No More Learning

[2168] The Scylleticus Sinus received its
name from this city. It together with the Hipponiates Sinus forms the
isthmus which we have mentioned above. [2169] Dionysius[2170] undertook
to build a wall across the isthmus, at the time he was carrying on war
against the Leucani, assigning as a pretext that it would afford
security to the inhabitants of the peninsula from the inroads of the
barbarians dwelling beyond it; but in truth his intention was to cut off
the communication of the Greeks with each other, and to have the greater
power over those who dwelt within the peninsula, but those who dwelt
without[2171] assembled and prevented the undertaking.

11. After Scylletium is the region of Crotona, and the Iapygum tria
Promontoria,[2172] and after these the Lacinium,[2173] sacred to Juno,
formerly rich and filled with many offerings. But the distances have not
been accurately stated. We can only say that in a general way Polybius
reckons 2300[2174] stadia from the strait[2175] to Lacinium,[2176] and
700 stadia from Lacinium to the Iapygian promontory. They call this the
entrance of the Gulf of Taranto. The extent of the gulf is considerable,
being 240 miles along the shore. As the chorographer says . . . of 380 . . .
to a light person, Artemidorus: wanting also by so many . . . of the
breadth of the mouth of the gulf. [2177] Its aspect looks towards the
rising of the sun in winter. [2178] It commenced from Lacinium, for
presently on doubling the cape you come to where the Greek cities
formerly stood; now they no longer exist, with the exception of
Tarentum. But on account of the estimation in which certain of them were
held, it is worth while to speak of them somewhat in detail.

12. The first is Crotona, 150 stadia from Lacinium and the river [CAS.
262] Esaro;[2179] there is also a haven[2180] there, and another river
Nieto,[2181] the name whereof is said to be derived from the following
circumstance—they say that certain of the Greeks who had wandered from
the fleet which had besieged Troy, having arrived in this place,
disembarked to take a survey of the country, and that the Trojan women
who accompanied them in the fleet, having observed the absence of the
men, and being wearied with a toilsome voyage, set fire to the fleet, so
that they were compelled to abide, when they saw, in addition [to the
loss of their ships], that the soil was very fertile. Many others
arriving soon after, and being desirous to live near their
fellow-countrymen, founded several settlements. Most of them derived
their names from the Trojans, and the river Nieto received its
appellation from the destruction[2182] [of the ships]. But Antiochus
relates that an oracle having commanded the Greeks to found Crotona,
Myscellus went forth to view the place, and having seen Sybaris already
built on a neighbouring river of the same name, thought it better, and
returned to the god to ask if he might be permitted to settle in that,
instead of the other; but that the oracle answered, applying to him an
epithet noticing his defective stature, (for Myscellus was somewhat
crook-backed,)

“O short-backed Myscellus, whilst seeking somewhat else of thyself,
Thou pursuest only misfortune: it is right to accept that which is
proffered to thee:”[2183]

and that he returned and built Crotona, wherein he was assisted by
Archias,[2184] the founder of Syracuse, who happened to touch at Crotona
by chance, as he was proceeding to the colony of the Syracusans. The
Iapyges possessed Crotona before this time,[2185] as Ephorus relates.
The city cultivated martial discipline and athletic exercises to a
great extent, and in one of the Olympic games all the seven wrestlers,
who obtained the palm in the stadium, were Crotoniatæ; whence, it seems,
the saying arose that the last wrestler of Crotona was the first of the
other Greeks, and hence they say also is the origin of the expression,
“more salubrious than Crotona,” as instancing a place which had
something to show, in the number of wrestlers which it produced, as a
proof of its salubrity and the robust frame of body which it was capable
of rearing. Thus it had many victors in the Olympic games, although it
cannot be reckoned to have been long inhabited on account of the vast
destruction of its citizens, who fell at the battle of the Sagras. Its
celebrity too was not a little spread by the number of Pythagoreans who
resided there, and Milo,[2186] who was the most renowned of wrestlers,
and lived in terms of intimacy with Pythagoras, who abode long in this
city. They relate that at a banquet of the philosophers, when one of the
pillars in the hall gave way, Milo sustained the ceiling while they all
escaped, and afterwards saved himself. It is likely that, trusting to
the same strength, he met his fate as related by some, for whilst making
his way through a thick wood, he strayed considerably out of the path,
when finding a great log with wedges in it, he thrust both his hands and
feet into the fissure, intending to split it completely, but was only
able to force it enough to let the wedges fall out, when the gaping log
presently closed on him, and he, being taken as in a snare, was devoured
by wild beasts.

13. Beyond this, at the distance of 200 stadia, is situated
Sybaris,[2187] a colony settled by the Achæans, between the two [CAS.
263] rivers Crati[2188] and Sybaris. [2189] Its founder was Is. . . . [2190]
the Helicean. [2191] So great was the prosperity enjoyed by this city
anciently, that it held dominion over four neighbouring people and
twenty-five towns; in the war with the Crotoniatæ it brought into the
field 300,000 men, and occupied a circuit of 50 stadia on the Crati. But
on account of the arrogance and turbulence of its citizens, it was
deprived of all its prosperity by the Crotoniatæ in 70[2192] days, who
took the city, and turning the waters of the river [Crati], overwhelmed
it with an inundation. [2193] Some time after, a few who had escaped came
together and inhabited the site of their former city, but in time they
were dispossessed by the Athenians[2194] and other Greeks, who came and
settled amongst them, but they despised and subjugated them, and removed
the city to a neighbouring place, calling its name Thurii, from a
fountain of that name. The water of the river Sybaris has the peculiar
property of making the horses which drink it shy,[2195] for which reason
they keep their horses away from the river. The Crati turns the hair of
those who bathe in it yellow, and sometimes white, but has been found
salutary for the cure of many disorders. Thurii, after having flourished
for a long time, became a continual prey to the aggressions of the
Leucani,[2196] and afterwards the Tarentini troubling them, they
appealed to the Romans for succour, who, in course of time, sent a
colony[2197] when it was nearly deserted, and changed the name of the
city to Copiæ. [2198]

14. After Thurii is Lagaria,[2199] a garrison fort; it was originally
settled by Epeius[2200] and the Phocenses; hence is derived the
Lagaritan wine, sweet and delicate, and much recommended by the
physicians, as is likewise the Thurian wine, which is reckoned among the
best. Then comes the city of Heraclea,[2201] a little way from the sea,
and two navigable rivers, the Agri[2202] and the Sinno,[2203] on which
was the city Siris, founded by a Trojan colony, but in course of time,
when Heraclea was peopled with the citizens of Siris by the Tarentini,
it became the harbour of Heraclea. Its distance from Heraclea was 24
stadia, and from Thurii about 330. [2204] They point out the statue of
the Trojan Minerva, which is erected there, as a proof of its
colonization by the Trojans. They also relate as a miracle how the
statue closed its eyes when the suppliants, who had fled for sanctuary
to her shrine, were dragged away by the Ionians after they had taken the
city;[2205] they say that these Ionians came to settle here, when they
fled from the yoke of the Lydians, and took the town of the
Trojans[2206] by force, calling its name Polieum. They show, too, at the
present time [CAS. 264] the statue that closes its eyes. It must,
however, require a good courage, not to assert that it appeared to have
closed its eyes, as that at Troy turned away its eyes from beholding the
violence offered to Cassandra, but to show it in the act of winking:—but
it is much more daring to make so many statues of the Minerva rescued
from Ilium, as those who describe them affirm, for there is a Minerva
said to be Trojan in the sense of having been rescued from that city,
not only at Siris, but at Rome, at Lavinium, and at Luceria. The scene,
too, of the daring of the Trojan female captives is assigned to many
different places and appears incredible, although it is by no means
impossible. There are some who say that Siris, and also that Sybaris on
the Trionto,[2207] were founded by the Rhodians. Antiochus says that the
site of Siris having become the subject of a contention between the
Tarentini and the Thurii, on that occasion commanded by Cleandridas the
general who had been banished from Lacedæmon, the two people came to a
composition, and agreed to inhabit it in common, but that the
colony[2208] should be considered as Tarentine; however, at a subsequent
period both the name and the locality were changed, and it was called
Heraclea. [2209]

