Those eagles - the cannon - the
campaigns!
Warner - World's Best Literature - v03 - Bag to Ber
Then he assembled the greatest army
that ever trailed its gaiters over the globe; and so marvelously
in hand it was that he reviewed a million of men in one day.
Hourra! ' cried the Russians. Down came all Russia and those
animals of Cossacks in a flock. 'Twas nation against nation,
a general hurly-burly, and beware who could; Asia against
Europe, as the Red Man had foretold to Napoleon. "Enough,
cried the Emperor, I'll be ready. '
“So now, sure enough, came all the kings, as the Red Man
had said, to lick Napoleon's hand! Austria, Prussia, Bavaria,
Saxony, Poland, Italy, every one of them were with us, flatter-
ing us; ah, it was fine! The eagles never cawed so loud as at
those parades, perched high above the banners of all Europe.
The Poles were bursting with joy, because Napoleon was going
to release them; and that's why France and Poland are brothers →
to this day. (Russia is ours,' cried the army. We plunged into
it well supplied; we marched and we marched, - no Russians.
At last we found the brutes entrenched on the banks of the
Moskova. That's where I won my cross, and I've got the right
to say it was a damnable battle. This was how it came about.
The Emperor was anxious. He had seen the Red Man, who
said to him, My son, you are going too fast for your feet; you
will lack men; friends will betray you. ' So the Emperor offered
peace. But before signing, Let us drub those Russians! ' he
said to us. Done! ' cried the army. Forward, march! said
the sergeants. My clothes were in rags, my shoes worn out,
from trudging along those roads, which are very uncomfortable
ones; but no matter! I said to myself, As it's the last of our
earthquakings, I'll go into it, tooth and nail! We were drawn
up in line before the great ravine, - front seats, as 'twere.
Signal given; and seven hundred pieces of artillery began a con-
versation that would bring the blood from your ears. Then
must do justice to one's enemies — the Russians let themselves
be killed like Frenchmen; they wouldn't give way; we couldn't
advance. Forward,' some one cried, here comes the Emperor! '
True enough; he passed at a gallop, waving his hand to let us
know we must take the redoubt. He inspired us; on we ran, I
III-90
## p. 1426 (#220) ###########################################
1426
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
was the first in the ravine. Ha! my God! how the lieutenants
fell, and the colonels, and the soldiers! No matter! all the more
shoes for those that had none, and epaulets for the clever ones
who knew how to read. Victory! ) cried the whole line; Vic-
tory! '- and, would you believe it? a thing never seen before,
there lay twenty-five thousand Frenchmen on the ground. 'Twas
like mowing down a wheat-field; only in place of the ears of
wheat put the heads of men! We were sobered by this time,-
those who were left alive. The Man rode up; we made a circle
round him. Ha! he knew how to cajole his children; he could
be amiable when he liked, and feed 'em with words when their
stomachs were ravenous with the hunger of wolves. Flatterer!
he distributed the crosses himself, he uncovered to the dead, and
then he cried to us, On! to Moscow! To Moscow! ' answered
the army.
“We took Moscow. Would you believe it ? the Russians
burned their own city! 'Twas a haystack six miles square, and
it blazed for two days. The buildings crashed like slates, and
showers of melted iron and lead rained down upon us, which was
naturally horrible. I may say to you plainly, it was like a flash
of lightning on our disasters. The Emperor said, 'We have
done enough; my soldiers shall rest here. So we rested awhile,
just to get the breath into our bodies and the flesh on our bones,
for we were really tired. We took possession of the golden cross
that was on the Kremlin; and every soldier brought away with
him a small fortune. But out there the winter sets in a month
earlier,-a thing those fools of science didn't properly explain.
So, coming back, the cold nipped us. No longer an army — do
you hear me ? - no longer any generals, no longer any sergeants
even.
'Twas the reign of wretchedness and hunger,-a reign of
equality at last. No one thought of anything but to see France
once more; no one stooped to pick up his gun or his money if
he dropped them; each man followed his nose, and went as he
pleased without caring for glory. The weather was so bad the
Emperor couldn't see his star; there was something between him
and the skies. Poor man! it made him ill to see his eagles fly-
ing away from victory. Ah! 'twas a mortal blow, you may
believe me.
“Well, we got to the Beresina. My friends, I can affirm to
you by all that is most sacred, by my honor, that since mankind
came into the world, never, never, was there seen such a
## p. 1427 (#221) ###########################################
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
1427
fricassee of an army- guns, carriages, artillery wagons — in the
midst of such snows, under such relentless skies! The muzzles
of the muskets burned our hands if we touched them, the iron
was so cold. It was there that the army was saved by the pon-
toniers, who were firm at their post; and there that Gondrin —
sole survivor of the men who were bold enough to go into the
water and build the bridges by which the army crossed — that
Gondrin, here present, admirably conducted himself, and saved
us from the Russians, who, I must tell you, still respected the
grand army, remembering its victories. And,” he added, pointing
to Gondrin, who was gazing at him with the peculiar attention
of a deaf man, Gondrin is a finished soldier, a soldier who is
honor itself, and he merits your highest esteem. ”
“I saw the Emperor,” he resumed, “standing by the bridge,
motionless, not feeling the cold -- was that human ? He looked
at the destruction of his treasure, his friends, his old Egyptians.
Bah! all that passed him, women, army wagons, artillery, all
were shattered, destroyed, ruined. The bravest carried the
eagles; for the eagles, d'ye see, were France, the nation, all of
you! they were the civil and the military honor that must be
kept pure; could their heads be lowered because of the cold ? It
was only near the Emperor that we warmed ourselves, because
when he was in danger we ran, frozen as we were-
wouldn't have stretched a hand to save a friend. They told us
he wept at night over his poor family of soldiers. Ah! none but
he and Frenchmen could have got themselves out of that busi-
we, who
ness.
"We did get out, but with losses, great losses, as I tell
you. The Allies captured our provisions. Men began to betray
him, as the Red Man predicted. Those chatterers in Paris, who
had held their tongues after the Imperial Guard was formed,
now thought he was dead; so they hoodwinked the prefect of
police, and hatched a conspiracy to overthrow the empire. He
heard of it; it worried him. He left us, saying: Adieu, my
children; guard the outposts; I shall return to you. ' Bah! with-
out him nothing went right; the generals lost their heads; the
marshals talked nonsense and committed follies; but that was
not surprising, for Napoleon, who was kind, had fed 'em on gold;
they had got as fat as lard, and wouldn't stir; some stayed in
camp when they ought to have been warming the backs of the
enemy who was between us and France.
## p. 1428 (#222) ###########################################
1428
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
But the Emperor came back, and he brought recruits, famous
recruits; he changed their backbone and made 'em dogs of war,
fit to set their teeth into anything; and he brought a guard of
honor, a fine body indeed! - all bourgeois, who melted away like
butter on a gridiron.
“Well, spite of our stern bearing, here's everything going
against us; and yet the army did prodigies of valor. Then
came battles on the mountains, nations against nations, — Dres-
den, Lutzen, Bautzen. Remember these days, all of you, for
'twas then that Frenchmen were so particularly heroic that a
good grenadier only lasted six months. We triumphed always;
yet there were those English, in our rear, rousing revolts against
us with their lies! No matter, we cut our way home through
the whole pack of the nations, Wherever the Emperor showed
himself we followed him; for if, by sea or land, he gave us the
word 'Go! ' we went. At last, we were in France; and many a
poor foot-soldier felt the air of his own country restore his soul
to satisfaction, spite of the wintry weather. I can say for myself
that it refreshed my life. Well, next, our business was to defend
France, our country, our beautiful France, against all Europe,
which resented our having laid down the law to the Russians,
and pushed them back into their dens, so that they couldn't eat
us up alive, as northern nations, who are dainty and like southern
flesh, have a habit of doing, - at least, so I've heard some gen-
Then the Emperor saw his own father-in-law, his
friends whom he had made kings, and the scoundrels to whom
he had given back their thrones, all against him. Even French-
men, and allies in our own ranks, turned against us under secret
orders, as at the battle of Leipsic. Would common soldiers have
been capable of such wickedness? Three times a day men were
false to their word, - and they called themselves princes !
So, then, France was invaded. Wherever the Emperor
showed his lion face, the enemy retreated; and he did more
prodigies in defending France than ever he had done in conquer-
ing Italy, the East, Spain, Europe, and Russia. He meant to
bury every invader under the sod, and teach 'em to respect the
soil of France. So he let them get to Paris, that he might swal-
low them at a mouthful, and rise to the height of his genius in
a battle greater than all the rest, - a mother-battle, as 'twere.
But there, there! the Parisians were afraid for their twopenny
skins, and their trumpery shops; they opened the gates. Then
erals say:
## p. 1429 (#223) ###########################################
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
1429
the Ragusades began, and happiness ended. The Empress was
fooled, and the white banner flaunted from the windows. The
generals whom he had made his nearest friends abandoned him
for the Bourbons,-a set of people no one had heard tell of.
The Emperor bade us farewell at Fontainebleau:-'Soldiers! '-
I can hear him now; we wept like children; the flags and the
eagles were lowered as if for a funeral: it was, I may well say
it to you, it was the funeral of the Empire; her dapper armies
were nothing now but skeletons. So he said to us, standing
there on the portico of his palace:- My soldiers! we are van-
quished by treachery; but we shall meet in heaven, the country
of the brave. Defend my child, whom I commit to you. Long
live Napoleon II. ! ' He meant to die, that no man should look
upon Napoleon vanquished; he took poison, enough to have
killed a regiment, because, like Jesus Christ before his Passion,
he thought himself abandoned of God and his talisman. But the
poison did not hurt him.
“See again! he found he was immortal.
“Sure of himself, knowing he must ever be THE EMPEROR, he
went for a while to an island to study out the nature of these
others, who, you may be sure, committed follies without end.
