festival, the temple contained two statues of the goddess. One was called Hera Nympheuomene (Led as a Bride) referring to the marriage procession, and the other was Hera Teleia. The goddess' festival, the Daidala, was celebrated every four (or six) years. According to Pausanias' account (9. 2. 5-3. 4), this involved the felling of an oak tree selected when the Plataians set out food for the crows in a sacred grove. The first tree the birds settled in was cut and fashioned into a crude statue called Daidala. At much longer intervals of sixty years, the festival called the Great Daidala took place. Unlike the annual observance, this involved the participation of cities all over Boiotia, each of whom contributed a cow and a bull. One of the wooden figures produced at the quadrennial festival was dressed as a bride and ceremoniously conducted in a cart from the river Asopos up to the peak of Mt. Kithairon. There, along with the other wooden figures and the sacrificial animals, it was burnt in a huge bonfire on the altar. 20
The myth that explained the origin of this custom told how Zeus had quarreled with Hera, who "hid herself away" in the area of Mt. Kithairon. On the advice of a local king, Zeus devised a method to find and reconcile her: he pretended to marry a rival, the oaken statue. Hera and the outraged matrons of Plataiai disrupted the wedding procession, only to discover that the bride was a wooden image. Amused at the trick, Hera nevertheless insisted on the burning of the false rival. In the historical period, the festival was understood to commemorate the reconciliation of Zeus and Hera, and was therefore a celebration of divine and human marriage. Both the images in Hera's temple, Nympheuomene and Teleia, refer to aspects of Hera's concern with legitimate, socially sanctioned unions, and the myth likewise stresses how Hera and the women of Plataiai jealously protected their prerogatives as wives in a culture that considered extramarital sex for men normal, yet took seriously the rule that a man must have only one wife. Otherwise, issues of social status and inheritance could become muddied.
On the other hand, the festival seems to incorporate elements that predate the myth of Hera's feminine jealousy, and point to the worship of an inde- pendently powerful goddess. Zeus has no place in the ritual itself, which seems to be akin to other sacred log processions attested in Boiotia and elsewhere, such as the Daphnephoria (Carrying the Laurel). Sacrifices on mountain peaks were characteristic of Minoan religion, and a shrine known as the Daidaleion is attested from Mycenaean Knossos. Hera's cult, with its marital preoccupations, may have been superimposed upon rituals that were once carried out for a prehellenic tree or mountain goddess who disappeared and returned on a seasonal basis. At the same time, the myth of Hera's quarrel with Zeus should not be dismissed as a comical tale concocted to explain the
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ritual. At Stymphalos in Arkadia, there was a similar myth of Hera's quarrel with and separation from Zeus, and there too the goddess' cult titles referred to marital status. Hera, it was said, grew up in Stymphalos, and possessed three sanctuaries, one as Pais (Girl), one as Teleia, which she received upon her marriage to Zeus, and one as Chera (Widow). She received the latter because she returned to Stymphalos "while she was quarreling with Zeus" and was without a husband. Thus, in the Stymphalian cult Hera provided models for the three stages of female life as the Greeks conceptualized it, but it was her period of separation from Zeus that provided the impetus for the goddess' return to her own land. Hera's identity as a local goddess could best be manifested when she was apart from Zeus, not installed as his bride on Olympos. 21
Further reading
Clark 1998 compares several festivals of Hera in relation to the institution of marriage. Kyrieleis 1993 is a useful account of the sanctuary of Hera at Samos by one of its excavators. O'Brien 1993 argues, speculatively at times, for continuity in Hera's cults from the Bronze Age to the Archaic period and gives detailed archaeological information. Tomlinson 1992 is a good intro- duction to the material record at Perachora, while Pedley 1990 (cf. Pedley 2005. 167-85) provides one of the few accounts in English of the Hera sanc- tuaries at Poseidonia/Paestum and Foce del Sele.