15. Next in order is Metapontium,[2210] at a distance of 140 stadia from
the sea-port of Heraclea. It is said to be a settlement of the Pylians
at the time of their return from Ilium under Nestor; their success in
agriculture was so great, that it is said they offered at Delphi a
golden harvest:[2211] they adduce, as a proof of this foundation, the
offerings of the dead sacrificed periodically to the Neleïdæ;[2212] but
it was destroyed by the Samnites. [2213] Antiochus says that certain
Achæans, who had been sent for by the Achæans of Sybaris, settled in
this place when it had been desolated; he adds that these were sent for
on account of the hatred of the Achæans to the Tarentini, who had
originally migrated from Laconia, in order to prevent their seizing upon
the place which lay adjacent to them. Of the two cities, viz.
Metapontium which was situated the nearer, [and Siris the
further,[2214]] from Tarentum, the new comers preferred to occupy
Metapontium. This choice was suggested by the Sybarites, because, if
they should make good their settlement there, they would also possess
Siris, but if they were to turn to Siris, Metapontium would be annexed
to the territory of the Tarentines which was conterminous. But after
being engaged in war with the Tarentini and the Œnotrians, who dwelt
beyond them, they came to an agreement, securing to them a portion of
land, which should constitute the boundary between Italy, as it then
existed, and Iapygia. This, too, is the locality which tradition assigns
to the adventures of Metapontus and the captive Melanippe, and her son
Bœotus. But Antiochus is of opinion that the city Metapontium was
originally called Metabum, and that its name was altered at a subsequent
period; and that Melanippe was not entertained here but at Dius, and
thinks that the heroum of Metabus as well as the testimony of the poet
Asius, who says that

“The beautiful Melanippe, in the halls of Dius, bare Bœotus,”

afford sufficient proof that Melanippe was led to Dius and not to
Metabum. Ephorus says that Daulius, the tyrant of Crissa[2215] near
Delphi, was the founder of Metapontium. There is, however, another
tradition, that Leucippus was sent by the Achæans to help to found the
colony, and having asked permission of the Tarentini to have the place
for a day and a night, would not give it up, replying by day to those
who [CAS. 265] asked it of him, that he had asked and obtained it till
the following night, and when asked by night, he said that he held it
till the coming day.

Next adjoining is Tarentum and Iapygia, which we will describe when we
shall have first gone through the islands which lie off Italy, according
to our original purpose; for we have always given the adjacent islands
with every nation we have hitherto described, and since we have gone
through Œnotria, which only, the people of ancient times named Italy, we
feel justified in keeping to the same arrangement, and shall pass on to
Sicily and the surrounding islands.




CHAPTER II.


1. Sicily is triangular in form, and on this account was at first called
Trinacria, but afterwards the name was softened and it was changed into
Thrinacia. [2216] Three low headlands bound the figure: Pelorias is the
name of that towards Cænys and the Columna Rheginorum which forms the
strait; Pachynus[2217] is that which stretches towards the east, and is
washed by the Sea of Sicily, looking towards the Peloponnesus and in the
direction of the passage to Crete; the third is Lilybæum,[2218] and is
next to Africa, looking towards that region and the setting of the sun
in winter. [2219] Of the sides which these three headlands bound, two are
somewhat concave, while the third is slightly convex, it runs from
Lilybæum to Pelorias, and is the longest, being, as Posidonius has said,
1700 stadia adding further twenty. Of the others, that extending to
Pachynus from Lilybæum is the longer, while the shortest faces the
Strait and Italy, extending from Pelorias to Pachynus, being about 1120
or 1130 stadia. Posidonius shows that the circumference is 4400 stadia,
but in the Chorography the distances are declared to exceed the above
numbers, being severally reckoned in miles. Thus from Cape Pelorias to
Mylæ,[2220] 25 miles; from Mylæ to Tyndaris,[2221] 25; thence to
Agathyrnum,[2222] 30; from Agathyrnum to Alæsa,[2223] 30; from Alæsa to
Cephalœdium,[2224] 30; these are but insignificant places; from
Cephalœdium to the river Himera,[2225] which runs through the midst of
Sicily, 18; from thence to Panormus,[2226] 35; [thence] to the
Emporium[2227] of the Ægestani, 32; leaving to Lilybæum[2228] a distance
of 38; thence having doubled the Cape and coasting the adjacent side to
Heracleum,[2229] 75; and to the Emporium[2230] of the Agrigentini, 20;
and to[2231] [CAS. 266] Camarina,[2232] another 20; then to Pachynus,
50; thence again along the third side to Syracuse, 36;[2233] from
Syracuse to Catana, 60; then to Tauromenium,[2234] 33; thence to
Messana, 30. [2235] Thus on foot[2236] from Pachynus to Pelorias we have
168 [miles], and from Messana[2237] to [Cape] Lilybæum, on the Via
Valeria,[2238] we have 235[2239] [miles]. Some have estimated the
circuit in a more simple way, as Ephorus, who says that the compass of
the island by sea takes five days and nights. Posidonius attempts to
determine the situation of the island by climata,[2240] and places
Pelorias to the north, Lilybæum to the south, and Pachynus to the east.
We however consider that of necessity all climata are set out in the
manner of a parallelogram, but that districts portrayed as triangles,
and especially such triangles as are scalene,[2241] and whereof no one
side lies parallel to a side of the parallelogram, cannot in any way be
assimilated to climata on account of their obliquity. However, we must
allow, that in treating of Sicily, Pelorias, which lies to the south of
Italy, may well be called the most northern of the three angles, so that
we say that the line which joins it[2242] to Pachynus faces the east but
looks towards the north. [2243] Now this line [of coast] will make the
side next the Strait [of Messina], and it must have a slight inclination
towards the winter sunrise;[2244] for thus the shore slightly changes
its direction as you travel from Catana towards Syracuse and Pachynus.
Now the transit from Pachynus to the mouth of the Alpheus[2245] is 4000
stadia. But when Artemidorus says that from Pachynus to Tænarum[2246] it
is 4600, and from the Alpheus to the Pamisus is 1130 stadia,[2247] he
appears to me to lie open to the objection of having given distances
which do not accord with the 4000 stadia from Pachynus to the Alpheus.
The line run from Pachynus to Lilybæum (which is much to the west of
Pelorias) is considerably diverged from the south towards the west,
having at the same time an aspect looking towards the east and towards
the south. [2248] On one side it is washed by the sea of Sicily, and on
the other by the Libyan Sea, extending from Carthage to the Syrtes. The
shortest run is 1500 stadia from Lilybæum to the coast of Africa about
Carthage; and, according to report, a certain very sharp-sighted
person,[2249] placed on a watch-tower, announced to the Carthaginians
besieged in Lilybæum the number of the ships which were leaving
Carthage. And from Lilybæum to Pelorias the side must necessarily
incline towards the east, and look in a direction towards the west and
north, having Italy to the north, and the Tyrrhenian Sea with the
islands of Æolus to the west. [2250]

2. The cities situated on the side which forms the Strait are, first
Messana, then Tauromenium,[2251] Catana, and Syracuse; between Catana
and Syracuse were the ruined cities Naxos[2252] and Megara,[2253]
situated where the rivers descending from Ætna fall into the sea, and
afford good accommodation for shipping. Here is also the promontory of
Xiphonia. They say that Ephorus founded these first cities of the Greeks
in Sicily in [CAS. 267] the tenth generation from the Trojan war. For
those who preceded him were so terrified by the piratical customs of the
Tyrrheni, and the ferocity of the savages of the neighbourhood, that
they did not even venture to resort thither for the purposes of
commerce. Theocles the Athenian, however, having been driven to Sicily
by storms, observed both the weakness of the inhabitants and the
excellence of the soil. On his return home, he was unable to persuade
the Athenians to make any attempt, but he collected a numerous band of
Chalcidians in Eubœa, with some Ionians and Dorians, whereof the most
part were Megarenses, and sailed. The Chalcidians founded Naxos, and the
Dorians Megara, which was at first called Hybla. These cities no longer
exist, but the name of Hybla survives on account of the Hyblæan honey.