Whilst he bided his time down there, the Chinese, and the wild
men on the coast of Africa, and the Barbary States, and others
who are not at all accommodating, knew so well he was more
than man that they respected his tent, saying to touch it would
be to offend God. Thus, d'ye see, when these others turned him
from the doors of his own France, he still reigned over the whole
world. Before long he embarked in the same little cockleshell
of a boat he had had in Egypt, sailed round the beard of the
English, set foot in France, and France acclaimed him. The
sacred cuckoo flew from spire to spire; all France cried out with
one voice, LONG LIVE THE EMPEROR! In this region, here, the
enthusiasm for that wonder of the ages was, I may say, solid.
Dauphiné behaved well; and I am particularly pleased to know
that her people wept when they saw, once more, the gray over-
coat. March first it was, when Napoleon landed with two hun-
dred men to conquer that kingdom of France and of Navarre,
which on the twentieth of the same month was again the French
Empire. On that day our MAN was in Paris; he had made a
clean sweep, recovered his dear France, and gathered his veterans
together by saying no more than three words, I am here. '
## p. 1430 (#224) ###########################################
1430
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
« 'Twas the greatest miracle God had yet done! Before him,
did ever man recover an empire by showing his hat ? And these
others, who thought they had subdued France! Not they! At
sight of the eagles, a national army sprang up, and we marched
to Waterloo. There, the Guard died at one blow. Napoleon,
in despair, threw himself three times before the cannon of the
enemy without obtaining death. We saw that. The battle was
lost. That night the Emperor called his old soldiers to him; on
the field soaked with our blood he burned his banner and his
eagles, - his poor eagles, ever victorious, who cried Forward
in the battles, and had flown the length and breadth of Europe,
they were saved the infamy of belonging to the enemy: all the
treasures of England couldn't get her a tail-feather of them. No
more eagles ! — the rest is well known. The Red Man went over
to the Bourbons, like the scoundrel that he is. France is crushed;
the soldier is nothing; they deprive him of his dues; they dis-
charge him to make room for broken-down nobles - ah, 'tis pit-
iable! They seized Napoleon by treachery; the English nailed
him on a desert island in mid-ocean on a rock raised ten thousand
feet above the earth; and there he is, and will be, till the Red
Man gives him back his power for the happiness of France.
These others say he's dead. Ha, dead!
'Tis easy to see they
don't know Him. They tell that fib to catch the people, and
feel safe in their hovel of a government. Listen! the truth at
the bottom of it all is that his friends have left him alone on the
desert island to fulfil a prophecy, for I forgot to say that his
name, Napoleon, means lion of the desert. ” Now this that I
tell you is true as the Gospel. All other tales that you hear
about the Emperor are follies without common-sense; because,
d'ye see, God never gave to child of woman born the right to
stamp his name in red as he did, on the earth, which forever
shall remember him! Long live Napoleon, the father of his peo-
ple and of the soldier! ”
"Long live General Eblé! ” cried the pontonier.
“How happened it you were not killed in the ravine at Mos-
kova ? asked a peasant woman.
«How do I know? We went in a regiment, we came out a
hundred foot-soldiers; none but the lines were capable of taking
that redoubt: the infantry, d'ye see, that's the real army. ”
“And the cavalry! what of that? ” cried Genastas, letting him-
self roll from the top of the hay, and appearing to us with a
## p. 1431 (#225) ###########################################
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
1431
suddenness which made the bravest utter a cry of terror. « Eh!
my old veteran, you forget the red lancers of Poniatowski, the
cuirassiers, the dragoons! they that shook the earth when Napo-
leon, impatient that the victory was delayed, said to Murat, “Sire,
cut them in two. ' Ha, we were off! first at a trot, then at a
gallop, 'one, two,' and the enemy's line was cut in halves like an
apple with a knife. A charge of cavalry, my old hero! why,
'tis a column of cannon balls! »
“How about the pontoniers ? " cried Gondrin.
"My children,” said Genastas, becoming suddenly quite
ashamed of his sortie when he saw himself in the midst of a
silent and bewildered group, “there are no spies here, — see, take
this and drink to the Little Corporal. ”
LONG LIVE THE EMPEROR! ” cried all the people pres-
ent, with one voice.
“Hush, my children! ” said the officer, struggling to control
his emotion. “Hush! he is dead, He died saying, "Glory,
France, and battle. My friends, he had to die, he! but his
memory — never! »
Goguelat made a gesture of disbelief; then he said in a low
voice to those nearest, «The officer is still in the service, and
he's told to tell the people the Emperor is dead. We mustn't be
angry with him, because, d'ye see, a soldier has to obey orders. ”
As Genestas left the barn he heard the Fosseuse say,
« That
officer is a friend of the Emperor and of Monsieur Benassis. ”
On that, all the people rushed to the door to get another sight
of him, and by the light of the moon they saw the doctor take
his arm.
"I committed a great folly,” said Genestas. "Let us get home
quickly.
Those eagles - the cannon - the campaigns!
longer knew where I was. ”
What do you think of my Goguelat ? ” asked Benassis.
"Monsieur, so long as such tales are told, France will carry
in her entrails the fourteen armies of the Republic, and may at
any time renew the conversation of cannon with all Europe.
That's my opinion. ”
I no
## p. 1432 (#226) ###########################################
1432
GEORGE BANCROFT
(1800-1891)
BY AUSTIN SCOTT
He life of George Bancroft was nearly conterminous with the
nineteenth century.
He was born at Worcester, Mass. ,
October 3d, 1800, and died at Washington, D. C. , January
17th, 1891. But it was not merely the stretch of his years that
identified him with this century. In some respects he represented
his time as no other of its men. He came into touch with many
widely differing elements which made up its life and character. He
spent most of his life in cities, but never lost the sense for country
sights and sounds which central Massachusetts gave him in Worces-
ter, his birthplace, and in Northampton, where he taught school.
The home into which he was born offered him from his infancy a
rich possession. His father was a Unitarian clergyman who wrote a
Life of Washington) that was received with favor; thus things con-
cerning God and country were his patrimony. Not without signifi-
cance was a word of his mother which he recalled in his latest years,
“My son, I do not wish you to become a rich man, but I would have
you be an affluent man; ad fluo, always a little more coming in than
going out. ”
To the advantages of his boyhood home and of Harvard College,
to which he went as a lad of thirteen, the eager young student
added the opportunity, then uncommon, of a systematic course of
study in German, and won the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at
Göttingen in 1820. He had in a marked degree the characteristics of
his countrymen, versatility and adaptability. Giving up an early pur-
pose of fitting himself for the pulpit, he taught in Harvard, and
helped to found a school of an advanced type at Northampton.
Meantime he published a volume of verse, and found out that the
passionate love of poetry which lasted through his life was not
creative. At Northampton he published in 1828 a translation in two
volumes of Heeren's History of the Political System of Europe,' and
also edited two editions of a Latin Reader; but the duties of a
schoolmaster's life were early thrown aside, and he could not be
persuaded to resume them later when the headship of an important
educational institution was offered to him. Together with the one
great pursuit of his life, to which he remained true for sixty years,
he delighted in the activities of a politician, the duties of a states-
man, and the occupations of a man of affairs and of the world.
## p. 1432 (#227) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT.
## p. 1432 (#228) ###########################################
Ipui
'i، iii
:
أو
11
اد
## p. 1432 (#229) ###########################################
SAPNT
wapi
GEORGE BANCROFT.
Walls
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GEORGE BANCROFT
1433
Bancroft received a large but insufficient vote as the Democratic
candidate for the Governorship of Massachusetts, and for a time he
held the office of Collector of the port of Boston. As Secretary of
the Navy in the Cabinet of Polk, he rendered to his country two
distinct services of great value: he founded the Naval School at
Annapolis, and by his prompt orders to the American commander in
the Pacific waters he secured the acquisition of California for the
United States. The special abilities he displayed in the Cabinet were
such, so Polk thought, as to lead to his appointment as Minister to
England in 1846. He was a diplomat of no mean order. President
Johnson appointed him Minister to Germany in 1867, and Grant
retained him at that post until 1874, as long as Bancroft desired it.
During his stay there he concluded just naturalization treaties with
Germany, and in a masterly way won from the Emperor, William I. ,
as arbitrator, judgment in favor of the United States's claim over
that of Great Britain in the Northwestern boundary dispute.
Always holding fast his one cherished object,--that of worthily
writing the history of the United States, -- Bancroft did not deny him-
self the pleasure of roaming in other fields. He wrote frequently on
current topics, on literary, historical, and political subjects. His eulo-
gies of Jackson and of Lincoln, pronounced before Congress, entitle
him to the rank of an orator. He was very fond of studies in meta-
physics, and Trendelenburg, the eminent German philosopher, said of
him, “Bancroft knows Kant through and through. ”
His home — whether in Boston, or in New York where he spent
the middle portion of his life, or in Washington his abode for the last
sixteen years, or during his residence abroad — was the scene of the
occupations and delights which the highest culture craves. He was
gladly welcomed to the inner circle of the finest minds of Germany,
and the tribute of the German men of learning was unfeigned and
universal when he quitted the country in 1874. Many of the best
men of England and of France were among his warm friends. At
his table were gathered from time to time some of the world's great-
est thinkers, men of science, soldiers, statesmen and men of affairs.
Fond as he was of social joys, it was his daily pleasure to mount his
horse and alone, or with a single companion, to ride where nature in
her shy or in her exuberant mood inspired. One day, after he was
eighty years old, he rode on his young, blooded Kentucky horse along
the Virginia bank of the Potomac for more than thirty-six miles. He
could be seen every day among the perfect roses of his garden at
“Roseclyffe,” his Newport summer-home, often full of thought, at
other times in wellnigh boisterous glee, always giving unstinted care
and expense to the queen of flowers. The books in which he kept
the record of the rose garden were almost as elaborate as those in
## p. 1434 (#232) ###########################################
1434
GEORGE BANCROFT
son.
which were entered the facts and fancies out of which his History
grew. His home life was charming. By a careful use of opportuni-
ties and of his means he became an “affluent” man. He was twice
married: both times a new source of refined domestic happiness long
blessed his home, and new means for enlarged comfort and hospi-
tality were added to his own. Two sons, children of his first wife,
survived him.
Some of Bancroft's characteristics were not unlike those of Jeffer-
A constant tendency to idealize called up in him at times a
feeling verging on impatience with the facts or the men that stood
in the way of a theory or the accomplishment of a personal desire.