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4
MISTRESS OF CITADELS Athena
Athena's name probably comes from the city of Athens and not the other way around. In a Linear B tablet from Knossos, we hear of the Potnia (Mistress) of At(h)ana, and there is a consensus that Athena was in origin a Minoan or Mycenaean deity, perhaps identical with the shield goddess who appears on a painted tablet at Mycenae itself. 1 As a warrior goddess who protected the king and citadel, this Mistress had parallels in the Near East (Ishtar, Anat) and Egypt (Neith). Still, the exact relationship between the Bronze Age goddess and the Athena of the Classical Greeks is unclear, for gaps and incon- sistencies in the archaeological evidence mean that we cannot demonstrate continuity of worship. Athena's sanctuaries and temples are very often to be found at the city center, particularly on fortified heights like the Athenian Akropolis. In Greek towns of the early Iron Age, her dwelling place was often juxtaposed to that of the local chieftain or king; later she championed the polis with its varied forms of government. She presided over the arts of war, such as the taming of horses, the training of warriors, and the building of ships. As a goddess of crafts, particularly weaving and metalworking, she evokes the palace economies of the Bronze Age.
The Athenian Akropolis
Fittingly, the center of Athena's worship in her namesake city was a most impressive citadel, the Akropolis. Among the many riddles of Athenian cult topography, the question of Athena's temples on the Archaic and Classical Akropolis is perhaps the most vexing. Nobody has yet achieved a definitive reconstruction of the sequence of major Athena temples and how these match up with the structures mentioned in the inscriptions and literary sources. Archaeological remains provide evidence of several temples. First, there is the so-called Bluebeard temple, named for the triple-bodied, snake-legged creature in its pediment, which belonged to the second quarter of the sixth century. This Doric temple, the first monumental temple on the Akropolis, may have stood on the north side, directly over the old Mycenaean palace, or on the south side where the Parthenon was later built; it is sometimes called
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the "grandfather of the Parthenon. " Second, well-preserved foundations on the north side, excavated in the nineteenth century by Wilhelm Do? rpfeld, belong to a splendid late sixth-century temple, also Doric, which possessed two porches and a cella divided into four chambers. Sculpture from this temple, including a striding Athena attacking a giant, has been identified. A number of sculptures from unidentified buildings, such as the "Olive tree pediment," are also known. Finally, immediately following the victories of 490, the Athenians began to build a splendid, large temple as a thank offering to the goddess. Located on the south side of the Akropolis, this was the Older Parthenon, the direct predecessor of the great Periklean temple. When the Persians sacked the Akropolis in 480, they burned the existing temples, including the unfinished Older Parthenon, and the remains of these were incorporated into the north Akropolis defensive wall. 2
It is safe to say that Athena possessed a temple from the eighth or seventh century, since this is the most likely date of the ancient olivewood cult image around which the central rituals for the goddess were organized. 3 Two Homeric passages are relevant; in the Iliad (2. 549) she establishes the cult of Erechtheus "in her own rich temple" while in the Odyssey (7. 78-81) she travels across the sea and enters "the strong-built house of Erechtheus. " The Ionic building we call the Erechtheion was known to the Classical Athenians as "the temple with the image" or the archaios neo ? s (Old Temple), even though it was quite new at the time. It took over this name from its predeces- sor, either the Do? rpfeld temple or a "pre-Erechtheion. " Active controversy attends the question of whether the Ionic building, in addition to housing Athena's olivewood statue, is also the shrine of Erechtheus; some say the latter, described by Pausanias (1. 26. 5-27. 4), is to be found elsewhere on the Akropolis. Though the question must remain open, the Homeric passages above suggest that Athena's holiest shrine always housed Erechtheus' cult as well. The same sacerdotal family, known as the Eteoboutadai, supplied the priests for both Poseidon-Erechtheus and Athena Polias. If the cults were housed together, we also have an explanation for the four-chambered cellas of both the Do? rpfeld temple and the Ionic temple. 4
An early fifth-century decree (IG I3 4) was carved on a metope from the Bluebeard temple and therefore postdates the dismantling of that structure. It refers to a neo ?
s (Temple) and a hekatompedon (Hundred-Footer) as separate sacred areas, but there is no consensus on which labels fit which places. This inscription does however illustrate the pattern, probably dating to the early sixth century, of maintaining two Akropolis temples dedicated to Athena. One, situated on the north side, held the olivewood statue (and perhaps the associated cult of Erechtheus) and was the focus of the most ancient rituals. The other, on the south, came about as a result of the competitive vogue for elaborate "Hundred-Footers" that swept the Greek world in the seventh and sixth centuries, and the final representative of this tradition was the Parthe- non, with its colossal gold and ivory cult statue sculpted by Pheidias. 5 The
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? Figure 4. 1 Athena Parthenos. Roman marble copy of the cult statue in the Parthenon at Athens, 447-39. Ht 1. 045 m. National Archaeological Museum, Athens. Alinari/Art Resource.
southern temples, whose primary function was to store and display the increasing number of rich objects dedicated to Athena, were themselves a form of offering from the citizens to their goddess.