3. The first of the cities which at present remain on the aforesaid side
is Messana, built at the head of the gulf of Pelorias, which is curved
very considerably towards the east, and forms a bay. The passage across
to Rhegium[2254] is 60 stadia, but the distance to the Columna
Rheginorum is much less. It was from a colony of the Messenians of the
Peloponnesus that it was named Messana, having been originally called
Zancle, on account of the great inequality of the coast (for anything
irregular was termed ζάγκλιον). [2255] It was originally founded by the
people of Naxos near Catana. Afterwards the Mamertini, a tribe of
Campanians, took possession of it. [2256] The Romans, in the war in
Sicily against the Carthaginians, used it as an arsenal. [2257] Still
more recently,[2258] Sextus Pompeius assembled his fleet in it, to
contend against Augustus Cæsar; and when he relinquished the island, he
took ship from thence. [2259] Charybdis[2260] is pointed out at a short
distance from the city in the Strait, an immense gulf, into which the
back currents of the Strait frequently impel ships, carrying them down
with a whirl and the violence of the eddy. When they are swallowed down
and shattered, the wrecks are cast by the stream on the shore of
Tauromenia,[2261] which they call, on account of this kind of
accumulation, the dunghill. [2262] So greatly have the Mamertini
prevailed over the Messenians, that they have by degrees wrested the
city from them. The inhabitants generally are rather called Mamertini
than Messenians. The district abounds in wine, which we do not call
Messenian, but Mamertinian: it vies with the best produced in
Italy. [2263] The city is well peopled, but Catana is more populous,
which has been colonized by the Romans. [2264] Tauromenium is less
populous than either. Catana was founded by people from Naxos, and
Tauromenium by the Zanclæans of Hybla,[2265] but Catana was deprived of
its original inhabitants when Hiero, the tyrant of Syracuse, introduced
others, and called it by the name of Ætna instead of Catana. It is of
this that Pindar says he was the founder, when he sings,

“Thou understandest what I say, O father, that bearest the same name
with the splendid holy sacrifices, thou founder of Ætna. ”[2266]

But on the death of Hiero,[2267] the Catanæans returned and expelled the
new inhabitants, and demolished the mausoleum of the tyrant. The
Ætnæans, compelled to retire,[2268] established themselves on a hilly
district of Ætna, called Innesa,[2269] and called the place Ætna. It is
distant from Catana about 80 stadia. They still acknowledged Hiero as
their founder.

Ætna lies the highest of any part of Catana, and participates the most
in the inconveniences occasioned by the mouths of the volcano, for the
streams of lava flowing down in Catanæa[2270] pass through it first. It
was here that Amphinomus [CAS. 269] and Anapias set the example of
filial piety so greatly celebrated, for they, seizing their parents,
carried them on their shoulders[2271] to a place of safety from the
impending ruin; for whenever, as Posidonius relates, there is an
eruption of the mountain the fields of the Catanæans are buried to a
great depth. However, after the burning ashes have occasioned a
temporary damage, they fertilize the country for future seasons, and
render the soil good for the vine and very strong for other produce, the
neighbouring districts not being equally adapted to the produce of wine.
They say that the roots which the districts covered with these ashes
produce, are so good for fattening sheep, that they are sometimes
suffocated, wherefore they bleed them in the ear every four or five
days,[2272] in the same way as we have related a like practice at
Erythia. When the stream of lava cools[2273] it covers the surface of
the earth with stone to a considerable depth, so that those who wish to
uncover the original surface are obliged to hew away the stone as in a
quarry. For the stone is liquefied in the craters and then thrown up.
That which is cast forth from the top is like a black moist clay and
flows down the hill-sides, then congealing it becomes mill-stone,
preserving the same colour it had while fluid. The ashes of the stones
which are burnt are like what would be produced by wood, and as rue
thrives on wood ashes, so there is probably some quality in the ashes of
Ætna which is appropriate to the vine.

4. Archias, sailing from Corinth, founded Syracuse about the same
period[2274] that Naxos and Megara were built. They say that Myscellus
and Archias having repaired to Delphi at the same time to consult the
oracle, the god demanded whether they would choose wealth or health,
when Archias preferred wealth and Myscellus health, upon which the
oracle assigned Syracuse to the former to found, and Crotona to the
latter. And certainly, in like manner as it fell out that the Crotoniatæ
should inhabit a state so notable for salubrity as we have
described,[2275] so such great riches have accrued to the Syracusans
that their name has been embodied in the proverb applied to those who
have too great wealth, viz. that they have not yet attained to a tithe
of the riches of the Syracusans. While Archias was on his voyage to
Sicily, he left Chersicrates, a chief of the race of the
Heracleidæ,[2276] with a part of the expedition to settle the island now
called Corcyra,[2277] but anciently called Scheria, and he, having
expelled the Liburni who possessed it, established his colony in the
island. Archias, pursuing his route, met with certain Dorians at
Zephyrium,[2278] come from Sicily, and who had quitted the company of
those who had founded Megara; these he took with him, and in conjunction
with them founded Syracuse. The city flourished on account of the
fertility[2279] of the country and the convenience of the harbours, the
citizens became great rulers; while under tyrants themselves, they
domineered over the other states [of Sicily], and when freed from
despotism, they set at liberty such as had been enslaved by the
barbarians: of these barbarians some were the aboriginal inhabitants of
the island, while others had come across from the continent. The Greeks
suffered none of the barbarians to approach the shore, although they
were not able to expel them entirely from the interior, for the Siculi,
Sicani,[2280] Morgetes, and some others,[2281] still inhabit the island
to the present day, amongst whom also were the Iberians, who, as Ephorus
relates, were [CAS. 270] the first of the barbarians that are
considered to have been settlers in Sicily. It seems probable that
Morgantium[2282] was founded by the Morgetes. Formerly it was a city,
but now it is not. When the Carthaginians[2283] endeavoured to gain
possession of the island they continually harassed both the Greeks and
the barbarians, but the Syracusans withstood them; at a later period
the Romans expelled the Carthaginians and took Syracuse after a long
siege. [2284] And [Sextus] Pompeius, having destroyed Syracuse in the
same way as he had done by the other cities,[2285] Augustus Cæsar in
our own times sent thither a colony, and to a great extent restored
it to its former importance, for anciently it consisted of five
towns[2286] enclosed by a wall of 180[2287] stadia, but there being
no great need that it should fill this extensive circle, he thought
it expedient to fortify in a better way the thickly inhabited portion
lying next the island of Ortygia, the circumference of which by itself
equals that of an important city. Ortygia is connected to the mainland
by a bridge, and [boasts of] the fountain Arethusa, which springs in
such abundance as to form a river at once, and flows into the sea. They
say that it is the river Alpheus[2288] which rises in the Peloponnesus,
and that it flows through the land beneath the sea[2289] to the place
where the Arethusa rises and flows into the sea. Some such proofs as
these are given in support of the fact. A certain chalice having fallen
into the river at Olympia was cast up by the springs of Arethusa; the
fountain too is troubled by the sacrifices of oxen at Olympia. And
Pindar, following such reports, thus sings,

