No More Learning

ii. 157, 253, xxiv. 451. )
tigonus Gonatas, king of Macedonia. We know Another mythical personage this name is men-
nothing of the time of his birth, but we find him tioned by Pausanias. (vii. 4. & 1. )
(LS. )
already grown up to manhood in B. c. 272, when HA’LIOS ("Allos), the name of two mythical
Antigonus advanced into the Peloponnesus to oppose personages, one a Lycian, who was slain by Odys-
the schemes of Pyrrhus, and he accompanied his seus (Hom. N. v. 678), and the other a son of Al-
father on that expedition. During the night attack cinous and Arete. (od. viii. 119. ) (LS. )
on Argos, by which Pyrrhus attempted to force his HALMUS ("Amos), a son of Sisyphus, and
way into the city, Halcyoneus was dispatched by father of Chryse and Chrysogeneia. He was re-
Antigonus with a body of troops to oppose him, garded as the founder of the Boeotian town of
and a vehement combat took place in the streets. Halmones. (Paus. ix. 34. & 5, ii. 4. $ 3. ) [L. S. )
In the midst of the confusion, word was brought to HALOSYDNE ('Alcoúdun), that is “tbe sea-
Halcyoneus that Pyrrhus was slain ; he hastened fed," or the sea-born goddess, occurs as a surname
to the spot, and arrived just as Zopyrus had cut off of Amphitrite and Thetys. (Hom. Od. iv. 404, n.
the head of the fallen monarch, which Halcyoneus xx. 207. )
[L. S. ]
carried in triumph to his father. Antigonus up- HAMADRYAS. (NYMPRAR. )
braided him for his barbarity, and drove him an- HAMARTO'LUS, GEO'RGIUS. (GEORGIUS,
grily from his presence. Taught by this lesson, literary, No. 27. )
when he soon after fell in with Helenus, the son of HAMILCAR ('Aulakas and 'Aulaxap, the latter
Pyrrhus, he treated him with respect, and con- form occurs in Appian only). The two last sylla-
ducted him in safety to Antigonus. (Plut. Pyrrh. bles of this name are considered by Gesenius (Lin-
34. ) It appears from an anecdote told by Aelian guae Phoeniciae Monumenta, pp. 399, 407) to be
(V. H. iii. 5) and Plutarch (De Consolat. 33) that the same with Melcarth, the tutelary deity of the
Halcyoneus was killed in battle during the lifetime Tyrians, called by the Greeks Hercules, and that the
of Antigonus, but on what occasion we are not in- signification of the name is "the gift of Melcarth. "
formed.
(E. H. B. ) The name appears to have been one of common
HALE'SUS, a chief of the Auruncans and occurrence at Carthage, but, from the absence of
Oscans. He was the son of a soothsayer, and family names, and even in most cases of patrony.
was allied with Turnus, but was slain by Evander. mics, among the Carthaginians, it is often im-
(Virg. Aen. vii. 723, . 411, &c. ) He is described | possible to discriminate or identify with certainty
Y 3


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326
HAMILCAR
HAMILCAR
the different persons that bore it, many of whom I ing at the tyranny, and put to death. There is,
are only incidentally mentioned by the Greek or however, much reason to suspect Polyaenus of some
Roman historians.
mistake in this matter.
1. The commander of the great Carthaginian 3. One of the commanders of the great Car-
expedition to Sicily B. C. 480. He is called by thaginian army, which was defeated by Timoleon
llerodotus (vii. 165) the son of Hanno, by a Syra- at the passage of the Crimissus, B. c. 339. (Plut.
cusan mother : the same historian styles him king Timol. 25. ) The face of the generals in that action
(Baoileús) of the Carthaginians, a title by which (for the particulars of which see TIMOLEON) is not
the Greeks in general designate the two chief ma- mentioned ; but it seems probable, from the terms
gistrates at Carthage, who are more properly styled in which Plutarch shortly after speaks of the ap-
suffetes or judges. There can be little doubt that pointment of Gisco to the command (Ibid. 30), that
this Hamilcar is the same as the person of that they both perished.