He had a keen perception of an underlying or a final truth and pro-
fessed warm love for it, whether in the large range of history or in
the nexus of current politics: any one taking a different point of
view at times was led to think that his facts, as he stated them, lay
crosswise, and might therefore find the perspective out of drawing,
but could not rightly impugn his good faith.
Although a genuine lover of his race and a believer in Democracy,
he was not always ready to put implicit trust in the individual as
being capable of exercising a wise judgment and the power of true
self-direction. For man he avowed a perfect respect; among men
his bearing showed now and then a trace of condescension.
In con-
troversies over disputed points of history - and he had many such -
he meant to be fair and to anticipate the final verdict of truth, but
overwhelming evidence was necessary to convince him that his judg-
ment, formed after painstaking research, could be wrong.
His ample
love of justice, however, is proved by his passionate appreciation of
the character of Washington, by his unswerving devotion to the con-
ception of our national unity, both in its historical development and
at the moment when it was imperiled by civil war, and by his
hatred of slavery and of false financial policies. He took pleasure in
giving generously, but always judiciously and without ostentation.
On one occasion he, with a few of his friends, paid off the debt from
the house of an eminent scholar; on another, he helped to rebuild
for a great thinker the home which had been burned. At Harvard,
more than fifty years after his graduation, he founded a traveling
scholarship and named it in honor of the president of his college
days.
As to the manner of his work, Bancroft laid large plans and gave
to the details of their execution unwearied zeal. The scope of the
(History of the United States) as he planned it was admirable. In
carrying it out he was persistent in acquiring materials, sparing no
pains in his research at home and abroad, and no cost in securing
original papers or exact copies and transcripts from the archives of
## p. 1435 (#233) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT
1435
England and France, Spain and Holland and Germany, from public
libraries and from individuals; he fished in all waters and drew fish
of all sorts into his net. He took great pains, and the secretaries
whom he employed to aid him in his work were instructed likewise
to take great pains, not only to enter facts in the reference books in
their chronological order, but to make all possible cross-references to
related facts. The books of his library, which was large and rich in
treasures, he used as tools, and many of them were filled with cross
references. In the fly-leaves of the books he read he made note with
a word and the cited page of what the printed pages contained of
interest to him or of value in his work.
His mind was one of quick perceptions within a wide range, and
always alert to grasp an idea in its manifold relations. It is remark-
able, therefore, that he was very laborious in his method of work.
He often struggled long with a thought for intellectual mastery. In
giving it expression, his habit was to dictate rapidly and with enthu-
siasm and at great length, but he usually selected the final form
after repeated efforts. His first draft of a chapter was revised again
and again and condensed. One of his early volumes in its first man-
uscript form was eight times as long as when finally published. He
had another striking habit, that of writing by topics rather than in
strict chronological order, so that a chapter which was to find its
place late in the volume was often completed before one which was
to precede it. Partly by nature and perhaps partly by this prac-
tice, he had the power to carry on simultaneously several trains of
thought. When preparing one of his public orations, it was remarked
by one of his household that after an evening spent over a trifling
game of bezique, the next morning found him well advanced beyond
the point where the work had been seemingly laid down. He had
the faculty of buoying a thought, knowing just where to take it up
after an interruption and deftly splicing it in continuous line, some-
times after a long interval. When about to begin the preparation of
the argument which was to sustain triumphantly the claim of the
United States in the boundary question, he wrote from Berlin for
copies of documents filed in the office of the Navy Department, which
he remembered were there five-and-twenty years before.
The History of the United States from the Discovery of America
to the Inauguration of Washington' is treated by Bancroft in three
The first, Colonial History from 1492 to 1748, occupies more
than one fourth of his pages. The second part, the American Revo-
lution, 1748 to 1782, claims more than one half of the entire work,
and is divided into four epochs:-- the first, 1748-1763, is entitled
(The Overthrow of the European Colonial System'; the second,
1763-1774, “How Great Britain Estranged America'; the third, 1774-
parts.
## p. 1436 (#234) ###########################################
1436
GEORGE BANCROFT
1776, America Declares Itself Independent'; the fourth, 1776-1782,
“The Independence of America is Acknowledged. The last part, ,
The History of the Formation of the Constitution,' 1782-1789, though
published as a separate work, is essentially a continuation of the
History proper, of which it forms in bulk rather more than one
tenth.
If his services as a historian are to be judged by any one portion
of his work rather than by another, the history of the formation of
the Constitution affords the best test. In that the preceding work
comes to fruition; the time of its writing, after the Civil War and
the consequent settling of the one vexing question by the abolition
of sectionalism, and when he was in the fullness of the experience of
his own ripe years, was most opportune. Bancroft was equal to his
opportunity. He does not teach us that the Constitution is the result
of superhuman wisdom, nor on the other hand does he admit, as
John Adams asserted, that however excellent, the Constitution was
wrung «from the grinding necessity of a reluctant people. ” He does
not fail to point out the critical nature of the four years prior to the
meeting of the Federal Convention; but he discerns that whatever
occasions, whether transitory or for the time of “steady and com-
manding influence,” may help or hinder the formation of the now
perfect union, its true cause was “an indwelling necessity” in the
people to form above the States a common constitution for the
whole. ”
Recognizing the fact that the primary cause for the true union
was remote in origin and deep and persistent, Bancroft gives a ret-
rospect of the steps toward union from the founding of the colonies
to the close of the war for independence. Thenceforward, sugges-
tions as to method or form of amending the Articles of Confeder-
ation, whether made by individuals, or State Legislatures, or by
Congress, were in his view helps indeed to promote the movement;
but they were first of all so many proofs that despite all the contrary
wayward surface indications, the strong current was flowing inde-
pendently toward the just and perfect union. Having acknowledged
this fundamental fact of the critical years between Yorktown and the
Constitution, the historian is free to give just and discriminating
praise to all who shared at that time in redeeming the political hope
of mankind, to give due but not exclusive honor to Washington and
Thomas Paine, to Madison and Hamilton and their co-worthies.
The many attempts, isolated or systematic, during the period
from 1781-1786, to reform the Articles of Confederation, were happily
futile; but they were essential in the training of the people in the
consciousness of the nature of the work for which they are responsi-
ble. The balances must come slowly to a poise. Not merely union
## p. 1437 (#235) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT
1437
ous.
strong and for a time effective, was needed, but union of a certain
and unprecedented sort: one in which the true pledge of permanency
for a continental republic was to be found in the federative principle,
by which the highest activities of nation and of State were condi-
tioned each by the welfare of the other. The people rightly felt,
too, that a Congress of one house would be inadequate and danger-
They waited in the midst of risks for the proper hour, and
then, not reluctantly but resolutely, adopted the Constitution as a
promising experiment in government.
Bancroft's treatment of the evolution of the second great organic
act of this time — the Northwestern ordinance — is no less just and
true to the facts. For two generations men had snatched at the
laurels due to the creator of that matchless piece of legislation; to
award them now to Jefferson, now to Nathan Dane, now to Rufus
King, now to Manasseh Cutler. Bancroft calmly and clearly show's
how the great law grew with the kindly aid and watchful care of
these men and of others.
The deliberations of the Federal Constitution are adequately
recorded; and he gives fair relative recognition to the work and
words of individuals, and the actions of State delegations in making
the great adjustments between nation and States, between large and
small and slave and free States. From his account we infer that the
New Jersey plan was intended by its authors only for temporary use
in securing equality for the States in one essential part of the gov-
ernment, while the men from Connecticut receive credit for the com-
promise which reconciled nationality with true State rights. Further
to be noticed are the results of the exhaustive study which Bancroft
gave to the matter of paper money, and to the meaning of the clause
prohibiting the States from impairing the obligation of contracts. He
devotes nearly one hundred pages to “The People of the States in
Judgment on the Constitution,' and rightly; for it is the final act of
the separate States, and by it their individual wills are merged in
the will of the people, which is one, though still politically dis-
tributed and active within State lines. His summary of the main
principles of the Constitution is excellent; and he concludes with a
worthy sketch of the organization of the first Congress under the
Constitution, and of the inauguration of Washington as President.
In this last portion of the History,' while all of his merits as a
historian are not conspicuous, neither are some of his chief defects.
Here the tendency to philosophize, to marshal stately sentences, and
to be discursive, is not so marked.
The first volume of Bancroft's History of the United States)
was published in 1834, when the democratic spirit was finding its first
full expression under Jackson, and when John Marshall was finishing
## p. 1438 (#236) ###########################################
1438
GEORGE BANCROFT
his mighty task of revealing to the people of the United States the
strength that lay in their organic law. As he put forth volume after
volume at irregular intervals for fifty years, he in a measure con-
tinued this work of bringing to the exultant consciousness of the
people the value of their possession of a continent of liberty and the
realization of their responsibility. In the course of another gener-
ation, portions of this History of the United States) may begin to
grow antiquated, though the most brilliant of contemporary journal-
ists quite recently placed it among the ten books indispensable to
every American; but time cannot take away Bancroft's good part in
producing influences, which, however they may vary in form and
force, will last throughout the nation's life
Cuenitent
Cenk
THE BEGINNINGS OF VIRGINIA
From History of the United States)
T"
He period of success in planting Virginia had arrived; yet not
till changes in European politics and society had molded
the forms of colonization. The Reformation had broken
the harmony of religious opinion; and differences in the Church
began to constitute the basis of political parties. After the East
Indies had been reached by doubling the southern promontory of
Africa, the great commerce of the world was carried upon the
ocean. The art of printing had been perfected and diffused; and
the press spread intelligence and multiplied the facilities of in-
struction. The feudal institutions, which had been reared in the
middle ages, were already undermined by the current of time
and events, and, swaying from their base, threatened to fall.
Productive industry had built up the fortunes and extended the
influence of the active classes; while habits of indolence and
expense had impaired the estates and diminished the power of the
nobility. These changes produced corresponding results in the
institutions which were to rise in America.
A revolution had equally occurred in the purposes for which
voyages were undertaken. The hope of Columbus, as he sailed
## p. 1439 (#237) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT
1439
to the west, had been the discovery of a new passage to the East
Indies. The passion for gold next became the prevailing motive.