“Ortygia, revered place of reappearing[2290] of the Alpheus,
The offset of renowned Syracuse. ”[2291]

Timæus[2292] the historian advances these accounts in like manner with
Pindar. Undoubtedly if before reaching the sea the Alpheus were to fall
into some chasm,[2293] there would be a probability that it continued
its course from thence to Sicily, preserving its potable water unmixed
with the sea; but since the mouth of the river manifestly falls into the
sea, and there does not appear any opening in the bed of the sea there,
which would be capable of imbibing the waters of the river, (although
even if there were they could not remain perfectly fresh, still it might
be possible to retain much of the character of fresh water, if they were
presently to be swallowed down into a passage running below the earth
which forms the bed of the sea,) it is altogether impossible; and this
the water of Arethusa clearly proves, being perfectly fit for beverage;
but [CAS. 271] that the flow of the river should remain compact through
so long a course, not mixing with the sea until it should fall into the
fancied channel, is entirely visionary; for we can scarcely credit it of
the Rhone, the body of the waters of which remains compact during its
passage through the lake, and preserves a visible course, but in that
instance both the distance is short and the lake is not agitated by
waves like the sea, but in this case of the Alpheus,[2294] where there
are great storms and the waters are tossed with violence, the
supposition is by no means worthy of attention. The fable of the chalice
being carried over is likewise a mere fabrication, for it is not
calculated for transfer, nor is it by any means probable it should be
washed away so far, nor yet by such difficult passages. Many rivers,
however, and in many parts of the world, flow beneath the earth, but
none for so great a distance. —Still, although there may be no
impossibility in this circumstance, yet the above-mentioned accounts are
altogether impossible, and almost as absurd as the fable related of the
Inachus: this river, as Sophocles[2295] feigns,

“Flowing from the heights of Pindus and Lacmus, passes from the
country of the Perrhœbi[2296] to that of the Amphilochi[2297] and
the Acarnanians, and mingles its waters with the Achelous:”[2298]

and further on [he says],

“Thence to Argos, cutting through the waves, it comes to the
territory of Lyrceius. ”

Those who would have the river Inopus to be a branch of the Nile flowing
to Delos, exaggerate this kind of marvel to the utmost. Zoïlus the
rhetorician, in his Eulogium of the people of Tenedos, says that the
river Alpheus flows from Tenedos: yet this is the man who blames Homer
for fabulous writing. Ibycus also says that the Asopus, a river of
Sicyon,[2299] flows from Phrygia. Hecatæus is more rational, who says
that the Inachus of the Amphilochi, which flows from Mount Lacmus, from
whence also the Æas[2300] descends, was distinct from the river of like
name in Argolis, and was so named after Amphilochus, from whom likewise
the city of Argos was denominated Amphilochian. He says further, that
this river falls into the Achelous, and that the Æas flows to
Apollonia[2301] towards the west. On each side of the island there is an
extensive harbour; the extent of the larger one is 80[2302] stadia.
[Augustus] Cæsar has not only restored this city, but Catana, and
likewise Centoripa,[2303] which had contributed much towards the
overthrow of [Sextus] Pompey. Centoripa is situated above Catana and
confines with the mountains of Ætna and the river Giaretta,[2304] which
flows into Catanæa.

5. One of the remaining sides, that stretching from Pachynus to
Lilybæum, is entirely deserted; still it preserves a few traces of the
ancient inhabitants, one of whose cities was Camarina. [2305]
Acragas,[2306] which was a colony of the Geloi,[2307] together with its
port and Lilybæum,[2308] still exist. In fact, these regions, lying
opposite to Carthage, have been wasted by the great and protracted wars
which have been waged. The remaining and greatest side, although it is
by no means densely peopled, is well occupied, for Alæsa,[2309]
Tyndaris,[2310] the emporium[2311] of the Ægestani and
Cephalœdium,[2312] are respectable towns. Panormus has received a Roman
colony: they say that Ægesta[2313] was founded by the Greeks who passed
over, as we have related when speaking of Italy, with Philoctetes to the
Crotoniatis, and were by him sent to Sicily with Ægestus[2314] the
Trojan.

6. In the interior of the island a few inhabitants possess Enna,[2315]
in which there is a temple of Ceres;[2316] it is situated on [CAS. 272]
a hill, and surrounded by spacious tablelands well adapted for tillage.
The fugitive slaves, who placed themselves under the leading of
Eunus,[2317] and sustained in this city a long siege, scarcely being
reduced by the Romans, occasioned much damage to the city. The Catanæi,
Tauromenitæ, and many others, suffered, much in like manner.
†Eryx,[2318] a very lofty mountain, is also inhabited. It possesses a
temple of Venus, which is very much esteemed; in former times it was
well filled with women sacred to the goddess, whom the inhabitants of
Sicily, and also many others, offered in accomplishment of their vows;
but now, both is the neighbourhood much thinner of inhabitants, and the
temple not near so well supplied with priestesses and female
attendants. [2319] There is also an establishment of this goddess at Rome
called the temple of Venus Erycina, just before the Colline Gate; in
addition to the temple it has a portico well worthy of notice. † The
other settlement and most of the interior have been left to the
shepherds for pasturage; for we do not know that Himera is yet
inhabited,[2320] or Gela,[2321] or Callipolis, or Selinus, or Eubœa, or
many other places; of these the Zanclæi of Mylæ[2322] founded
Himera,[2323] the people of Naxos, Callipolis,[2324] the Megaræans of
Sicily,[2325] Selinus,[2326] and the Leontini[2327] Eubœa. [2328] Many
too of the cities of the aboriginal inhabitants[2329] have been
destroyed, as Camici, the kingdom of Cocalus, at whose house Minos is
reported to have been treacherously cut off. The Romans therefore,
considering the deserted condition of the country, and having got
possession both of the hills and the most part of the plains, have given
them over to horse-breeders, herdsmen, and shepherds, by whom the island
has frequently been brought into great perils. First of all the
shepherds, taking to pillage here and there in different places, and
afterwards assembling in numbers and forcibly taking settlements; for
instance, as those under the command of Eunus[2330] seized upon
Enna. [2331] And quite recently, during the time that we were at Rome, a
certain Selurus, called the son of Ætna, was sent up to that city. He
had been the captain of a band of robbers, and had for a long time
infested the country round Ætna, committing frequent depredations. We
saw him torn to pieces by wild beasts in the forum after a contest of
gladiators: he had been set upon a platform fashioned to represent Mount
Ætna, which being suddenly unfastened and falling, he was precipitated
amongst certain cages of wild beasts, which had also been slightly
constructed under the platform for the occasion.