name mentioned by Justin (xix. 1, 2) as having 4. Surnamed Rhodanus, was sent by the Car
served with great distinction both in Sardinia and thaginians to the court of Alexander after the full
Africa, and having been subsequently killed in the of Tyre, B. C. 332. (Justin. xxi. 6. ) He was pro-
war in Sicily, though he is said by that author to bably sent as ambassador to deprecate the wrath
have been the son of Mago. If this be so, it is of the king for the assistance given to the Tyrians,
probably to his exploits in those countries that He or to ascertain the disposition of Alexander towards
rodotus refers, when he says that Hamilcar had Carthage, in the same manner as we again find a
attained the dignity of king, as a reward for his Carthaginian embassy at his court just before his
warlike valour ; and the same services may have death. °(Diod. xvii. 113. ) Justin, however, ne
caused him to be selected for the command of an presents Hamilcar as having no public capacity, but
expedition, undoubtedly the greatest which the as worming himself into the king's favour, and then
Carthaginians bad yet undertaken, although we secretly reporting his designs to Carthage. Yet,
cannot hut suspect some exaggeration in the state according to the same author, when he returned
ment of Herodotus and Diodorus, that the army of home, after the death of Alexander, he was put to
Hamilcar amounted to 300,000 men. He lost se death by the Carthaginians for having betrayed
veral ships on the passage by a storm, but arrived their interests. (Justin. xxi. 6 ; Orosius, iv. 6. )
with the greater part of the armament in safety at 5. Carthaginian governor in Sicily at the time
Panormus. From thence, after a few days' repose, that Agathocles was first rising into power. The
he marched at once upon Himera, and laid siege to latter, having been driven into exile from Syracuse,
that city, which was defended by Theron of Agri- had assembled a mercenary force at Morgantia, with
gentum, who shut himself up within the walls, and which he carried on hostilities against the Syra-
did not venture to face the Carthaginians in the cusans. Hamilcar was at first induced to espouse
field. Gelon, however, who soon arrived to the the cause of the latter, and defend them against
assistance of his father-in-law, with a considerable Agathocles ; but was afterwards prevailed on to
army, was bolder, and quickly brought on a general take up the interests of the exiles, and brought
engagement, in which the Carthaginians, not with about a treaty, by which Agathocles was restored
standing their great superiority of numbers, were to his country, and, with the assistance of the Car-
utterly defeated, and their vast army annihilated, thaginians, quickly made himself undisputed master
those who made their escape from the field of battle of the city, B. C. 317. (Justin, xxii. 2, compared
falling as prisoners into the hands of the Sicilians. with Diod. xix. 5—9. ) Hamilcar appears to have
(Herod. vii. 165–167; Diod. xi. 20—22 ; Po reckoned on the devotion of the tyrant whom be
lyaen. j. 27. & 2. ) Various accounts are given of had assisted in establishing, and who had sworn to
the fate of Hamilcar himself, though all agree that be faithful to the interests of Carthage ; and we
he perished on this disastrous day. A story, in find him soon after interposing as mediator, to ter-
itself not very probable, is told by Diodorus, and, minate the war which the Agrigentines, in con-
with some variation, by Polyaenus, that he was junction with the Geloans and Messenians, had
killed at the beginning of the action by a body of commenced against Agathocles. (Diod. xix. 71. )
horsemen whom Gelon had contrived by stratagem The Carthaginian allies even complained against
to introduce into his camp. Herodotus, on the him, as sacrificing their interests to those of the
other hand, states that his body could not be found, Syracusan tyrant; and the senate of Carthage de-
and that the Carthaginians accounted for this cir- termined upon his recal, but he died before his
cumstance by saying, that he had thrown himself, successor could arrive in Sicily. (Justin. xxii.
in despair, into a fire at which he was sacri- 3, 7. )
ficing, when he beheld the total rout of his army. 6. Son of Gisco (Gisco, No. 2), was appointed to
A remarkable circumstance is added by the same succeed the preceding in the command of the Car-
historian (vii. 167), that the Carthaginians, after thaginian province in Sicily. (Justin, xxii. 3. ) The
his death, used to sacrifice to him as a hero, and government of Carthage having resolved to engage
erected monuments to his memory not only at seriously in war with A gathocles, committed the con-
Carthage, but in all their colonial cities. Such ho- duct of it to Hamilcar, who was at that time, according
nours, singular enough in any case as paid to an to Diodorus, the most eminent among all their gene-
unsuccessful general, seem strangely at variance rals. The same writer else where styles him king,
with the statement of Diodorus (xiii. 43), that his that is, of course, suffete. (Diod. xix. 106, xx. 33. )
son Gisco was driven into exile on account of his Having assembled a large fleet and army, Hamilcar
father's defeat. According to Justin (xix. 2), Ha- sailed for Sicily (B. C. 311); and thongh he lost
milcar left three sons, Himilco, Hanno, and Gisco. sixty triremes and many transports on the passage,
2. Brother of Gisco (Gisco, No. 2), is men- soon again restored his forces with fresh recruits,
tioned only by Polyaenus (v. 11), who states that, and advanced as far as the river Himera. Here he
after having distinguished himself greatly in the was met by Agathocles, and, after a short interval,
sonduct of wars in Africa, he was accused of aim- | a decisive action ensued, in which the Syracusaus
:


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HAMILCAR.