Some two hundred marble fragments preserve the inventories of the tamiai (treasurers) of Athena, officials who were responsible for keeping track of the valuable ritual objects and dedications stored in the Parthenon and the Erechtheion in the Classical period. These inventories show that the interior walls of the temples were fitted with shelves or cupboards. For smaller items, baskets (often gilded) and bronze boxes were used. The earliest inventory of objects in the Parthenon (434/3) includes gold and silver ritual vessels, armor, at least fifty-seven items of furniture, several lyres, and six Persian daggers inlaid with gold. Many of these objects were used in Athena's festivals and returned to the temple, while others were simply valuable or decorative items owned by the goddess. The inventories for the Ionic temple describe the contents of the room where Athena's olivewood cult statue stood, including a gold incense burner fitted into the floor and a lustral basin held by a male
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ATHENA
statue. The cult image itself is said to possess a gold circlet, earrings, a neck- band, five necklaces, a gold owl (probably on the statue's shoulder), a gold aegis with a gorgon's head, and a gold libation bowl. 6
The bastion flanking the south entrance to the Akropolis was the site of a cult of Athena Nike (Victory) dating to the early sixth century. During the modern restoration of the gemlike Classical temple perched on the bastion, workers found remains of the Archaic sanctuary, which had been incorpor- ated into the newer structure. Beneath the new altar, a block from the old was preserved with its sixth-century inscription: "Altar of Athena Nike. Patrokles erected it. " The theme of victory relates to the reorganization of the Pana- thenaia in 566 and that festival's association with Athena's victory over the giants. The Archaic sanctuary was presumably destroyed by the Persians, though the cult statue, a wooden Athena holding a pomegranate in the right hand and a helmet in the left, survived to be reinstalled in its new home. 7 The mid-fifth-century Nike Temple Decree (IG I3 35) commissioned Kallikrates to design the temple that still stands and established the office of priestess of Athena Nike, which was awarded based on the drawing of lots from all Athenian citizen women.
Figure 4. 2 Bronze votive statue of Athena in battle from the Athenian Akropolis, c. 480. Athens, National Archaeological Museum. Bildarchiv Foto Mar- burg.
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ATHENA
Athena's festival year
Athena's great festival, the Panathenaia, fell in midsummer during the first month of the Athenian calendar, Hekatombaion (named for the customary hecatombs or sacrifices of multiple cattle to the goddess). The preparations for the Panathenaia began nine months earlier, with the fall celebration of the Chalkeia (Festival of Bronze-workers) in honor of Athena Ergane (of Labors) and Hephaistos as deities of handicrafts. Weavers too honored Athena Ergane, and as part of the Chalkeia the ergastinai (women workers) set up a loom on which to weave the peplos destined to be presented to Athena during the Panathenaia. 8 They were assisted by little girls clad in white, about seven years old, and chosen from elite families to serve Athena. These girls, known as the arrhe ? phoroi, lived on the Akropolis "with the goddess" for the rest of the year, just as the daughters of king Kekrops once did.