Then the islands and countries near the equator were made the
tropical gardens of the Europeans. At last, the higher design
was matured: to plant permanent Christian colonies; to establish
for the oppressed and the enterprising places of refuge and abode;
to found states in a temperate clime, with all the elements of
independent existence.
In the imperfect condition of industry, a redundant population
had existed in England even before the peace with Spain, which
threw out of employment the gallant men who had served under
Elizabeth by sea and land, and left them no option but to en-
gage as mercenaries in the quarrels of strangers, or incur the
hazards of seeking a New World. ” The minds of many persons
of intelligence and rank were directed to Virginia. The brave
and ingenious Gosnold, who had himself witnessed the fertility
of the western soil, long solicited the concurrence of his friends
for the establishment of a colony, and at last prevailed with
Edward Maria Wingfield, a merchant of the west of England,
Robert Hunt, a clergyman of fortitude and modest worth, and
John Smith, an adventurer of rarest qualities, to risk their lives
and hopes of fortune in an expedition. For more than a year
this little company revolved the project of a plantation. At the
same time Sir Ferdinando Gorges was gathering information of
the native Americans, whom he had received from Waymouth,
and whose descriptions of the country, joined to the favorable
views which he had already imbibed, filled him with the strong-
est desire of becoming a proprietary of domains beyond the
Atlantic. Gorges was a man of wealth, rank and influence; he
readily persuaded Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of Eng-
land, to share his intentions. Nor had the assigns of Raleigh
become indifferent to "western planting”; which the most dis-
tinguished of them all, “industrious Hakluyt,” the historian of
maritime enterprise, still promoted by his personal exertions, his
weight of character, and his invincible zeal. Possessed of what-
ever information could be derived from foreign sources and a cor-
respondence with eminent navigators of his times, and anxiously
watching the progress of Englishmen in the West, his extensive
knowledge made him a counselor in every colonial enterprise.
The King of England, too timid to be active, yet too vain to
be indifferent, favored the design of enlarging his dominions.
## p. 1440 (#238) ###########################################
1440
GEORGE BANCROFT
He had attempted in Scotland the introduction of the arts of life
among the Highlanders and the Western Isles, by the establish-
ment of colonies; and the Scottish plantations which he founded
in the northern counties of Ireland contributed to the affluence
and the security of that island. When, therefore, a company of
men of business and men of rank, formed by the experience of
Gosnold, the enthusiasm of Smith, the perseverance of Hakluyt,
the influence of Popham and Gorges, applied to James I. for
leave “to deduce a colony into Virginia,” the monarch, on the
tenth of April, 1606, readily set his seal to an ample patent.
The first colonial charter, under which the English were
planted in America, deserves careful consideration.
Copyrighted by D. Appleton and Company, New York.
MEN AND GOVERNMENT IN EARLY MASSACHUSETTS
From History of the United States)
TH
HESE better auspices, and the invitations of Winthrop, won
new emigrants from Europe. During the long summer
voyage of the two hundred passengers who freighted the
Griffin, three sermons a day beguiled their weariness. Among
them was Haynes, a man of very large estate, and larger affec-
tions; of a “heavenly” mind, and a spotless life; of rare sagacity,
and accurate but unassuming judgment; by nature tolerant, ever
a friend to freedom, ever conciliating peace; an able legislator;
dear to the people by his benevolent virtues and his disinterested
conduct. Then also came the most revered spiritual teachers of
two commonwealths: the acute and subtle Cotton, the son of a
Puritan lawyer; eminent in Cambridge as a scholar; quick in the
nice perception of distinctions, and pliant in dialects; in manner
persuasive rather than commanding; skilled in the fathers and
the schoolmen, but finding all their wisdom compactly stored in
Calvin; deeply devout by nature as well as habit from child-
hood; hating heresy and still precipitately eager to prevent evil
actions by suppressing ill opinions, yet verging toward a progress
in truth and in religious freedom; an avowed enemy to democ-
racy, which he feared as the blind despotism of animal instincts
in the multitude, yet opposing hereditary power in all its forms;
desiring a government of moral opinion, according to the laws of
universal equity, and claiming “the ultimate resolution for the
## p. 1441 (#239) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT
1441
whole body of the people: ” and Hooker, of vast endowments, a
strong will and an energetic mind; ingenuous in his temper, and
open in his professions; trained to benevolence by the discipline of
affliction; versed in tolerance by his refuge in Holland; choleric,
yet gentle in his affections; firm in his faith, yet readily yielding
to the power of reason; the peer of the reformers, without their
harshness; the devoted apostle to the humble and the poor, severe
toward the proud, mild in his soothings of a wounded spirit,
glowing with the raptures of devotion, and kindling with the
messages of redeeming love; his eye, voice, gesture, and whole
frame animate with the living vigor of heart-felt religion; public-
spirited and lavishly charitable; and, “though persecutions and
banishments had awaited him as one wave follows another,” ever
serenely blessed with “a glorious peace of soul”; fixed in his
trust in Providence, and in his adhesion to that cause of advan-
cing civilization, which he cherished always, even while it remained
to him a mystery. This was he whom, for his abilities and
services, his contemporaries placed in the first rank of men;
praising him as the one rich pearl, with which Europe more
than repaid America for the treasures from her coast. ” The
people to whom Hooker ministered had preceded him; as he
landed they crowded about him with their welcome. “Now I
live,” exclaimed he, as with open arms he embraced them, now
I live if ye stand fast in the Lord. ”
Thus recruited, the little band in Massachusetts grew more
jealous of its liberties. «The prophets in exile see the true forms
of the house. " By a common impulse, the freemen of the towns
chose deputies to consider in advance the duties of the general
court. The charter plainly gave legislative power to the whole
body of the freemen; if it allowed representatives, thought Win-
throp, it was only by inference; and, as the whole people could
not always assemble, the chief power, it was argued, lay neces-
sarily with the assistants.
Far different was the reasoning of the people. To check the
democratic tendency, Cotton, on the election day, preached to
the assembled freemen against rotation in office. The right of
an honest magistrate to his place was like that of a proprietor to
his freehold. But the electors, now between three and four
hundred in number, were bent on exercising their absolute
power,” and, reversing the decision of the pulpit, chose a new
governor and deputy. The mode of taking the votes was at the
III-91
## p. 1442 (#240) ###########################################
1442
GEORGE BANCROFT
same time reformed; and, instead of the erection of hands, the
ballot-box was introduced. Thus the people established a refor-
mation of such things as they judged to be amiss in the govern-
ment. ”
It was further decreed that the whole body of the freemen
should be convened only for the election of the magistrates: to
these, with deputies to be chosen by the several towns, the
powers of legislation and appointment were henceforward in-
trusted. The trading corporation was unconsciously become a
representative democracy.
The law against arbitrary taxation followed. None but the
immediate representatives of the people might dispose of lands
or raise money. Thus early did Massachusetts echo the voice of
Virginia, like deep calling unto deep. The state was filled with
the hum of village politicians; “the freemen of every town in
the Bay were busy in inquiring into their liberties and privi-
leges. With the exception of the principle of universal suffrage,
now so happily established, the representative democracy was as
perfect two centuries ago as it is to-day. Even the magistrates,
who acted as judges, held their office by the annual popular
choice. “Elections cannot be safe there long," said the lawyer
Lechford. The same prediction has been made these two hun-
dred years. The public mind, ever in perpetual agitation, is still
easily shaken, even by slight and transient impulses; but, after
all vibrations, it follows the laws of the moral world, and safely
recovers its balance.
Copyrighted by D. Appleton and Company, New York.
KING PHILIP'S WAR
From History of the United States)
T"
hus was Philip hurried into “his rebellion”; and he is reported
to have wept as he heard that a white man's blood had been
shed. He had kept his men about him in arms, and had
welcomed every stranger; and yet, against his judgment and his
will, he was involved in war. For what prospect had he of suc-
cess ?
The English were united; the Indians had no alliance:
the English made a common cause; half the Indians were allies
of the English, or were quiet spectators of the fight: the English
had guns enough; but few of the Indians were well armed, and
## p. 1443 (#241) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT
1443
they could get no new supplies: the English had towns for their
shelter and safe retreat; the miserable wigwams of the natives
were defenseless: the English had sure supplies of food; the
Indians might easily lose their precarious stores. Frenzy prompted
their rising. They rose without hope, and they fought without
mercy. For them as a nation, there was no to-morrow.
The minds of the English were appalled by the horrors of the
impending conflict, and superstition indulged in its wild inventions.
At the time of the eclipse of the moon, you might have seen the
figure of an Indian scalp imprinted on the centre of its disk.
The perfect form of an Indian bow appeared in the sky. The
sighing of the wind was like the whistling of bullets. Some heard
invisible troops of horses gallop through the air, while others
found the prophecy of calamities in the howling of the wolves.
At the very beginning of danger the colonists exerted their
wonted energy. Volunteers from Massachusetts joined the troops
from Plymouth; and, within a week from the commencement of
hostilities, the insulated Pokanokets were driven from Mount
Hope, and in less than a month Philip was a fugitive among the
Nipmucks, the interior tribes of Massachusetts. The little army
of the colonists then entered the territory of the Narragansetts,
and from the reluctant tribe extorted a treaty of neutrality, with
a promise to deliver up every hostile Indian. Victory seemed
promptly assured. But it was only the commencement of horrors.
Canonchet, the chief sachem of the Narragansetts, was the son of
Miantonomoh; and could he forget his father's wrongs ? Desola-
tion extended along the whole frontier. Banished from his patri-
mony, where the pilgrims found a friend, and from his cabin,
which had sheltered the exiles, Philip, with his warriors, spread
through the country, awakening their brethren to a warfare of
extermination.
The war, on the part of the Indians, was one of ambuscades
and surprises. They never once met the English in open field;
but always, even if eightfold in numbers, fled timorously before
infantry. They were secret as beasts of prey, skillful marksmen,
and in part provided with firearms, fleet of foot, conversant with
all the paths of the forest, patient of fatigue, and mad with a
passion for rapine, vengeance, and destruction, retreating into
swamps for their fastnesses, or hiding in the greenwood thickets,
where the leaves muffled the eyes of the pursuer.
that ever trailed its gaiters over the globe; and so marvelously
in hand it was that he reviewed a million of men in one day.