HAMILCAR.
327
were totally defented with great slaughter. Agn- gulus and L. Manlius Vulso. The two fleets met
thocles took refuge in Gela ; but Hamilcar, instead off Ecnomus, on the sonth coast of Sicily: that of
of besieging him there, employed himself in gaining the Carthaginians consisted of 350 quinqueremes,
over or reducing the other cities of Sicily, most of while the Romans had 330 ships of war, besides
which gladly forsook the alliance of the Syracusan transports. In the battle that ensued, Hamileli,
tyrant and joined the Carthaginians. (Diod. xix. who commanded the left wing of the Carthaginian
106-110; Justin. xxii. 3. ) It was now that fleet, at first obtained some advantage, but the
Agathocles adopted the daring resolution of trans Romans ultimately gained a complete victory.
ferring the seat of war to Africa, whither he pro-Above 30 of the Carthaginian ships were sunk or
ceeded in person, leaving his brother Antander to destroyed, and 64 taken. (Polyb. i. 25—28 ;
withstand Hamilcar in Sicily. The latter does not Zonar. viii. 12; Eutrop. ii. 21 ; Oros. iv. 8. ) Hn-
appear to have laid siege to Syracuse itself, con- milcar escnped with his remaining ships to He-
tenting himself with blockading it by sea, while he mclea Minoa, where he soon after received orders
himself was engaged in reducing other parts of to repair immediately to Carthage, now threatened
Sicily. On receiving intelligence from Carthage by the Roman army, which had effected its land-
of the destruction of the fleet of Agathocles, he ing in Africa. On his arrival, he was associated
made an attempt to terrify the Syracusans into with Hasdrubal and Bostar in the command of
submission ; but having been frustrated in this as the army, which was opposed to Regulus, and
well as in the attempt to carry the walls by sur- must consequently share with those generals the
prise, he again withdrew from before the city. blame of the want of skill and judgment so con-
(Diod. xx. 15, 16. ) At length, having made spicuous in the conduct of the campaign. [BOSTAR;
himself master of almost all the rest of Sicily (B. C. XANTHIPPUs. ] This incapacity on their part led
309), he determined to direct his efforts in earnest to the defeat of the Carthaginian army at Adis:
against Syracuse ; but being misled by an am- we are not told by Polybius what became of the
biguous prophecy, he was induced to attempt to generals after this battle, but his expressions would
surprise the city by a night attack, in which his seem to imply that they still retained their com-
troops were thrown into disorder and repulsed.
mand; it appears at least probable that the Ha-
He himself, in the confusion, fell into the hands of milcar mentioned by Orosius (iv. 1) as being sent
the enemy, by whom he was put to death in the immediately after the defeat of Regulus to subdue
most ignominious manner, and his head sent to the revolted Numidians was the one of whom we
Agathocles in Africa as a token of their victory are now treating. On the other hand, it is
(Diod. xx. 29, 30; Justin. xxii. 7; Cic. de Dio. i. vaguely asserted by Florus (i. 2) that the Cartha-
44; Val. Max. i. 7, ezt. $ 8. )
ginian generals were either slain or taken prison-
7. A general of the Carthaginians in the first ers; and it may perhaps be this Hamilcar of whom
Punic War. We know nothing of his family or Diodorus relates (Exc. Vales. xxiv. ) that he was
connections, but he must be carefully distinguished given up, together with Bostar, to the kindred of
from the great Hamilcar Barca [No. 8], with whom Regulus, and tortured by them in a cruel manner,
he has been confounded by Zonaras (viii. 10), as in revenge for the fate of their kinsman. It is not,
well as by some modern writers. It was in the however, clear whether in this story, which is at
third year of the war (B. C. 262) that he was ap best but a doubtful one, Hamilcar and Bostar were
pointed to succeed Hanno in the command, when represented as captives or as hostages. (See Nie-
that general had failed in averting the fall of Agri- buhr, Hist. of Rome, vol. iii. p. 300 ; Polyb. i. 30,
gentum. (Diod. xxiii. Exc. Hoeschel. 9. p. 503 ; 31; Eutrop. ii
. 21 ; Oros. iv. 8 ; Florus, ii. 1. )
Zonar. l. c. See HANNO, No. 5. ) His first oper- 8. Surnamed BARCA, an epithet supposed to be
ations were very successful ; and notwithstanding related to the Hebrew Barak, and to signify
the great defeat of the Carthaginian fleet off Mylae " lightning. ” (Gesenius, Ling. Phoenic. Monum.