7. The fertility of the country is so generally extolled by every one,
as nothing inferior to Italy, that there is a question as to what we
should say of it. Indeed, for wheat, honey, saffron, and some other
commodities, it even surpasses that country. In addition to this, its
proximity renders the island like a part of Italy itself, so that it
supplies the Roman market with produce both commodiously and without
trouble. Indeed they call it the granary of Rome, for all the produce of
the island is carried thither, except a few things required for home
consumption. It consists not only of the fruits of the earth, but of
cattle, skins, wool, and the like. Posidonius says that Syracuse and
Eryx are situated on the sea like two citadels, and that Enna in the
midst, between Syracuse and Eryx, commands the surrounding plains.
†The[2332] whole [CAS. 273] territory of the Leontini, which was
possessed by the people of Naxos settled in Sicily, suffered much, for
they always shared in the misfortunes of Syracuse, but not always in its
prosperity. †

8. Near to Centoripa is the town we have a little before mentioned,
Ætna, which serves as a place for travellers about to ascend Mount Ætna,
to halt and refresh themselves for the expedition.
For here commences
the region in which is situated the summit of the mountain. The
districts above are barren and covered with ashes, which are surmounted
by the snows in winter: all below it however is filled with woods and
plantations of all kinds. It seems that the summits of the mountain take
many changes by the ravages of the fire, which sometimes is brought
together into one crater, and at another is divided; at one time again
it heaves forth streams of lava, and at another flames and thick smoke:
at other times again ejecting red-hot masses of fire-stone. In such
violent commotions as these the subterraneous passages must necessarily
undergo a corresponding change, and at times the orifices on the surface
around be considerably increased. Some who have very recently ascended
the mountain, reported[2333] to us, that they found at the top an even
plain of about 20 stadia in circumference, enclosed by an overhanging
ridge of ashes about the height of a wall, so that those who are
desirous of proceeding further are obliged to leap down into the plain.
They noticed in the midst of it a mound; it was ash-coloured, as was
likewise the plain in appearance. Above the mound a column of cloud
reared itself in a perpendicular line to the height of 200 stadia, and
remained motionless (there being no air stirring at the time); it
resembled smoke. Two of the party resolutely attempted to proceed
further across this plain, but, finding the sand very hot and sinking
very deep in it, they turned back, without however being able to make
any more particular observations, as to what we have described, than
those who beheld from a greater distance. They were, however, of
opinion, from the observations they were able to make, that much
exaggeration pervades the accounts we have of the volcano, and
especially the tale about Empedocles, that he leaped into the crater,
and left as a vestige of his folly one of the brazen sandals which he
wore, it being found outside at a short distance from the lip of the
crater, with the appearance of having been cast up by the violence of
the flame; for neither is the place approachable nor even visible, nor
yet was it likely that any thing could be cast in thither, on account of
the contrary current of the vapours and other matters cast up from the
lower parts of the mountain, and also on account of the overpowering
excess of heat, which would most likely meet any one long before
approaching the mouth of the crater; and if eventually any thing should
be cast down, it would be totally decomposed before it were cast up
again, what manner of form soever it might have had at first. And again,
although it is not unreasonable to suppose that the force of the vapour
and fire is occasionally slackened for want of a continual supply of
fuel, still we are not to conclude that it is ever possible for a man to
approach it in the presence of so great an opposing power. Ætna more
especially commands the shore along the Strait and Catana, but it also
overlooks the sea that washes Tyrrhenia and the Lipari Islands. By night
a glowing light appears on its summit, but in the day-time it is
enveloped with smoke and thick darkness.

9. The Nebrodes mountains[2334] take their rise opposite[2335] to Ætna;
they are not so lofty as Ætna, but extend over a much greater surface.
The whole island is hollow under ground, and full of rivers and fire
like the bed of the Tyrrhenian Sea,[2336] as far as Cumæa, as we before
described. [2337] For there are hot springs in many places in the island,
some of which are saline, as those named Selinuntia[2338] and the
springs at Himera, while those at Ægesta[2339] are fresh. Near to
Acragas[2340] there are certain lakes,[2341] the waters of which taste
like the sea, but their [CAS. 274] properties are very different, for if
those who do not know how to swim plunge into them, they are not covered
over by them, but float on the surface like pieces of wood.

The Palici[2342] possess craters which cast up water in a jet, having
the appearance of a dome, and then receive it back again into the same
place it rose from. The cavern near Mataurum[2343] has within it a
considerable channel, with a river flowing through it under ground for a
long distance, and afterwards emerging to the surface as does the
El-Asi[2344] in Syria, which, after descending into the chasm between
Apameia and Antioch, which they call Charybdis, rises again to the
surface at the distance of about 40 stadia. Much the same circumstances
are remarked of the Tigris[2345] in Mesopotamia, and the Nile in
Africa,[2346] a little before[2347] its most notorious springs. The
water in the neighbourhood of the city of Stymphalus, having passed
under ground about 200 stadia, gives rise to the river Erasinus[2348] in
Argia;[2349] and again, the waters which are ingulfed with a low roaring
sound near Asea[2350] in Arcadia, after a long course, spring forth with
such copiousness as to form the Eurotas and the Alpheus,[2351] whence
has arisen a fable extensively credited, that if a certain charm is
uttered over each of two crowns on their being cast into the stream
where the two rivers flow in a common channel, each crown will make its
appearance in its respective river according to the charm. As for what
we might add with reference to the Timao,[2352] it has already been
particularized.

10. Phænomena, similar to these, and such as take place throughout
Sicily,[2353] are witnessed in the Lipari Islands, and especially in
Lipari itself. —These islands are seven in number, the chief of which is
Lipari, a colony of the Cnidians. [2354] It is nearest to Sicily after
Thermessa. [2355] It was originally named Meligunis. It was possessed of
a fleet, and for a considerable time repelled the incursions of the
Tyrrheni. [2356] The islands now called Liparæan were subject to it, some
call them the islands of Æolus. The citizens were so successful as to
make frequent offerings of the spoils taken in war to the temple of
Apollo at Delphi. [2357] It possesses a fertile soil,[2358] [CAS. 275] and
mines[2359] of alum easy to be wrought, hot springs,[2360] and craters.
[Thermessa] is, as it were, situated between this and Sicily; it is now
designated as Hiera, or sacred to Vulcan; it is entirely rocky, and
desert, and volcanic. In it are three craters, and the flames which
issue from the largest are accompanied with burning masses of lava,
which have already obstructed a considerable portion of the strait
[between Thermessa and the island Lipari]; repeated observations have
led to the belief that the flames of the volcanos, both in this island
and at Mount Ætna, are stimulated by the winds[2361] as they rise; and
when the winds are lulled, the flames also subside; nor is this without
reason, for if the winds are both originally produced and kept up by the
vapours arising from the sea, those who witness these phenomena will not
be surprised, if the fire should be excited in some such way, by the
like aliment and circumstances. Polybius tells us that one of the three
craters of the island has partly fallen down, while the larger of the
two that remain has a lip, the circumference of which is five stadia,
and the diameter nearly 50 feet,[2362] and its elevation about a stadium
from the level of the sea, which may be seen at the base in calm
weather; but if we are to credit this, we may as well attend to what has
been reported concerning Empedocles. [Polybius] also says, that “when
the south wind is to blow, a thick cloud lies stretched round the
island, so that one cannot see even as far as Sicily in the distance;
but when there is to be a north wind, the clear flames ascend to a great
height above the said crater, and great rumblings are heard; while for
the west wind effects are produced about half way between these two. The
other craters are similarly affected, but their exhalations are not so
violent. Indeed, it is possible to foretell what wind will blow three
days beforehand, from the degree of intensity of the rumbling, and also
from the part whence the exhalations, flames, and smoky blazes issue. It
is said indeed that some of the inhabitants of the Lipari Islands, at
times when there has been so great a calm that no ship could sail out of
port, have predicted what wind would blow, and have not been mistaken. ”
From hence indeed that which seems to be the most fabulous invention of
the poet, appears not to have been written without some foundation, and
he appears to have merely used an allegorical style, while guided by the
truth, when he says that Æolus is the steward of the winds;[2363]
however, we have formerly said enough as to this. [2364] We will now
return to the point whence we digressed.