Hourra! ' cried the Russians. Down came all Russia and those
animals of Cossacks in a flock. 'Twas nation against nation,
a general hurly-burly, and beware who could; Asia against
Europe, as the Red Man had foretold to Napoleon. "Enough,
cried the Emperor, I'll be ready. '
“So now, sure enough, came all the kings, as the Red Man
had said, to lick Napoleon's hand! Austria, Prussia, Bavaria,
Saxony, Poland, Italy, every one of them were with us, flatter-
ing us; ah, it was fine! The eagles never cawed so loud as at
those parades, perched high above the banners of all Europe.
The Poles were bursting with joy, because Napoleon was going
to release them; and that's why France and Poland are brothers →
to this day. (Russia is ours,' cried the army. We plunged into
it well supplied; we marched and we marched, - no Russians.
At last we found the brutes entrenched on the banks of the
Moskova. That's where I won my cross, and I've got the right
to say it was a damnable battle. This was how it came about.
The Emperor was anxious. He had seen the Red Man, who
said to him, My son, you are going too fast for your feet; you
will lack men; friends will betray you. ' So the Emperor offered
peace. But before signing, Let us drub those Russians! ' he
said to us. Done! ' cried the army. Forward, march! said
the sergeants. My clothes were in rags, my shoes worn out,
from trudging along those roads, which are very uncomfortable
ones; but no matter! I said to myself, As it's the last of our
earthquakings, I'll go into it, tooth and nail! We were drawn
up in line before the great ravine, - front seats, as 'twere.
Signal given; and seven hundred pieces of artillery began a con-
versation that would bring the blood from your ears. Then
must do justice to one's enemies — the Russians let themselves
be killed like Frenchmen; they wouldn't give way; we couldn't
advance. Forward,' some one cried, here comes the Emperor! '
True enough; he passed at a gallop, waving his hand to let us
know we must take the redoubt. He inspired us; on we ran, I
III-90
## p. 1426 (#220) ###########################################
1426
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
was the first in the ravine. Ha! my God! how the lieutenants
fell, and the colonels, and the soldiers! No matter! all the more
shoes for those that had none, and epaulets for the clever ones
who knew how to read. Victory! ) cried the whole line; Vic-
tory! '- and, would you believe it? a thing never seen before,
there lay twenty-five thousand Frenchmen on the ground. 'Twas
like mowing down a wheat-field; only in place of the ears of
wheat put the heads of men! We were sobered by this time,-
those who were left alive. The Man rode up; we made a circle
round him. Ha! he knew how to cajole his children; he could
be amiable when he liked, and feed 'em with words when their
stomachs were ravenous with the hunger of wolves. Flatterer!
he distributed the crosses himself, he uncovered to the dead, and
then he cried to us, On! to Moscow! To Moscow! ' answered
the army.
“We took Moscow. Would you believe it ? the Russians
burned their own city! 'Twas a haystack six miles square, and
it blazed for two days. The buildings crashed like slates, and
showers of melted iron and lead rained down upon us, which was
naturally horrible. I may say to you plainly, it was like a flash
of lightning on our disasters. The Emperor said, 'We have
done enough; my soldiers shall rest here. So we rested awhile,
just to get the breath into our bodies and the flesh on our bones,
for we were really tired. We took possession of the golden cross
that was on the Kremlin; and every soldier brought away with
him a small fortune. But out there the winter sets in a month
earlier,-a thing those fools of science didn't properly explain.
So, coming back, the cold nipped us. No longer an army — do
you hear me ? - no longer any generals, no longer any sergeants
even.
'Twas the reign of wretchedness and hunger,-a reign of
equality at last. No one thought of anything but to see France
once more; no one stooped to pick up his gun or his money if
he dropped them; each man followed his nose, and went as he
pleased without caring for glory. The weather was so bad the
Emperor couldn't see his star; there was something between him
and the skies. Poor man! it made him ill to see his eagles fly-
ing away from victory. Ah! 'twas a mortal blow, you may
believe me.
“Well, we got to the Beresina. My friends, I can affirm to
you by all that is most sacred, by my honor, that since mankind
came into the world, never, never, was there seen such a
## p. 1427 (#221) ###########################################
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
1427
fricassee of an army- guns, carriages, artillery wagons — in the
midst of such snows, under such relentless skies! The muzzles
of the muskets burned our hands if we touched them, the iron
was so cold. It was there that the army was saved by the pon-
toniers, who were firm at their post; and there that Gondrin —
sole survivor of the men who were bold enough to go into the
water and build the bridges by which the army crossed — that
Gondrin, here present, admirably conducted himself, and saved
us from the Russians, who, I must tell you, still respected the
grand army, remembering its victories. And,” he added, pointing
to Gondrin, who was gazing at him with the peculiar attention
of a deaf man, Gondrin is a finished soldier, a soldier who is
honor itself, and he merits your highest esteem. ”
“I saw the Emperor,” he resumed, “standing by the bridge,
motionless, not feeling the cold -- was that human ? He looked
at the destruction of his treasure, his friends, his old Egyptians.
Bah! all that passed him, women, army wagons, artillery, all
were shattered, destroyed, ruined. The bravest carried the
eagles; for the eagles, d'ye see, were France, the nation, all of
you! they were the civil and the military honor that must be
kept pure; could their heads be lowered because of the cold ? It
was only near the Emperor that we warmed ourselves, because
when he was in danger we ran, frozen as we were-
wouldn't have stretched a hand to save a friend. They told us
he wept at night over his poor family of soldiers. Ah! none but
he and Frenchmen could have got themselves out of that busi-
we, who
ness.
"We did get out, but with losses, great losses, as I tell
you. The Allies captured our provisions. Men began to betray
him, as the Red Man predicted. Those chatterers in Paris, who
had held their tongues after the Imperial Guard was formed,
now thought he was dead; so they hoodwinked the prefect of
police, and hatched a conspiracy to overthrow the empire. He
heard of it; it worried him. He left us, saying: Adieu, my
children; guard the outposts; I shall return to you. ' Bah! with-
out him nothing went right; the generals lost their heads; the
marshals talked nonsense and committed follies; but that was
not surprising, for Napoleon, who was kind, had fed 'em on gold;
they had got as fat as lard, and wouldn't stir; some stayed in
camp when they ought to have been warming the backs of the
enemy who was between us and France.
## p. 1428 (#222) ###########################################
1428
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
But the Emperor came back, and he brought recruits, famous
recruits; he changed their backbone and made 'em dogs of war,
fit to set their teeth into anything; and he brought a guard of
honor, a fine body indeed! - all bourgeois, who melted away like
butter on a gridiron.
“Well, spite of our stern bearing, here's everything going
against us; and yet the army did prodigies of valor. Then
came battles on the mountains, nations against nations, — Dres-
den, Lutzen, Bautzen. Remember these days, all of you, for
'twas then that Frenchmen were so particularly heroic that a
good grenadier only lasted six months. We triumphed always;
yet there were those English, in our rear, rousing revolts against
us with their lies! No matter, we cut our way home through
the whole pack of the nations, Wherever the Emperor showed
himself we followed him; for if, by sea or land, he gave us the
word 'Go! ' we went. At last, we were in France; and many a
poor foot-soldier felt the air of his own country restore his soul
to satisfaction, spite of the wintry weather. I can say for myself
that it refreshed my life. Well, next, our business was to defend
France, our country, our beautiful France, against all Europe,
which resented our having laid down the law to the Russians,
and pushed them back into their dens, so that they couldn't eat
us up alive, as northern nations, who are dainty and like southern
flesh, have a habit of doing, - at least, so I've heard some gen-
Then the Emperor saw his own father-in-law, his
friends whom he had made kings, and the scoundrels to whom
he had given back their thrones, all against him. Even French-
men, and allies in our own ranks, turned against us under secret
orders, as at the battle of Leipsic. Would common soldiers have
been capable of such wickedness? Three times a day men were
false to their word, - and they called themselves princes !
So, then, France was invaded. Wherever the Emperor
showed his lion face, the enemy retreated; and he did more
prodigies in defending France than ever he had done in conquer-
ing Italy, the East, Spain, Europe, and Russia. He meant to
bury every invader under the sod, and teach 'em to respect the
soil of France. So he let them get to Paris, that he might swal-
low them at a mouthful, and rise to the height of his genius in
a battle greater than all the rest, - a mother-battle, as 'twere.
But there, there! the Parisians were afraid for their twopenny
skins, and their trumpery shops; they opened the gates. Then
erals say:
## p. 1429 (#223) ###########################################
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
1429
the Ragusades began, and happiness ended. The Empress was
fooled, and the white banner flaunted from the windows. The
generals whom he had made his nearest friends abandoned him
for the Bourbons,-a set of people no one had heard tell of.
The Emperor bade us farewell at Fontainebleau:-'Soldiers! '-
I can hear him now; we wept like children; the flags and the
eagles were lowered as if for a funeral: it was, I may well say
it to you, it was the funeral of the Empire; her dapper armies
were nothing now but skeletons. So he said to us, standing
there on the portico of his palace:- My soldiers! we are van-
quished by treachery; but we shall meet in heaven, the country
of the brave. Defend my child, whom I commit to you. Long
live Napoleon II. ! ' He meant to die, that no man should look
upon Napoleon vanquished; he took poison, enough to have
killed a regiment, because, like Jesus Christ before his Passion,
he thought himself abandoned of God and his talisman. But the
poison did not hurt him.
“See again! he found he was immortal.
“Sure of himself, knowing he must ever be THE EMPEROR, he
went for a while to an island to study out the nature of these
others, who, you may be sure, committed follies without end.
Whilst he bided his time down there, the Chinese, and the wild
men on the coast of Africa, and the Barbary States, and others
who are not at all accommodating, knew so well he was more
than man that they respected his tent, saying to touch it would
be to offend God. Thus, d'ye see, when these others turned him
from the doors of his own France, he still reigned over the whole
world. Before long he embarked in the same little cockleshell
of a boat he had had in Egypt, sailed round the beard of the
English, set foot in France, and France acclaimed him. The
sacred cuckoo flew from spire to spire; all France cried out with
one voice, LONG LIVE THE EMPEROR! In this region, here, the
enthusiasm for that wonder of the ages was, I may say, solid.