by Duilius (B. C. 260), Hamilcar for a time main- p. 403. ) It was merely a personal appellation,
tained the superiority by land. Learning that the and is not to be regarded as a family name,
Roman allies were encamped near Therma, apart though from the great distinction that he obtained,
from the legionary troops, he fell suddenly upon we often find the name of Barcine applied either to
them, surprised their camp, and put 4000 of them his family or his party in the state. (Niebuhr,
to the sword. (Polyb. i. 24. ) After this he ap Lect. on Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 134, not. ) We know
pears to have traversed the island with his vic- nothing of him previous to his appointment to the
torious army, as we find him making himself command of the Carthaginian forces in Sicily, in
master of Enna and Camarina, both of which were the eighteenth year of the first Punic War, B. C.
betrayed to him by the inhabitants. He at the 247. He was at this time quite a young man
same time fortified the stronghold of Drepanum, (adınodum adolescentulus, Corn. Nep. Hamilc. 1),
which became in the latter part of the war one of but had already given proofs of his abilities in war,
the most important fortresses of the Carthaginians. which led to his being named as the successor
(Diod. xxiii. p. 503 ; Zonar, viii. 11. ) In the of Carthalo. His first operations fully justified
year 257 he commanded the Punic fleet on the the choice, and were characterised by the same
north coast of Sicily, and fought a naval action energy and daring as distinguished the whole of
with the Roman consul C. Atilius, in which, ac- his subsequent career. At the time that he
cording to Polybius, the victory was undecided, arrived in Sicily the Romans were masters of the
though the Roman commander was honoured with whole island, with the exception of the two for-
a triumph. (Polyb. i. 25, 27 ; Zonar. viii. 12; tresses of Drepanum and Lily baeum, both of which
Fast. Capitol. ) In the following year (256), we were blockaded by them on the land side, and the
find him associated with Hanno in the command Carthaginians had for some time past contented
of the great Carthaginian fleet, which was de-themselves with defending these two strongholds,
signed to prevent the passage of the Roman expe- and keeping open their communication with them
dition to Africa under the consuls M. Atilius Roby sea. But Hamilcar, after ravaging with liis


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328
HAMILCAR.
HAMILCAR
:
1
fleet the shores of Bruttium, suddenly landed on the 56--62, 66; Diod. Ext. xxiv. ; Zonar. viii. 16,
north coast of Sicily, and established himself with 17; Corn. Nep. Hamilc. l. )
his whole army on a mountain named Hercte (now He himself returned to Carthage, filled with im-
called Monte Pellegrino), in the midst of the placable animosity against Rome, and brooding over
enemy's country, and in the immediate neighbour- plans for future vengeance under more favourable
hood of Panormus, one of their most important circumstances. (Polyb. iii. 9 ) But all such pro-
cities. Here he succeeded in maintaining his jects were for a time suspended by a danger nearer
ground, to the astonishment alike of friends and home. The great revolt of the mercenary troops,
foes, for nearly three years. The natural strength headed by Spendius and Matho, which broke out
of the position defied all the efforts of the enemy, immediately after their return from Sicily, and in
and a small, but safe and convenient, harbour at which they were quickly joined by almost all the
the foot of the mountain enabled him not only to native Africans, broughe Carthage in a moment to
secure his own communications by sea, but to send the brink of ruin. Hamilcar was not at first em-
out squadrons which plundered the coasts of Sicily ployed against the insurgents ; whether this arose
and Italy even as far north as Cumae. By land, from the predominance of the adverse party, or that
meanwhile, he was engaged in a succession of he was looked upon as in some measure the author
almost continual combats with the Romans, which of the evils that had given rise to the insurrection,
did not, indeed, lead to any decisive result, but from the promises he had been compelled to make
served him as the means of trining up a body of to the mercenaries under his command, and which
infantry which should be a match for that of there were now no means of fulfilling, we know
Rome, while he so completely paralysed the whole not; but the incapacity of Hanno, who first took
power of the enemy as to prevent their making the field against the rebels, soon became so appa-
any vigorous attempts against either Drepanum or rent, that all parties concurred in the appointment