11. We have noticed the islands of Lipari and Thermessa. As for
Strongyle,[2365] it takes its name from its form. [2366] Like the other
two, it is subigneous, but is deficient in the force of the flames which
are emitted, while their brightness is greater. It is here they say that
Æolus resided. [2367] The fourth is Didyma; this island also is named
from its form. [2368] Of the others, [the fifth and sixth] are [CAS. 276]
Ericussa[2369] and Phœnicussa;[2370] they are called from the plants
which they produce, and are given up to pasture. The seventh [island] is
called Euonymus;[2371] it is the farthest in the sea and barren. It is
called Euonymus because it lies the most to the left when you sail from
the island of Lipari to Sicily,[2372] and many times flames of fire have
been seen to rise to the surface, and play upon the sea round the
islands: these flames rush with violence from the cavities at the bottom
of the sea,[2373] and force for themselves a passage to the open air.
Posidonius says, that at a time so recent as to be almost within his
recollection, about the summer solstice and at break of day, between
Hiera and Euonymus, the sea was observed to be suddenly raised aloft,
and to abide some time raised in a compact mass and then to subside.
Some ventured to approach that part in their ships; they observed the
fish dead and driven by the current, but being distressed by the heat
and foul smell, were compelled to turn back. One of the boats which had
approached nearest lost some of her crew, and was scarcely able to reach
Lipari with the rest, and they had fits like an epileptic person, at one
time fainting and giddy, and at another returning to their senses; and
many days afterwards a mud or clay was observed rising in the sea, and
in many parts the flames issued, and smoke and smoky blazes; afterwards
it congealed and became a rock like mill-stones. Titus Flaminius,[2374]
who then commanded in Sicily, despatched to the senate [of Rome] a full
account of the phenomenon; the senate sent and offered sacrifices to the
infernal and marine divinities both in the little island [which had thus
been formed] and the Lipari Islands. Now the chorographer reckons that
from Ericodes to Phœnicodes are 10 miles, from thence to Didyma 30, from
thence to the northernmost point[2375] of Lipari 29, and from thence to
Sicily 19, while from Strongyle are 16. [2376] Melita[2377] lies
before[2378] Pachynus; from thence come the little dogs called
Maltese;[2379] so does also Gaudus,[2380] both of them are situated
about 88 miles distant from that promontory. Cossura[2381] is situated
before Cape Lilybæum, and opposite the Carthaginian city Aspis, which
they call [in Latin] Clypea, it is situated in the midst of the space
which lies between those [CAS. 277] two places, and is distant from each
the number of miles last given. [2382] Ægimurus also and other little
islands lie off Sicily and Africa. So much for the islands.




CHAPTER III.


1. Having previously passed over the regions of ancient Italy as far as
Metapontium, we must now proceed to describe the rest. After it
Iapygia[2383] comes next in order; the Greeks call it Messapia, but the
inhabitants, dividing it into cantons, call one the Salentini,[2384]
that in the neighbourhood of the Cape[2385] Iapygia, and another the
Calabri;[2386] above these towards the north lie the Peucetii,[2387] and
those who are called Daunii[2388] in the Greek language, but the
inhabitants call the whole region beyond the Calabri, Apulia. Some of
these people are called Pœdicli,[2389] especially the Peucetii. Messapia
forms a peninsula; the isthmus extending from Brentesium[2390] to
Tarentum, which bounds it, being 310 stadia, and the circumnavigation
round the Iapygian promontory[2391] about [one thousand][2392] four
hundred. [Tarentum[2393]] is distant from Metapontium[2394] about two
hundred and [twenty[2393]] stadia. The course to it by sea runs in an
easterly direction. The Gulf of Tarentum is for the most part destitute
of a port, but here there is a spacious and commodious [harbour[2395]],
closed in by a great bridge. It is 100 stadia[2396] in circuit. This
port, at the head of its basin which recedes most inland, forms, with
the exterior sea, an isthmus which connects the peninsula with the land.
The city is situated upon this peninsula. The neck of land is so low
that ships are easily hauled over it from either side. The site of the
city likewise is extremely low; the ground, however, rises slightly
towards the citadel. The old wall of the city has an immense circuit,
but now the portion towards the isthmus is deserted, but that standing
near the mouth of the harbour, where the citadel is situated, still
subsists, and contains a considerable city. It possesses a noble
gymnasium and a spacious forum, in which there is set up a brazen
colossus of Jupiter, the largest that ever was, with the exception of
that of Rhodes. The citadel is situated between the forum and the
entrance of the harbour, it still preserves some slight relics of its
ancient magnificence [CAS. 278] and gifts, but the chief of them were
destroyed either by the Carthaginians[2397] when they took the city, or
by the Romans[2398] when they took it by force and sacked it. Amongst
other booty taken on this occasion[2399] was the brazen colossus of
Hercules, the work of Lysippus, now in the Capitol, which was dedicated
as an offering by Fabius Maximus, who took the city.

2. Antiochus, speaking of the foundation of this city, says that after
the Messenian war[2400] such of the Lacedæmonians as did not join the
army were sentenced to be slaves, and denominated Helots; and that such
as were born during the period of the war they termed Partheniæ, and
decreed to be base: but these not bearing the reproach, (for they were
many,) conspired against the free citizens,[2401] but the chief
magistrates, becoming acquainted with the existence of the plot,
employed certain persons, who, by feigning friendship to the cause,
should be able to give some intelligence of the nature of it. Of this
number was Phalanthus, who was apparently the chief leader of them, but
who was not quite pleased with those who had been named to conduct their
deliberations. [2402] It was agreed that at the Hyacinthine games,
celebrated in the temple of Amyclæ, just at the conclusion of the
contest, and when Phalanthus should put on his helmet,[2403] they should
make a simultaneous attack. The free citizens[2401] were distinguishable
from others by their hair. They, having been secretly warned as to the
arrangements made for the signal of Phalanthus, just as the chief
contest came off, a herald came forward and proclaimed, “Let not
Phalanthus put on his helmet. ” The conspirators perceiving that the plot
was disclosed, some fled, and others supplicated mercy. When the chief
magistrates had bid them not to fear, they committed them to prison,
but sent Phalanthus to inquire after a new settlement. He received from
the oracle the following response,

“To thee Satyrium[2404] I have given, and the rich country of
Tarentum to inhabit, and thou shalt become a scourge to the
Iapygians. ”

The Partheniæ accordingly accompanied Phalanthus to their destination,
and the barbarians and Cretans,[2405] who already possessed the country,
received them kindly. They say that these Cretans were the party who
sailed with Minos to Sicily, and that after his death, which took place
at Camici,[2406] in the palace of Cocalus, they took ship and set sail
from Sicily, but in their voyage they were cast by tempest on this
coast, some of whom, afterwards coasting the Adriatic on foot, reached
Macedonia, and were called Bottiæi. [2407] They further add, that all the
people who reach as far as Daunia were called Iapygians, from Iapyx, who
was born to Dædalus by a Cretan woman, and became a chief leader of the
Cretans. The city Tarentum was named from a certain hero. [2408]

3. Ephorus gives the following account of the foundation. The
Lacedæmonians waged war against the Messenians, who had murdered their
king, Teleclus,[2409] when he visited Messene to offer sacrifice. They
took an oath that they would not return home before they had destroyed
Messene, or should be [CAS. 279] all slain. They left only the youngest
and oldest of the citizens to keep their own country. After this, in the
tenth [year] of the war, the Lacedæmonian matrons assembled and deputed
certain women to remonstrate with the citizens, and show them that they
were carrying on the war with the Messenians on very disadvantageous
terms, for they, abiding in their own country, procreated children,
while the Lacedæmonians, leaving their wives in a state like widowhood,
remained away in the war; and to expose the great peril there was of the
depopulation of their country. The Lacedæmonians, being both desirous of
observing their oath, and taking into consideration the representations
of their wives, sent a deputation of the most vigorous, and, at the same
time, most juvenile of the army, whom they considered, in a manner, not
to have participated in the oath, because they had been but children
when they accompanied their elders to the war, and charged them all to
company with all the maidens, reckoning that by that means they would
bear the more children; which having been accordingly obeyed, the
children who were born were denominated Partheniæ. Messene was taken
after a war of nineteen years, as Tyrtæus says,