Dauphiné behaved well; and I am particularly pleased to know
that her people wept when they saw, once more, the gray over-
coat. March first it was, when Napoleon landed with two hun-
dred men to conquer that kingdom of France and of Navarre,
which on the twentieth of the same month was again the French
Empire. On that day our MAN was in Paris; he had made a
clean sweep, recovered his dear France, and gathered his veterans
together by saying no more than three words, I am here. '
## p. 1430 (#224) ###########################################
1430
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
« 'Twas the greatest miracle God had yet done! Before him,
did ever man recover an empire by showing his hat ? And these
others, who thought they had subdued France! Not they! At
sight of the eagles, a national army sprang up, and we marched
to Waterloo. There, the Guard died at one blow. Napoleon,
in despair, threw himself three times before the cannon of the
enemy without obtaining death. We saw that. The battle was
lost. That night the Emperor called his old soldiers to him; on
the field soaked with our blood he burned his banner and his
eagles, - his poor eagles, ever victorious, who cried Forward
in the battles, and had flown the length and breadth of Europe,
they were saved the infamy of belonging to the enemy: all the
treasures of England couldn't get her a tail-feather of them. No
more eagles ! — the rest is well known. The Red Man went over
to the Bourbons, like the scoundrel that he is. France is crushed;
the soldier is nothing; they deprive him of his dues; they dis-
charge him to make room for broken-down nobles - ah, 'tis pit-
iable! They seized Napoleon by treachery; the English nailed
him on a desert island in mid-ocean on a rock raised ten thousand
feet above the earth; and there he is, and will be, till the Red
Man gives him back his power for the happiness of France.
These others say he's dead. Ha, dead!
'Tis easy to see they
don't know Him. They tell that fib to catch the people, and
feel safe in their hovel of a government. Listen! the truth at
the bottom of it all is that his friends have left him alone on the
desert island to fulfil a prophecy, for I forgot to say that his
name, Napoleon, means lion of the desert. ” Now this that I
tell you is true as the Gospel. All other tales that you hear
about the Emperor are follies without common-sense; because,
d'ye see, God never gave to child of woman born the right to
stamp his name in red as he did, on the earth, which forever
shall remember him! Long live Napoleon, the father of his peo-
ple and of the soldier! ”
"Long live General Eblé! ” cried the pontonier.
“How happened it you were not killed in the ravine at Mos-
kova ? asked a peasant woman.
«How do I know? We went in a regiment, we came out a
hundred foot-soldiers; none but the lines were capable of taking
that redoubt: the infantry, d'ye see, that's the real army. ”
“And the cavalry! what of that? ” cried Genastas, letting him-
self roll from the top of the hay, and appearing to us with a
## p. 1431 (#225) ###########################################
HONORÉ DE BALZAC
1431
suddenness which made the bravest utter a cry of terror. « Eh!
my old veteran, you forget the red lancers of Poniatowski, the
cuirassiers, the dragoons! they that shook the earth when Napo-
leon, impatient that the victory was delayed, said to Murat, “Sire,
cut them in two. ' Ha, we were off! first at a trot, then at a
gallop, 'one, two,' and the enemy's line was cut in halves like an
apple with a knife. A charge of cavalry, my old hero! why,
'tis a column of cannon balls! »
“How about the pontoniers ? " cried Gondrin.
"My children,” said Genastas, becoming suddenly quite
ashamed of his sortie when he saw himself in the midst of a
silent and bewildered group, “there are no spies here, — see, take
this and drink to the Little Corporal. ”
LONG LIVE THE EMPEROR! ” cried all the people pres-
ent, with one voice.
“Hush, my children! ” said the officer, struggling to control
his emotion. “Hush! he is dead, He died saying, "Glory,
France, and battle. My friends, he had to die, he! but his
memory — never! »
Goguelat made a gesture of disbelief; then he said in a low
voice to those nearest, «The officer is still in the service, and
he's told to tell the people the Emperor is dead. We mustn't be
angry with him, because, d'ye see, a soldier has to obey orders. ”
As Genestas left the barn he heard the Fosseuse say,
« That
officer is a friend of the Emperor and of Monsieur Benassis. ”
On that, all the people rushed to the door to get another sight
of him, and by the light of the moon they saw the doctor take
his arm.
"I committed a great folly,” said Genestas. "Let us get home
quickly.
Those eagles - the cannon - the campaigns!
longer knew where I was. ”
What do you think of my Goguelat ? ” asked Benassis.
"Monsieur, so long as such tales are told, France will carry
in her entrails the fourteen armies of the Republic, and may at
any time renew the conversation of cannon with all Europe.
That's my opinion. ”
I no
## p. 1432 (#226) ###########################################
1432
GEORGE BANCROFT
(1800-1891)
BY AUSTIN SCOTT
He life of George Bancroft was nearly conterminous with the
nineteenth century.
He was born at Worcester, Mass. ,
October 3d, 1800, and died at Washington, D. C. , January
17th, 1891. But it was not merely the stretch of his years that
identified him with this century. In some respects he represented
his time as no other of its men. He came into touch with many
widely differing elements which made up its life and character. He
spent most of his life in cities, but never lost the sense for country
sights and sounds which central Massachusetts gave him in Worces-
ter, his birthplace, and in Northampton, where he taught school.
The home into which he was born offered him from his infancy a
rich possession. His father was a Unitarian clergyman who wrote a
Life of Washington) that was received with favor; thus things con-
cerning God and country were his patrimony. Not without signifi-
cance was a word of his mother which he recalled in his latest years,
“My son, I do not wish you to become a rich man, but I would have
you be an affluent man; ad fluo, always a little more coming in than
going out. ”
To the advantages of his boyhood home and of Harvard College,
to which he went as a lad of thirteen, the eager young student
added the opportunity, then uncommon, of a systematic course of
study in German, and won the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at
Göttingen in 1820. He had in a marked degree the characteristics of
his countrymen, versatility and adaptability. Giving up an early pur-
pose of fitting himself for the pulpit, he taught in Harvard, and
helped to found a school of an advanced type at Northampton.
Meantime he published a volume of verse, and found out that the
passionate love of poetry which lasted through his life was not
creative. At Northampton he published in 1828 a translation in two
volumes of Heeren's History of the Political System of Europe,' and
also edited two editions of a Latin Reader; but the duties of a
schoolmaster's life were early thrown aside, and he could not be
persuaded to resume them later when the headship of an important
educational institution was offered to him. Together with the one
great pursuit of his life, to which he remained true for sixty years,
he delighted in the activities of a politician, the duties of a states-
man, and the occupations of a man of affairs and of the world.
## p. 1432 (#227) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT.
## p. 1432 (#228) ###########################################
Ipui
'i، iii
:
أو
11
اد
## p. 1432 (#229) ###########################################
SAPNT
wapi
GEORGE BANCROFT.
Walls
## p. 1432 (#230) ###########################################
## p. 1433 (#231) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT
1433
Bancroft received a large but insufficient vote as the Democratic
candidate for the Governorship of Massachusetts, and for a time he
held the office of Collector of the port of Boston. As Secretary of
the Navy in the Cabinet of Polk, he rendered to his country two
distinct services of great value: he founded the Naval School at
Annapolis, and by his prompt orders to the American commander in
the Pacific waters he secured the acquisition of California for the
United States. The special abilities he displayed in the Cabinet were
such, so Polk thought, as to lead to his appointment as Minister to
England in 1846. He was a diplomat of no mean order. President
Johnson appointed him Minister to Germany in 1867, and Grant
retained him at that post until 1874, as long as Bancroft desired it.
During his stay there he concluded just naturalization treaties with
Germany, and in a masterly way won from the Emperor, William I. ,
as arbitrator, judgment in favor of the United States's claim over
that of Great Britain in the Northwestern boundary dispute.
Always holding fast his one cherished object,--that of worthily
writing the history of the United States, -- Bancroft did not deny him-
self the pleasure of roaming in other fields. He wrote frequently on
current topics, on literary, historical, and political subjects. His eulo-
gies of Jackson and of Lincoln, pronounced before Congress, entitle
him to the rank of an orator. He was very fond of studies in meta-
physics, and Trendelenburg, the eminent German philosopher, said of
him, “Bancroft knows Kant through and through. ”
His home — whether in Boston, or in New York where he spent
the middle portion of his life, or in Washington his abode for the last
sixteen years, or during his residence abroad — was the scene of the
occupations and delights which the highest culture craves. He was
gladly welcomed to the inner circle of the finest minds of Germany,
and the tribute of the German men of learning was unfeigned and
universal when he quitted the country in 1874. Many of the best
men of England and of France were among his warm friends. At
his table were gathered from time to time some of the world's great-
est thinkers, men of science, soldiers, statesmen and men of affairs.
Fond as he was of social joys, it was his daily pleasure to mount his
horse and alone, or with a single companion, to ride where nature in
her shy or in her exuberant mood inspired. One day, after he was
eighty years old, he rode on his young, blooded Kentucky horse along
the Virginia bank of the Potomac for more than thirty-six miles. He
could be seen every day among the perfect roses of his garden at
“Roseclyffe,” his Newport summer-home, often full of thought, at
other times in wellnigh boisterous glee, always giving unstinted care
and expense to the queen of flowers. The books in which he kept
the record of the rose garden were almost as elaborate as those in
## p. 1434 (#232) ###########################################
1434
GEORGE BANCROFT
son.
which were entered the facts and fancies out of which his History
grew. His home life was charming. By a careful use of opportuni-
ties and of his means he became an “affluent” man. He was twice
married: both times a new source of refined domestic happiness long
blessed his home, and new means for enlarged comfort and hospi-
tality were added to his own. Two sons, children of his first wife,
survived him.
Some of Bancroft's characteristics were not unlike those of Jeffer-
A constant tendency to idealize called up in him at times a
feeling verging on impatience with the facts or the men that stood
in the way of a theory or the accomplishment of a personal desire.