As early summer drew near, the ritual and logistical preparations for the Panathenaia began in earnest. The purificatory month of Thargelion brought two holy days involving the cult statue of Athena, both associated with Aglauros, the daughter of Kekrops and priestess of Athena who leapt to her death from the Akropolis. The first day, called the Kallynteria (Beautifica- tion), is often described as the sweeping out of the temple (the verb kallunein can mean both "adorn" and "sweep, scour"). Alternatively, the ritual may have involved the kosme ? sis or adornment of the image with jewelry and other items, for it was said in connection with this festival that Aglauros was the first to adorn the gods' images. 9 Next, women of the Praxiergidai, an Athenian sacerdotal family, performed the Plynteria (Washing festival). They removed the garments of the statue and cleaned them. They may also have bathed the image itself, but our sources do not specifically say this. The naked image was veiled for one day, on which it was considered unlucky to conduct either private or public business; Athenian sanctuaries were closed during the Plynteria as well, and some Attic towns (also known as demes), such as Erchia and Thorikos, held their own observances. At this time the Praxiergidai conducted secret rites, and a cake made of figs, the first domesti- cated fruit, was carried at the head of a procession as a reminder of Athens' primitive origins. The somberness of the day was attributed to the mourning for Aglauros, but it was clearly part of a cycle of purification and a necessary preliminary to the celebration of the New Year and Panathenaia. A month called Plynterion, attested in the Ionian islands of Paros, Thasos, and Chios, suggests that this observance predates the Ionian migration, though it is not certain that "Washing month" refers specifically to the same ritual. 10
During Skirophorion, the arrhe ? phoroi were called on to perform a secret nocturnal rite. According to Pausanias (1. 27. 3), Athena's priestess gave them sacred objects in baskets, which they carried on their heads to an enclosure in the city not far from the sanctuary of Aphrodite in the Gardens, accessible by a "natural underground descent. " Neither the priestess nor the girls
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ATHENA
knew what the objects were, but when they reached their destination, they exchanged what they were carrying for other hidden objects, and returned to the Akropolis. This curious ritual has been interpreted as a fertility rite and/or a rite of passage, especially given the mention of Aphrodite and the comment of one scholiast that the secret objects were dough models of male genitalia and snakes. Although Pausanias does not identify Aphrodite's sanctuary as the actual destination of the arrhe ? phoroi, it has been suggested that the girls climbed down a passageway on the north slope of the Akropolis toward an area that served in Classical times as a shrine of Aphrodite and Eros. 11 Their journey reflects the myth that Athena gave the daughters of Kekrops something secret to carry in a basket, which turned out to be the snake-legged, earthborn infant Erichthonios. When the girls disobeyed the goddess' command and peeked into the basket, they were terrified and leapt from the Akropolis. Pandrosos (All-Dew), the one daughter who obeyed Athena, had a shrine beside the Ionic temple of Athena, and the families of former arrhe ? phoroi sometimes made dedications to Athena and Pandrosos. 12 The term arrhe ? phoros (also spelled errhe ? phoros) refers to a "bearer" of something; ancient commentators suggested that the unknown first element in the word came from arrhe ? ta (unspoken things) or herse ? (dew).
The New Year brought the Panathenaia, held on 28 Hekatombaion, the anniversary of Athena's triumph in the battle of the gods and giants. The battle of the gods and giants was the scene intricately woven into Athena's peplos; Elizabeth Barber has shown that such story cloths were an inherit- ance from the early Archaic period, if not the Bronze Age, and required months to create. 13 Every four years the weeklong annual festival became the Great Panathenaia, when games were celebrated on a lavish, Panhellenic scale. The wide variety of events included musical competitions and recita- tions of Homer, chariot racing, men's and boys' athletics, a dance in armor (purrhike ? ), a regatta in the harbor, and a torch race. Winners received commemorative jars filled with olive oil, many of which have survived for modern study.