Lilybaeum. So important did it appear to the of Hamilcar to succeed him. He found affairs in a
Komans to expel him from his mountain fastness, state apparently almost hopeless : Carthage itself
that they are said to have at one time assembled a was not actually besieged, but all the passes which
force of 40,000 men at the foot of the rock of secured its communication with the interior were
Herctè. (Diod. Exc. Hoesch. xxiii. p. 506. ) Yet in the hands of the insurgents, who were also
Hamilcar still held out; and when, at length, he masters of all the open country, and were actively
relinquished his position, it was only to occupy engaged in besieging Urica and Hippo, the only
one still more extraordinary and still more galling towns that still remained faithful to the Carthagi-
to the enemy. In 244 he abruptly quitted Herctè, nians. The forces placed at the disposal of Ha-
and, landing suddenly at the foot of Mount Eryx, milcar amounted to only 10,000 men and 70
seized on the town of that name, the inhabitants elephants ; but with these he quickly changed the
of which he removed to Drepanum, and converted face of affairs, forced the passage of the river Ba.
it into a fortified camp for his army. The Romans gradas, defeated the enemy with great slaughter,
still held the fort on the summit of the mountain, and re-opened the communications with the interior.
while one of their armies lay in a strongly in- He now traversed the open country unopposed, and
trenched camp at the foot of it. Yet in this still reduced many towns again to the suhjection of
more confined arena did Hamilcar again defy all Carthage. On one occasion, indeed, he seems to
their exertions for two years more ; during which have been surprised and involved in a situation of
period he had not only to contend against the much difficulty, but was saved by the opportune
efforts of his enemies, but the disaffection and accession of Naravas, a Numidian chief, with whose
fickleness of the mercenary troops under his com- assistance he totally defeated the rebels under
mand, especially the Gauls. In order to retain Spendius and Autaritns. Many captives having
them in obedience, he was obliged to make them fallen into his hands on this occasion, Hanilcar
large promises, the difficulty of fulfilling which treated them with the utmost lenity, receiving into
was said to have been afterwards one of the main his army all that were willing to enlist, and dis-
causes of the dreadful war in Africa. (Polyb. i. 66, missing the rest in safety to their homes, on con-
ii. 7 ; Appian, Hisp. 4. ) But while he thus con- dition of their not bearing arms against him again.
tinued to maintain his ground in spite of all ob- But this clemency was so far from producing the
stacles, the Romans, despairing of effecting any desired effect, that it led Spendius and Matho, the
thing against him by land, determined to make leaders of the insurgents, from apprehension of the
one great effort to recover the supremacy by sea. | influence it might exercise upon their followers, to
A powerful fleet was sent out under Lutatius the most barbarous measures, and they put to death
Catulus, and the total defeat of the Carthaginian Gisco and all their other prisoners, in order, by
admiral Hanno off the Aegates, in B, C. 241, de this means, to put an end to all hopes of reconcili-
'cided the fate of the war. (HANNO, No. 11; CA- ation or pardon. This atrocity drove Hamilcar to
TULUS. ) The Carthaginian government now re- measures of retaliation, and he henceforib put to
ferred it to Hamilcar to determine the question of death, without mercy, all the prisoners that fell
war or peace; and seeing no longer any hopes of into his hands. (Polyb. i. 75–81; Diod. Exc.
ultimate success, he reluctantly consented to the Vales. xxv. 2. ) The advantages hitherto gained by
treaty, by which it was agreed that the Cartha- Barca were now almost counterbalanced by the
ginians should evacuate Sicily. Lutatius had at defection of Utica and Hippo ; and Hanno baring
first insisted that the troops on Mount Eryx been (for what reason we know not) associated
should lay down their arms; but this was peremp with him in the command, the dissensions which
torily refused by Hamilcar, and the Roman con- broke out between the two generals effectually pre-
sul was forced to, abandon the demand. Hamilcar vented their co-operating to any successful result.
descended with his army to Lily baeum, where he These disputes were at length terminated by the
immediately resigned the command, leaving it to Carthaginian government leaving it to the amy
Gisco to conduct the troops to Africa. (Polyb. i. I to decide which of the two generals should resign,
а


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HAMILCAR.