“The fathers of our fathers, armed for war,
Possessing ever patient courage, fought at Messene
For nineteen years with unremitting toil.
Till on the twentieth, leaving their rich soil,
The enemy forsook the towering heights of Ithome. ”[2410]

Thus then did they destroy Messenia, but returning home, they neglected
to honour the Partheniæ like other youths, and treated them as though
they had been born out of wedlock. The Partheniæ, leaguing with the
Helots, conspired against the Lacedæmonians, and agreed to raise a
Laconic felt hat[2411] in the market-place as a signal for the
commencement of hostilities. Some of the Helots betrayed the plot, but
the government found it difficult to resist them by force, for they were
many, and all unanimous, and looked upon each other as brothers; those
in authority therefore commanded such as were appointed to raise the
signal, to depart out of the market-place; when they therefore perceived
that their plot was disclosed they desisted, and the Lacedæmonians
persuaded them, through the instrumentality of their fathers, to leave
the country and colonize: and advised them, if they should get
possession of a convenient place, to abide in it, but if not, they
promised that a fifth part of Messenia should be divided amongst them on
their return. So they departed and found the Greeks carrying on
hostilities against the barbarians, and taking part in the perils of the
war, they obtained possession of Tarentum, which they colonized.

4. At one time, when the government of the Tarentines had assumed a
democratic form, they rose to great importance; for they possessed the
greatest fleet of any state in those parts, and could bring into the
field an army of 30,000 foot and 3000 horse, exclusive of a select body
of 1000 cavalry called Hipparchi. [2412] They likewise encouraged the
Pythagorean philosophy, and Archytas, who for a long time presided over
the government of their state, gave it his special support. [2413] But at
a later period their luxury, which was produced by their prosperity,
increased to that degree that their general holidays or festivals
exceeded in number the days of the year; and hence arose an inefficient
government, and as one proof of their unstatesmanlike acts we may adduce
their employment of foreign generals; for they sent for Alexander,[2414]
king of the Molossi, to come and assist them against the Messapii and
Leucani. They had before that employed Archidamus, the son of
Agesilaus;[2415] afterwards they called in Cleonymus[2416] and
Agathocles,[2417] and later, when they rose against the Romans,
Pyrrhus. [2418] They were not able even to retain the respect of those
whom they had invited, but rather merited their disgust. Alexander [of
Epirus] was so displeased with them that he endeavoured to remove the
seat of the general council of the Greek states in Italy, which was
accustomed to assemble at Heraclea, a city of the Tarentines, to a city
of the Thurii; and he commanded that some place on the river
Acalandrus,[2419] [CAS. 281] commodious for their meetings, should be
properly fortified for their reception. —And indeed they say that the
misfortune[2420] of that prince was chiefly due to a want of good
feeling on their part. They were deprived of their liberty during the
wars[2421] of Hannibal, but have since received a Roman colony,[2422]
and now live in peace and are in a more prosperous state than ever. They
also engaged in war with the Messapii concerning Heraclea, when they
counted the kings of the Daunii and of the Peucetii as allies. [2423]

5. The remainder of the country of the Iapygii is very fair,
notwithstanding unfavourable appearances; for although, for the most
part, it appears rugged, yet when it is broken up the soil is found to
be deep; and although it lacks water, yet it appears well-suited for
pasture, and is furnished with trees. At one time it was thickly
inhabited throughout its whole extent, and possessed thirteen cities,
but now it is so depopulated that, with the exception of Tarentum and
Brentesium,[2424] they only deserve the name of hamlets. They say that
the Salentini are a colony of Cretans. Here is the temple of
Minerva,[2425] which formerly was rich, and the rock called Acra
Iapygia,[2426] which juts out far into the sea towards the rising of the
sun in winter,[2427] and turning, as it were, towards Cape Lacinium,
which lies opposite to it on the west, it closes the entrance of the
Gulf of Tarentum, as on the other side, the Ceraunian Mountains,
together with the said Cape, close the entrance of the Ionian Gulf, the
run across is about 700 stadia from that,[2428] both to the Ceraunian
Mountains and to Cape Lacinium. [2429] In coasting along the shore from
Tarentum to Brentesium there are 600 stadia as far as the little city of
Baris, which is at the present time called Veretum,[2430] and is
situated on the extremities of the Salentine territory; the approach to
it from Tarentum is much easier on foot[2431] than by sea. Thence to
Leuca are 80 stadia; this too is but a small village, in which there is
shown a well of fetid water, and the legend runs, that when Hercules
drove out the last of the giants from Phlegra in Campania, who were
called Leuternians, some fled and were buried here, and that from their
blood a spring issues to supply the well; on this account likewise the
coast is called the Leuternian coast. [2432] From Leuca to Hydrus,[2433]
a small town, 150 stadia. From thence to Brentesium 400, and the like
distance also [from Hydrus] to the island Saso,[2434] which is situated
almost in the midst of the course from Epirus to Brentesium; and
therefore when vessels are unable to obtain a direct passage they run to
the left from Saso to Hydrus, and thence watching for a favourable wind
they steer towards the haven of Brentesium, or the passengers
disembarking proceed on foot by a shorter way through Rudiæ, a Grecian
city, where the poet Ennius was born. [2435] The district which we have
followed by sea from [CAS. 282] Tarentum to Brentesium is like a
peninsula. The road by land from Brentesium to Tarentum is but a day’s
journey for a light person on foot, it constitutes the isthmus of the
said peninsula, which people in general call Messapia, Iapygia,
Calabria, or Salentinum, without being at all particular; but some, as
we have said before, do make a distinction. Thus have we described the
towns on the sea-coast.

6. In the inland are Rudiæ and Lupiæ, and at a short distance from the
sea Aletia;[2436] about the middle of the isthmus is Uria,[2437] in
which is still shown the palace of a certain famous nobleman. [2438] As
Hyria[2439] is described by Herodotus as situated in Iapygia, and as
founded by the Cretans who strayed from the fleet of Minos while sailing
to Sicily;[2440] we must suppose that he meant either this place [Uria]
or Veretum. It is said that a colony of Cretans settled in
Brentesium,[2441] but the tradition varies; some say they were those who
came with Theseus from Cnossus;[2442] others, that they were some out of
Sicily who had come with Iapyx; they agree however in saying that they
did not abide there, but went thence to Bottiæa. At a later period, when
the state was under the government of a monarch, it lost a large portion
of its territories, which was taken by the Lacedæmonians who came over
under Phalanthus; notwithstanding this the Brundusians received him when
he was expelled from Tarentum, and honoured him with a splendid tomb at
his death. They possess a district of superior fertility to that of the
Tarentines; for its soil is light, still it is fruitful, and its honey
and wools are amongst the most esteemed; further, the harbour of
Brentesium is superior to that of Tarentum, for many havens are
protected by the single entrance,[2443] and rendered perfectly smooth,
many bays [or reaches] being formed within it, so that it resembles in
fashion the antlers of a stag, whence its name, for the place, together
with the city, is exceedingly like the head of a stag, and in the
Messapian language the stag’s head is called Brentesium; while the port
of Tarentum is not entirely safe, both on account of its lying very
open, and of certain shallows near its head.