The highlight of the festival was the Panathenaic parade, which followed the Sacred Way from the Dipylon gate through the potters' quarter and agora to the Akropolis, a distance of about 1 km. Unlike the games, the procession was an inclusive event with representatives from many segments of the Athenian population, who were given different ritual duties: non-citizens, freed slaves, women, and old men. Still, members of aristocratic families played the most important roles. On the Parthenon frieze, the procession is shown entering the company of the gods (i. e. the Akropolis? ) and presenting the newly woven robe to the goddess. Perhaps the olivewood statue was now fully dressed and adorned for the first time since the removal of its kosmos during the Plynteria. Meanwhile, a massive sacrifice took place and the meat was distributed to the gleeful residents of the city. The management of this elaborate festival was the responsibility of a number of officers, some
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of whom administered the games while others, the hieropoioi (doers of sacred things), organized the sacrifices. While the Panathenaic festival was "founded" in 566, this date probably represents a reorganization and elabor- ation of existing rituals, such as the weaving of the peplos, that reach back to the eighth century or earlier. In later centuries many changes were introduced, such as the inclusion in the parade of a ship on wheels with a giant "peplos" displayed as its sail. This elaborate cloth was produced by professional male weavers, but it did not take the place of the women's peplos, which was approximately 1. 8 by 2 m, the size of an actual garment. 14
Other Athenian cults
To judge from the evidence of the surviving deme calendars, many of the Attic demes held local celebrations of Athena's great city festivals. At Thorikos there was a sacrifice for the Plynteria, and at Erchia a sacrifice to Kourotro- phos (Nurturer of Youths), Athena Polias, Aglauros, Zeus Polieus, Poseidon, and Pandrosos fell on 3 Skirophorion, the same day the arrhe ? phoroi carried their secret objects for the goddess. 15 In the coastal deme of Phaleron, the Salaminioi, an extended family with strong ties to the nearby island of Salamis and its cult of Athena Skiras, maintained a sanctuary of the goddess. This Attic sanctuary of Athena Skiras played a role in the vintage festival of the Oschophoria and Athena herself, in association with the hero Skiros, received the clan's offering of a pregnant sheep in the winter month of Maimakterion. 16
The little-known cult of Athena Pallenis (of Pallene) is important for the light it sheds on the process by which the cults of Attica were absorbed into the larger system of the Athenian polis during the eighth and seventh centuries, and their continuing relations. Athenaeus (6. 234f-235a) preserves the rather mangled texts of a dedication and a sacred law pertaining to this Athena Pallenis. From them we learn that several of the inland demes, including Pallene, were gathered into a league centered on the worship of Athena. No later than the seventh century, this cult was brought under the supervision of the state in the person of the archo ? n basileus (the King Archon, who had inherited the original king's religious authority). He selected a group of officials known as archontes (rulers), who in turn designated parasitoi (fellow diners) from each member deme. The parasites and archons, the social elite of their communities, enjoyed a yearly banquet funded by the goddess in a building maintained for this purpose. Like several gods whose sanctuaries were located outside the urban area of Athens, Athena Pallenis possessed considerable wealth and her sanctuary easily financed the annual feast. A fine fifth-century temple in the agora, moved from its original site in the Roman period and previously assigned to Ares, is now thought to be the shrine of Athena Pallenis. 17
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Goddess and Palladion
Pallas was a common literary title of Athena, and the name appears on Archaic dedications from the Athenian Akropolis. There are two possible etymologies, one from the verb pallein, to brandish, and one that makes Pallas a synonym for girl or maiden.
The epic cycle told of a covert mission by Odysseus and Diomedes to enter Troy and carry off a small statue of Athena known as the Palladion (statue of Pallas). Sent down from heaven by Zeus, the talismanic image ensured the security of Troy as long as the Trojans possessed it. Many late sources speak of this tradition, and vase paintings illustrate the theft of the diminutive statue. Athens, Argos, Sparta, Rome, and other cities had protective images of this type, and each boasted that its Athena was none other than the original Palladion of Troy. The Argive claim was the oldest, for the Athenians and Spartans said that their Palladia were confiscated from the Argive hero Diomedes. 18 The Palladion of Argos was most likely the image housed in the akropolis temple on Larisa, which existed from the sixth century or earlier. (The cult itself, in which Athena and Zeus were closely associated as poliad deities, dated to Geometric times. ) Callimachus recorded the annual ritual of the statue's purification in his fifth Hymn (5. 1-2, 33-34), which indicates that female members of the clan or phratry of Arestor served as "bath pourers" (lotrocho ? oi) for Pallas. A procession accompanied the Palladion, carried on the shield of Diomedes, to the river Inachos about 4 km from the city, where it was bathed in the river. The only other attested Greek ritual in which a statue is carried out of its temple in order to be bathed belongs to another Palladion, this one at Athens.