329
HAMILCAR.
and which should retain his command. The soldiers | Hamilcar crossed over into Spain. Both Appian
chose Hamilcar, who accordingly remained at his and Zonaras expressly assert that he took this im-
post, and Hannibal succeeded Hanno as his col- portant step without any authority from the govem-
Icague. Matho and Spendius, the leaders of the ment at home, trusting to the popular influence at
insurgents, had taken advantage of the dissensions Carthage to ratify his measures subsequently; and
among their adversaries, and after many successes it is said that he secured this confirmation not only
had even ventured to lay siege to Carthage itself; by his brilliant successes, and by the influence of
but Hamilcar, by laying waste the country behind his son-in-law Hasdrubal, one of the chief leaders
them, and intercepting their supplies, reduced them of the democratic party at Carthage, but by em-
to such distress, that they were compelled to raise ploying the treasures which he obtained in Spain
the siege. Spendius now took the field against in purchasing adherents at home. (Appian, Hisp.
Hamilcar; but though his forces were greatly 4, 5, Annib. 2; Zonar. viii. 17; Diod. Exc. Vales.
superior, he was no match for his adversary in xxv. ) Whatever weight we may attach to these
generalship; and the latter succeeded in shutting statements (which are probably derived from Fa-
him up, with his whole army, in a position from bius), it is certain that Hamilcar was supported by
which there was no escape. Hence, after suffering the popular or democratic party at Carthage, in
the utmost extremities of hunger, Spendius him- opposition to the old aristocracy, of whom Hanno
self, together with nine others of the leaders of the was the chief leader : and it was in order to
rebels, repaired to the camp of Hamilcar to sue for strengthen this interest that he allied himself with
mercy. That general agreed to allow the army to Hasdrubal, who, both by his wealth and popular
depart in safety, but without arms or baggage, and manners, had acquired a powerful body of adherents
retaining to himself the power of selecting for in the state. It seems probable also that we are to
punishment ten of the ringleaders. These terms attribute to Hamilcar alone the project to which he
being agreed to, he immediately seized on Spendius henceforth devoted himself with so much energy,
and his companions as the ten whom he selected: and which was so ably followed up after his death
the rebel army, deeming themselves betrayed, by Hasdrubal and Hannibal,—that of forining in
rushed to arms; but Hamilcar surrounded them Spain a new empire, which should not only be a
with his elephants and troops, and put them all to source of strength and wealth to Carthage, and
the sword, to the number, it is said, of 40,000 men. compensate for the loss of Sicily and Sardinia, but
(Polyb. i. 82—85. ) But even this fearful mas- should be the point from whence he might at a
sacre was far from putting an end to the war: a subsequent period renew hostilities against Rome.
large force still remained under the command of (Polyb. ii. 9, 10. ) His enmity to that state, and
Matho, with which he held the important town of his long-cherished resentment for the loss of Sicily,
Tunis. Here Hamilcar and Hannibal proceeded had been aggravated by the flagrant injustice with
to besiege him with their combined forces; but which the Romans had taken advantage of the
Matho took advantage of the negligence of the weakness of Carthage after the African war, to
latter, to surprise his camp, cut to pieces great part force from her the cession of Sardinia, one of her
of his army, aud take Hannibal himself prisoner. most valued possessions; and the intensity of this
This disaster compelled Hamilcar to raise the siege feeling may be inferred from the well-known story
of Tunis, and fall back to the river Bagradas. The of his causing his son Hannibal, when a child of
Carthaginian senate, in great alarm, now exerted nine years old, to swear at the altar eternal hostility
themselves to bring about a reconciliation between to Rome. (Polyb. iii. 11. ) But his views were
Hamilcar and Hanno ; and this being at length long-sighted, and he regarded the subjugation of
effected, the two generals again took the field in Spain as a necessary preliminary to that contest
concert. They soon succeeded in bringing matters for life or death, to which he looked forward as bis
to the decision of a general battle, in which the ultimate end. The Carthaginians, whether or not
rebels were completely defeated, and Matho him- they sanctioned his plans in the beginning, did not
self taken prisoner ; after which almost all the attempt to interfere with them afterwards, and left
revolted towns submitted to the Carthaginians. him the uncontrolled direction of affairs in Spain
Utica and Hippo alone held out for a time, but from his first arrival there till his death, a period of
they were soon reduced, the one by Hamilcar and nearly nine years.