He had a keen perception of an underlying or a final truth and pro-
fessed warm love for it, whether in the large range of history or in
the nexus of current politics: any one taking a different point of
view at times was led to think that his facts, as he stated them, lay
crosswise, and might therefore find the perspective out of drawing,
but could not rightly impugn his good faith.
Although a genuine lover of his race and a believer in Democracy,
he was not always ready to put implicit trust in the individual as
being capable of exercising a wise judgment and the power of true
self-direction. For man he avowed a perfect respect; among men
his bearing showed now and then a trace of condescension.
In con-
troversies over disputed points of history - and he had many such -
he meant to be fair and to anticipate the final verdict of truth, but
overwhelming evidence was necessary to convince him that his judg-
ment, formed after painstaking research, could be wrong.
His ample
love of justice, however, is proved by his passionate appreciation of
the character of Washington, by his unswerving devotion to the con-
ception of our national unity, both in its historical development and
at the moment when it was imperiled by civil war, and by his
hatred of slavery and of false financial policies. He took pleasure in
giving generously, but always judiciously and without ostentation.
On one occasion he, with a few of his friends, paid off the debt from
the house of an eminent scholar; on another, he helped to rebuild
for a great thinker the home which had been burned. At Harvard,
more than fifty years after his graduation, he founded a traveling
scholarship and named it in honor of the president of his college
days.
As to the manner of his work, Bancroft laid large plans and gave
to the details of their execution unwearied zeal. The scope of the
(History of the United States) as he planned it was admirable. In
carrying it out he was persistent in acquiring materials, sparing no
pains in his research at home and abroad, and no cost in securing
original papers or exact copies and transcripts from the archives of
## p. 1435 (#233) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT
1435
England and France, Spain and Holland and Germany, from public
libraries and from individuals; he fished in all waters and drew fish
of all sorts into his net. He took great pains, and the secretaries
whom he employed to aid him in his work were instructed likewise
to take great pains, not only to enter facts in the reference books in
their chronological order, but to make all possible cross-references to
related facts. The books of his library, which was large and rich in
treasures, he used as tools, and many of them were filled with cross
references. In the fly-leaves of the books he read he made note with
a word and the cited page of what the printed pages contained of
interest to him or of value in his work.
His mind was one of quick perceptions within a wide range, and
always alert to grasp an idea in its manifold relations. It is remark-
able, therefore, that he was very laborious in his method of work.
He often struggled long with a thought for intellectual mastery. In
giving it expression, his habit was to dictate rapidly and with enthu-
siasm and at great length, but he usually selected the final form
after repeated efforts. His first draft of a chapter was revised again
and again and condensed. One of his early volumes in its first man-
uscript form was eight times as long as when finally published. He
had another striking habit, that of writing by topics rather than in
strict chronological order, so that a chapter which was to find its
place late in the volume was often completed before one which was
to precede it. Partly by nature and perhaps partly by this prac-
tice, he had the power to carry on simultaneously several trains of
thought. When preparing one of his public orations, it was remarked
by one of his household that after an evening spent over a trifling
game of bezique, the next morning found him well advanced beyond
the point where the work had been seemingly laid down. He had
the faculty of buoying a thought, knowing just where to take it up
after an interruption and deftly splicing it in continuous line, some-
times after a long interval. When about to begin the preparation of
the argument which was to sustain triumphantly the claim of the
United States in the boundary question, he wrote from Berlin for
copies of documents filed in the office of the Navy Department, which
he remembered were there five-and-twenty years before.
The History of the United States from the Discovery of America
to the Inauguration of Washington' is treated by Bancroft in three
The first, Colonial History from 1492 to 1748, occupies more
than one fourth of his pages. The second part, the American Revo-
lution, 1748 to 1782, claims more than one half of the entire work,
and is divided into four epochs:-- the first, 1748-1763, is entitled
(The Overthrow of the European Colonial System'; the second,
1763-1774, “How Great Britain Estranged America'; the third, 1774-
parts.
## p. 1436 (#234) ###########################################
1436
GEORGE BANCROFT
1776, America Declares Itself Independent'; the fourth, 1776-1782,
“The Independence of America is Acknowledged. The last part, ,
The History of the Formation of the Constitution,' 1782-1789, though
published as a separate work, is essentially a continuation of the
History proper, of which it forms in bulk rather more than one
tenth.
If his services as a historian are to be judged by any one portion
of his work rather than by another, the history of the formation of
the Constitution affords the best test. In that the preceding work
comes to fruition; the time of its writing, after the Civil War and
the consequent settling of the one vexing question by the abolition
of sectionalism, and when he was in the fullness of the experience of
his own ripe years, was most opportune. Bancroft was equal to his
opportunity. He does not teach us that the Constitution is the result
of superhuman wisdom, nor on the other hand does he admit, as
John Adams asserted, that however excellent, the Constitution was
wrung «from the grinding necessity of a reluctant people. ” He does
not fail to point out the critical nature of the four years prior to the
meeting of the Federal Convention; but he discerns that whatever
occasions, whether transitory or for the time of “steady and com-
manding influence,” may help or hinder the formation of the now
perfect union, its true cause was “an indwelling necessity” in the
people to form above the States a common constitution for the
whole. ”
Recognizing the fact that the primary cause for the true union
was remote in origin and deep and persistent, Bancroft gives a ret-
rospect of the steps toward union from the founding of the colonies
to the close of the war for independence. Thenceforward, sugges-
tions as to method or form of amending the Articles of Confeder-
ation, whether made by individuals, or State Legislatures, or by
Congress, were in his view helps indeed to promote the movement;
but they were first of all so many proofs that despite all the contrary
wayward surface indications, the strong current was flowing inde-
pendently toward the just and perfect union. Having acknowledged
this fundamental fact of the critical years between Yorktown and the
Constitution, the historian is free to give just and discriminating
praise to all who shared at that time in redeeming the political hope
of mankind, to give due but not exclusive honor to Washington and
Thomas Paine, to Madison and Hamilton and their co-worthies.
The many attempts, isolated or systematic, during the period
from 1781-1786, to reform the Articles of Confederation, were happily
futile; but they were essential in the training of the people in the
consciousness of the nature of the work for which they are responsi-
ble. The balances must come slowly to a poise. Not merely union
## p. 1437 (#235) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT
1437
ous.
strong and for a time effective, was needed, but union of a certain
and unprecedented sort: one in which the true pledge of permanency
for a continental republic was to be found in the federative principle,
by which the highest activities of nation and of State were condi-
tioned each by the welfare of the other. The people rightly felt,
too, that a Congress of one house would be inadequate and danger-
They waited in the midst of risks for the proper hour, and
then, not reluctantly but resolutely, adopted the Constitution as a
promising experiment in government.
Bancroft's treatment of the evolution of the second great organic
act of this time — the Northwestern ordinance — is no less just and
true to the facts. For two generations men had snatched at the
laurels due to the creator of that matchless piece of legislation; to
award them now to Jefferson, now to Nathan Dane, now to Rufus
King, now to Manasseh Cutler. Bancroft calmly and clearly show's
how the great law grew with the kindly aid and watchful care of
these men and of others.
The deliberations of the Federal Constitution are adequately
recorded; and he gives fair relative recognition to the work and
words of individuals, and the actions of State delegations in making
the great adjustments between nation and States, between large and
small and slave and free States. From his account we infer that the
New Jersey plan was intended by its authors only for temporary use
in securing equality for the States in one essential part of the gov-
ernment, while the men from Connecticut receive credit for the com-
promise which reconciled nationality with true State rights. Further
to be noticed are the results of the exhaustive study which Bancroft
gave to the matter of paper money, and to the meaning of the clause
prohibiting the States from impairing the obligation of contracts. He
devotes nearly one hundred pages to “The People of the States in
Judgment on the Constitution,' and rightly; for it is the final act of
the separate States, and by it their individual wills are merged in
the will of the people, which is one, though still politically dis-
tributed and active within State lines. His summary of the main
principles of the Constitution is excellent; and he concludes with a
worthy sketch of the organization of the first Congress under the
Constitution, and of the inauguration of Washington as President.
In this last portion of the History,' while all of his merits as a
historian are not conspicuous, neither are some of his chief defects.
Here the tendency to philosophize, to marshal stately sentences, and
to be discursive, is not so marked.
The first volume of Bancroft's History of the United States)
was published in 1834, when the democratic spirit was finding its first
full expression under Jackson, and when John Marshall was finishing
## p. 1438 (#236) ###########################################
1438
GEORGE BANCROFT
his mighty task of revealing to the people of the United States the
strength that lay in their organic law. As he put forth volume after
volume at irregular intervals for fifty years, he in a measure con-
tinued this work of bringing to the exultant consciousness of the
people the value of their possession of a continent of liberty and the
realization of their responsibility. In the course of another gener-
ation, portions of this History of the United States) may begin to
grow antiquated, though the most brilliant of contemporary journal-
ists quite recently placed it among the ten books indispensable to
every American; but time cannot take away Bancroft's good part in
producing influences, which, however they may vary in form and
force, will last throughout the nation's life
Cuenitent
Cenk
THE BEGINNINGS OF VIRGINIA
From History of the United States)
T"
He period of success in planting Virginia had arrived; yet not
till changes in European politics and society had molded
the forms of colonization. The Reformation had broken
the harmony of religious opinion; and differences in the Church
began to constitute the basis of political parties. After the East
Indies had been reached by doubling the southern promontory of
Africa, the great commerce of the world was carried upon the
ocean. The art of printing had been perfected and diffused; and
the press spread intelligence and multiplied the facilities of in-
struction. The feudal institutions, which had been reared in the
middle ages, were already undermined by the current of time
and events, and, swaying from their base, threatened to fall.
Productive industry had built up the fortunes and extended the
influence of the active classes; while habits of indolence and
expense had impaired the estates and diminished the power of the
nobility. These changes produced corresponding results in the
institutions which were to rise in America.
A revolution had equally occurred in the purposes for which
voyages were undertaken. The hope of Columbus, as he sailed
## p. 1439 (#237) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT
1439
to the west, had been the discovery of a new passage to the East
Indies. The passion for gold next became the prevailing motive.