Trials for accidental homicide and the murder of non-citizens were con- ducted at a court in the place called Palladion, located on the southeast side of Athens on the Ilissos river. The origins of this court were tied in legend to the sanctuary of Athena "at Palladion," which contained an image thought to be the celebrated Trojan Palladion, confiscated by King Demophon from Diomedes and his men at the port of Phaleron. During the scuffle, Demophon either killed the Argives themselves, or accidentally caused the death of an Athenian. He was brought to trial in the court at Palladion, which ever after served the same function. Two old priestly families, the Gephyraioi and Bouzygai, oversaw the sanctuary, and during an annual festival the statue was carried in a procession to Phaleron, where it was washed in the sea. The washing ritual for the Palladion has often been conflated with the ceremonies of the Plynteria, but there is no basis for this idea. The bath in the sea (or in sea water) was clearly connected with the need to "cleanse" the image from the miasma brought about by repeated exposure to the killers who were tried in the court, and the original bathing of the statue was ascribed to King Demophon himself. Because it was made of wood and small enough to carry about, the Palladion was probably of Archaic date. 19
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Ionian Athena
Though a less dominating presence than at Athens, Athena was a prominent civic goddess in virtually every Ionian city by the eighth century. At Miletos, where Apollo was the patron deity, the seventh-century Athena temple was constructed in a commercial district on the site of a former Minoan and Mycenaean colony. It was repeatedly damaged and rebuilt over the succeed- ing centuries. 20 An unbroken series of votive offerings, including metal items such as a fragmentary bronze griffin cauldron, stretches from the eighth century on and hints at the wealth of the sanctuary. Likewise, the earliest activity at Athena's sanctuary in Erythrai is dated to the eighth century; among the oldest structures found there were a temple (rebuilt in the sixth century) and a ruler's dwelling. Pausanias (7. 5. 9) describes the cult statue of Athena Polias at Erythrai as a large enthroned Athena made of wood, holding a distaff and crowned with a polos, a cylindrical headdress often worn by goddesses. He attributes it to the Archaic sculptor Endoios. Such representations of Athena with spinning tools are virtually absent from the Greek mainland, although facilities for sacred weaving in her sanctuaries were not unusual. 21
At Old Smyrna, the Athena cult seems to have been introduced by Ionian refugees from Kolophon who seized the city from its Aiolian founders in the late eighth century. The first temple to Athena, a modest apsidal structure, appeared shortly thereafter (c. 690), and its successors grew ever more elaborate. Excavation has revealed a wealth of faience, ivory, terracotta, and stone objects traceable to Rhodes, Krete, Cyprus, and Syria, evidence of the cosmopolitan city's flourishing trade in the Orientalizing period. Around 600, the Lydian ruler Alyattes sacked the city and looted the temple, but the people quickly rebuilt it. Several mushroom-shaped capitals from the early sixth-century temple, influenced by Phoenician and Hittite models, have sur- vived. Alyattes also burned the temple of Athena at Assessos, in the territory of Miletos. As a result of this sacrilege he fell ill, and the Delphic oracle ordered him rebuild the temple as penance for the offense to the goddess. Investigation of the ancient site, where excavators found the remains of an Archaic city and at least one temple destroyed and rebuilt in the seventh century, supports the general outline of Herodotus' account (1. 16, 19-22). 22
At the citadel of Emporio on Chios, the eighth-century sanctuary of Athena shared the space inside the circuit wall with a ruler's megaron, while the townspeople lived on the slopes below. Around 600, the hillside town was abandoned for a settlement in the harbor below, yet the Athena sanctuary was kept in use and a temple was added in the mid-sixth century. The temple design carefully preserved an earlier structure, an irregular stone box less than a meter high, touching the bedrock and filled with earth. This crude altar or basis for offerings, once the center of the open-air sanctuary, shared the focal area of the cella with the cult image. Nine small griffin protomes of
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lead, found in the cella, may have been attached to the helmet of this statue. 23 Priene, Phokaia, Ephesos, Teos, Kolophon, and Klazomenai too had their cults of Athena Polias or Poliouchos (Protector of the City), demonstrating the great popularity of Athena among the Ionians. Herodotus (1. 147-49) relates that all these cities except for Ephesos and Kolophon celebrated the Apatouria, a coming-of-age festival celebrated by the phratries. Athena and Zeus presided over the Apatouria at Athens, so the same may have been true in the Ionian cities.