7. Further, the course for passengers from Greece and Asia is most
direct to Brentesium, and in fact all who are journeying to Rome
disembark here. Hence there are two ways to Rome; one, which is only
walked by mules, through the Peucetii, who are called Pœdicli, the
Daunii, and the Samnites, as far as Beneventum, on which road is the
city Egnatia,[2444] then Celia,[2445] Netium,[2446] Canusium,[2447] and
Herdonia. [2448] That through Tarentum is a little to the left, it runs
about a day’s journey round for one traversing the whole distance; it is
called the Appian Way, and is more of a carriage road than the other. On
it stands the city Uria,[2449] and Venusia;[2450] the one [Uria] between
Tarentum and Brentesium, the other on the confines of the Samnites and
Lucani. Both the roads from Brentesium run into one near Beneventum and
Campania, and thence to Rome it receives the name of Appian, and runs
through Caudium,[2451] Calatia,[2452] Capua,[2453] and Casilinum,[2454]
to Sinuessa. [2455] The way from thence to Rome has been already
described. —The whole length of the Appian Way from Rome to Brentesium
is 360 miles.

There is a third way from Rhegium, through the Bruttii, Lucani, and
Samnites, along the chain of the Apennines, into [CAS. 283] Campania,
where it joins the Appian Way;[2456] it is longer than those from
Brentesium by about three or four days’ journey.

8. From Brentesium the sea is traversed by two passages to the opposite
coast, one crossing to the Ceraunian[2457] Mountains and the adjacent
coasts of the Epirus and Greece, the other to Epidamnus,[2458] which is
the longer[2459] of the two, being 1800[2460] stadia. Still this is
habitually traversed, on account of the situation of the city
[Epidamnus] being convenient for the nations of Illyria and Macedonia.
As we coast along the shore of the Adriatic from Brentesium we come to
the city Egnatia,[2461] it is the general place to stop at for those
travelling to Barium,[2462] as well by land as by sea. The run is made
when the wind blows from the south. The territory of the Peucetii
extends as far as this along the coast, in the interior of the land it
reaches as far as Silvium. [2463] It is throughout rugged and
mountainous, and chiefly occupied by the Apennine mountains. It is
thought to have been colonized by a party of Arcadians. The distance
from Brentesium to Barium is about 700 stadia. [Tarentum] is about
equally distant from both. [2464] The Daunii inhabit the adjoining
district, then the Apuli as far as the Phrentani. As the inhabitants of
the district, except in ancient times, have never been particular in
speaking of the Peucetii or Daunii precisely, and as the whole of this
country is now called Apulia, the boundaries of these nations are
necessarily but ill defined: wherefore we ourselves shall not be very
exact in treating of them.

9. From Barium to the river Ofanto,[2465] on which the Canusitæ have
established an emporium, there are 400[2466] stadia. The course up the
river to the emporium is 90 [stadia]. Near it is Salapia,[2467] the port
of the Argyrippeni. For the two cities, Canusium and Argyrippa, are
situated at no great distance from the sea, and in the midst of a plain;
at one time they were the most important cities of the Greeks of Italy,
as is manifest from the circumference of their walls, but now they have
fallen off. One of them was originally called Argos Hippium, then
Argyrippa, and then again Arpi. They are said to have been both founded
by Diomed, and both the plain of Diomed and many other things are shown
in these districts as evidence of his having possessed them. Such were
the ancient offerings in the temple of Minerva, at Luceria. [2468] That
was an ancient city of the Daunii, but now it is of no account. Again,
in the neighbouring sea there are two islands called the Diomedean
islands, one of which is inhabited, but the other, they say, is desert:
in the latter it is fabled that Diomed disappeared from the earth, and
that his companions were transformed into birds,[2469] and indeed the
fable goes so far as to prolong their race to the present time, saying
that they are tame, and lead a sort of human life, both in respect of
food, and their readiness to approach men of gentle manners, and to shun
the evil and wanton. We have already noticed[2470] what is currently
reported amongst the Heneti concerning this hero [Diomed] and the
honours decreed to him by custom. It is thought also that Sipus[2471]
was a settlement founded by Diomed, [CAS. 284] it is distant from
Salapia about 140 stadia, and was called by the Greeks Sepius, from the
numbers of cuttle fish[2472] thrown up by the sea along its shore.
Between Salapia and Sipus is a navigable river, and a considerable
estuary; by both of these channels the merchandise, and wheat
especially, of Sipus is conveyed to the sea. Two heroa or shrines are
shown on a hill of Daunia, called Drium, one on the very brow of the
hill sacred to Calchas, those who are about to inquire of the oracle
offer a black ram to him, and sleep upon the fleece, the other below
near the foot of the hill is dedicated to Podalirius, it is about a
hundred stadia distant from the sea; from this hill also flows a
stream,[2473] which is a potent cure for all manner of diseases among
cattle. [2474] The promontory of Garganum[2475] running into the sea,
juts out from this bay about 300 stadia. [2476] As you turn the point you
perceive the town of Urium,[2477] while off the headland are seen the
Diomedean islands. All this coast produces everything in great
abundance, it is exceedingly well adapted for horses and sheep, and the
wool is finer than that of Tarentum, but less glossy. The district is
mild on account of the cup-like situation of the plains. There are some
who report that Diomed attempted to cut a canal to the sea, but being
sent for to return home, where he died, left it incomplete, as well as
other undertakings. This is one account of him: another makes him abide
here till the end of his days; a third is the fable I have already
noticed, that he vanished in the island [of Teutria], and one might
reckon as a fourth that of the Heneti,[2478] for they somehow make out
that he finished his career among them, as they assert his apotheosis.
The distances I have thus given are laid down in accordance with those
of Artemidorus.

10. The chorographer indeed gives only 165 miles from Brentesium[2479]
to Garganum, but Artemidorus makes them more. [2480] Thence to Ancona,
the first says there are 254 miles, whilst Artemidorus has given but
1250 stadia to the Fiumesino,[2481] near to Ancona, which is much
shorter. Polybius says that from Iapygia the distance has been laid down
in miles, and that there are 562 miles thence to the town of Sila,[2482]
thence to Aquileia 178. These geographers do not agree as to the length
to be assigned to the line of the sea-coast of Illyria, run from the
Ceraunian Mountains[2483] to the head[2484] of the Adriatic, some of
them stating it to be above 6000 [stadia], and making it longer than the
opposite coast [of Italy], while it is much shorter. [2485] Indeed they
all generally differ among themselves in stating distances, as we often
have occasion to remark. Wherever it is possible to discriminate we set
forth what appears to us to be correct, but where it is impossible to
come to any safe conclusion we think it our duty to publish their
several assertions. However, when we have no data furnished by them, it
must not be wondered at, if we should leave some points untouched in
treating of such and so vast a subject as we have undertaken. We would
not indeed omit any of the important particulars, but trifling
circumstances, even when they are noted, are of little advantage, and
when taken no heed of, are not missed, nor does their omission at all
impair the whole work, or, if it does, at most not much.

[CAS. 285] 11. Immediately beyond the Garganum comes a deep bay. [2486]
Those who dwell round it call themselves Apuli,[2487] they speak the
same language as the Daunii and Peucetii, and at the present time
resemble them in every other particular; however it is likely that they
were formerly distinct, since their names completely differ from those
of the others. In ancient times the whole of this country was
flourishing, but Hannibal and the wars which subsequently occurred have
wasted it. Here too was fought the battle of Cannæ, where there was so
great a slaughter of the Roman forces and their allies. [2488] Near this
gulf there is a lake,[2489] and above the lake in the interior is the
Apulian Teanum,[2490] having a like name with that of the
Sidicini. [2491] It is between this and the neighbourhood of
Dicæarchia[2492] that the breadth of Italy is so contracted as to form
an isthmus of less than 1000 stadia from sea to sea. [2493] Leaving the
lake we sail next to Buca,[2494] and the country of the Frentani. There
are 200 stadia from the lake both to Buca and to the Garganum.