Then the islands and countries near the equator were made the
tropical gardens of the Europeans. At last, the higher design
was matured: to plant permanent Christian colonies; to establish
for the oppressed and the enterprising places of refuge and abode;
to found states in a temperate clime, with all the elements of
independent existence.
In the imperfect condition of industry, a redundant population
had existed in England even before the peace with Spain, which
threw out of employment the gallant men who had served under
Elizabeth by sea and land, and left them no option but to en-
gage as mercenaries in the quarrels of strangers, or incur the
hazards of seeking a New World. ” The minds of many persons
of intelligence and rank were directed to Virginia. The brave
and ingenious Gosnold, who had himself witnessed the fertility
of the western soil, long solicited the concurrence of his friends
for the establishment of a colony, and at last prevailed with
Edward Maria Wingfield, a merchant of the west of England,
Robert Hunt, a clergyman of fortitude and modest worth, and
John Smith, an adventurer of rarest qualities, to risk their lives
and hopes of fortune in an expedition. For more than a year
this little company revolved the project of a plantation. At the
same time Sir Ferdinando Gorges was gathering information of
the native Americans, whom he had received from Waymouth,
and whose descriptions of the country, joined to the favorable
views which he had already imbibed, filled him with the strong-
est desire of becoming a proprietary of domains beyond the
Atlantic. Gorges was a man of wealth, rank and influence; he
readily persuaded Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of Eng-
land, to share his intentions. Nor had the assigns of Raleigh
become indifferent to "western planting”; which the most dis-
tinguished of them all, “industrious Hakluyt,” the historian of
maritime enterprise, still promoted by his personal exertions, his
weight of character, and his invincible zeal. Possessed of what-
ever information could be derived from foreign sources and a cor-
respondence with eminent navigators of his times, and anxiously
watching the progress of Englishmen in the West, his extensive
knowledge made him a counselor in every colonial enterprise.
The King of England, too timid to be active, yet too vain to
be indifferent, favored the design of enlarging his dominions.
## p. 1440 (#238) ###########################################
1440
GEORGE BANCROFT
He had attempted in Scotland the introduction of the arts of life
among the Highlanders and the Western Isles, by the establish-
ment of colonies; and the Scottish plantations which he founded
in the northern counties of Ireland contributed to the affluence
and the security of that island. When, therefore, a company of
men of business and men of rank, formed by the experience of
Gosnold, the enthusiasm of Smith, the perseverance of Hakluyt,
the influence of Popham and Gorges, applied to James I. for
leave “to deduce a colony into Virginia,” the monarch, on the
tenth of April, 1606, readily set his seal to an ample patent.
The first colonial charter, under which the English were
planted in America, deserves careful consideration.
Copyrighted by D. Appleton and Company, New York.
MEN AND GOVERNMENT IN EARLY MASSACHUSETTS
From History of the United States)
TH
HESE better auspices, and the invitations of Winthrop, won
new emigrants from Europe. During the long summer
voyage of the two hundred passengers who freighted the
Griffin, three sermons a day beguiled their weariness. Among
them was Haynes, a man of very large estate, and larger affec-
tions; of a “heavenly” mind, and a spotless life; of rare sagacity,
and accurate but unassuming judgment; by nature tolerant, ever
a friend to freedom, ever conciliating peace; an able legislator;
dear to the people by his benevolent virtues and his disinterested
conduct. Then also came the most revered spiritual teachers of
two commonwealths: the acute and subtle Cotton, the son of a
Puritan lawyer; eminent in Cambridge as a scholar; quick in the
nice perception of distinctions, and pliant in dialects; in manner
persuasive rather than commanding; skilled in the fathers and
the schoolmen, but finding all their wisdom compactly stored in
Calvin; deeply devout by nature as well as habit from child-
hood; hating heresy and still precipitately eager to prevent evil
actions by suppressing ill opinions, yet verging toward a progress
in truth and in religious freedom; an avowed enemy to democ-
racy, which he feared as the blind despotism of animal instincts
in the multitude, yet opposing hereditary power in all its forms;
desiring a government of moral opinion, according to the laws of
universal equity, and claiming “the ultimate resolution for the
## p. 1441 (#239) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT
1441
whole body of the people: ” and Hooker, of vast endowments, a
strong will and an energetic mind; ingenuous in his temper, and
open in his professions; trained to benevolence by the discipline of
affliction; versed in tolerance by his refuge in Holland; choleric,
yet gentle in his affections; firm in his faith, yet readily yielding
to the power of reason; the peer of the reformers, without their
harshness; the devoted apostle to the humble and the poor, severe
toward the proud, mild in his soothings of a wounded spirit,
glowing with the raptures of devotion, and kindling with the
messages of redeeming love; his eye, voice, gesture, and whole
frame animate with the living vigor of heart-felt religion; public-
spirited and lavishly charitable; and, “though persecutions and
banishments had awaited him as one wave follows another,” ever
serenely blessed with “a glorious peace of soul”; fixed in his
trust in Providence, and in his adhesion to that cause of advan-
cing civilization, which he cherished always, even while it remained
to him a mystery. This was he whom, for his abilities and
services, his contemporaries placed in the first rank of men;
praising him as the one rich pearl, with which Europe more
than repaid America for the treasures from her coast. ” The
people to whom Hooker ministered had preceded him; as he
landed they crowded about him with their welcome. “Now I
live,” exclaimed he, as with open arms he embraced them, now
I live if ye stand fast in the Lord. ”
Thus recruited, the little band in Massachusetts grew more
jealous of its liberties. «The prophets in exile see the true forms
of the house. " By a common impulse, the freemen of the towns
chose deputies to consider in advance the duties of the general
court. The charter plainly gave legislative power to the whole
body of the freemen; if it allowed representatives, thought Win-
throp, it was only by inference; and, as the whole people could
not always assemble, the chief power, it was argued, lay neces-
sarily with the assistants.
Far different was the reasoning of the people. To check the
democratic tendency, Cotton, on the election day, preached to
the assembled freemen against rotation in office. The right of
an honest magistrate to his place was like that of a proprietor to
his freehold. But the electors, now between three and four
hundred in number, were bent on exercising their absolute
power,” and, reversing the decision of the pulpit, chose a new
governor and deputy. The mode of taking the votes was at the
III-91
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1442
GEORGE BANCROFT
same time reformed; and, instead of the erection of hands, the
ballot-box was introduced. Thus the people established a refor-
mation of such things as they judged to be amiss in the govern-
ment. ”
It was further decreed that the whole body of the freemen
should be convened only for the election of the magistrates: to
these, with deputies to be chosen by the several towns, the
powers of legislation and appointment were henceforward in-
trusted. The trading corporation was unconsciously become a
representative democracy.
The law against arbitrary taxation followed. None but the
immediate representatives of the people might dispose of lands
or raise money. Thus early did Massachusetts echo the voice of
Virginia, like deep calling unto deep. The state was filled with
the hum of village politicians; “the freemen of every town in
the Bay were busy in inquiring into their liberties and privi-
leges. With the exception of the principle of universal suffrage,
now so happily established, the representative democracy was as
perfect two centuries ago as it is to-day. Even the magistrates,
who acted as judges, held their office by the annual popular
choice. “Elections cannot be safe there long," said the lawyer
Lechford. The same prediction has been made these two hun-
dred years. The public mind, ever in perpetual agitation, is still
easily shaken, even by slight and transient impulses; but, after
all vibrations, it follows the laws of the moral world, and safely
recovers its balance.
Copyrighted by D. Appleton and Company, New York.
KING PHILIP'S WAR
From History of the United States)
T"
hus was Philip hurried into “his rebellion”; and he is reported
to have wept as he heard that a white man's blood had been
shed. He had kept his men about him in arms, and had
welcomed every stranger; and yet, against his judgment and his
will, he was involved in war. For what prospect had he of suc-
cess ?
The English were united; the Indians had no alliance:
the English made a common cause; half the Indians were allies
of the English, or were quiet spectators of the fight: the English
had guns enough; but few of the Indians were well armed, and
## p. 1443 (#241) ###########################################
GEORGE BANCROFT
1443
they could get no new supplies: the English had towns for their
shelter and safe retreat; the miserable wigwams of the natives
were defenseless: the English had sure supplies of food; the
Indians might easily lose their precarious stores. Frenzy prompted
their rising. They rose without hope, and they fought without
mercy. For them as a nation, there was no to-morrow.
The minds of the English were appalled by the horrors of the
impending conflict, and superstition indulged in its wild inventions.
At the time of the eclipse of the moon, you might have seen the
figure of an Indian scalp imprinted on the centre of its disk.
The perfect form of an Indian bow appeared in the sky. The
sighing of the wind was like the whistling of bullets. Some heard
invisible troops of horses gallop through the air, while others
found the prophecy of calamities in the howling of the wolves.
At the very beginning of danger the colonists exerted their
wonted energy. Volunteers from Massachusetts joined the troops
from Plymouth; and, within a week from the commencement of
hostilities, the insulated Pokanokets were driven from Mount
Hope, and in less than a month Philip was a fugitive among the
Nipmucks, the interior tribes of Massachusetts. The little army
of the colonists then entered the territory of the Narragansetts,
and from the reluctant tribe extorted a treaty of neutrality, with
a promise to deliver up every hostile Indian. Victory seemed
promptly assured. But it was only the commencement of horrors.
Canonchet, the chief sachem of the Narragansetts, was the son of
Miantonomoh; and could he forget his father's wrongs ? Desola-
tion extended along the whole frontier. Banished from his patri-
mony, where the pilgrims found a friend, and from his cabin,
which had sheltered the exiles, Philip, with his warriors, spread
through the country, awakening their brethren to a warfare of
extermination.
The war, on the part of the Indians, was one of ambuscades
and surprises. They never once met the English in open field;
but always, even if eightfold in numbers, fled timorously before
infantry. They were secret as beasts of prey, skillful marksmen,
and in part provided with firearms, fleet of foot, conversant with
all the paths of the forest, patient of fatigue, and mad with a
passion for rapine, vengeance, and destruction, retreating into
swamps for their fastnesses, or hiding in the greenwood thickets,
where the leaves muffled the eyes of the pursuer.