Boiotian Athena
Homer (Il. 4. 8, 5. 908) gives Athena the epithet Alalkomenei? s, which literally means "she who protects" and evokes the warlike goddess of the Palladion. Several cults of Athena under this name existed, but its oldest home was perhaps her ancient sanctuary in the Boiotian town of Alalkomenai. Exca- vated but never published, it lay in a plain between the towns of Haliartos and Koroneia. According to Strabo (9. 2. 36), the venerable sanctuary was held in such respect that the city was never ravaged by a hostile army. His account is contradicted by Pausanias (9. 33. 5-6), who reports that Sulla impiously looted the temple's celebrated ivory statue. With the loss of the sacred image, the sanctuary at last fell into decline, and was overgrown with vegetation by the second century CE. Local legend held that Athena was born or grew to adulthood here; her poetic epithet Tritogeneia (Triton-born) was associated with the river Triton. 24
Oddly enough, nearby Koroneia boasted another Athena sanctuary of equal antiquity and renown, which served as the site of the Pamboiotia, or festival of all the Boiotians. This gathering, already old in Pindar's time, involved contests in chariot racing, music, and athletics. A series of sixth- century Boiotian vases showing a festival in progress and an armed Athena standing before an altar and temple have been attributed to this cult. The worship of Athena Itonia originated in the Thessalian town of Iton, but was brought to Boiotia when the Boiotoi moved south in the early Iron Age. In the seventh century Alcaeus (fr. 3, 325 LP) sang of this Athena, whom he addresses as Queen Athena polemadokos (Sustainer of War). The goddess' companion was a chthonian deity represented as a snake and understood to be either Zeus or Hades. In the fifth century, Agorakritos, the pupil of Pheidias, created bronzes of Athena and Zeus for the Itoneion. Athena was served by a priestess, successor of the legendary priestess Iodama, who ventured at night into the sacred area and saw a vision of the goddess wearing the aegis with its gorgon head. Iodama was turned to stone (perhaps she was identified with a life-size statue) and a fire was lit daily on her altar in the sanctuary. 25
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The Lokrian Maidens
Ajax the Lesser, a native of Lokris, attacked the Trojan maiden Kassandra who had sought refuge beside the statue of Athena, and as he dragged her away he toppled the sacred image. The goddess' wrath was directed at all the Greeks for this sacrilege but especially at Ajax, who in the Homeric account was shipwrecked and drowned before reaching home (Od. 4. 499-511). In the third year, a plague fell upon Lokris, and the people consulted Apollo's oracle at Delphi. They were told that their penance for Ajax's crime would last a thousand years. They must choose two of their girls by lot and deliver them to the shores of Troy as temple servants of Athena. These girls must be led to the goddess secretly by night, while the Trojan men hunted them down. Maidens killed attempting to reach the safety of the temple were to be burned with wood that bore no fruit, and their ashes cast in the sea; those who arrived unharmed had to remain in the sanctuary for life, barefoot and wear- ing only a simple shift, sweeping out the temple and performing other menial duties like slaves. They grew old as virgins, and when one died, another must be brought to take her place.
This tribute of maidens, reported most fully by Lycophron (Alex. 1141-73 with schol. ) and mentioned by a number of late authors, has no exact paral- lels in Greek practice. 26 Maiden sacrifices are common enough in myth, but rarely if ever did they occur in the ritual of historical times. The Lokrians of Italy, according to some dubious sources, devoted their daughters as sacred prostitutes to the service of Aphrodite, but in these accounts the girls' lives were not threatened, nor were they forced to leave their homes forever. A ritual requirement of lifelong virginity is extremely unusual: the Greeks had no Vestal Virgins. Therefore, the amazing account of the Lokrian Maidens would likely be dismissed today as a fantasy, but for a third-century inscription (IG IX 12 3. 706), which establishes the journey of the maidens as historical fact. It declares that the Aianteioi, or descendants of Ajax, and their city of Naryx in Opuntian Lokris, shall receive significant privileges (such as tax relief and priority access to courts) in return for sending the two maidens to Ilion. The girls are to have their expenses paid, including the cost of their wardrobes (kosmos). The inscription makes it clear, however, that the girls served for a limited period, not for life; that they wore new garments, not rags; and that they were chosen from elite families, not by lot.
