In effect, indeed, we find men
proportion
their
claims of right to their present power.
claims of right to their present power.
Demosthenes - Leland - Orations
Hear me for a moment, and judge
whether my reasons be well founded or invalid.
I think, then, that if all the king's attempts in
Egypt had been crowned with effectual success,
Artemisia would have exerted her utmost efforts to
teduce Rhodes to his suDjection, not from an affection
to the king, but in order to bind him by a signal
favour should he extend his dominions to her neigh-
bourhood, that in return he might admit her to the
strictest connexions of friendship. But since he hath
acted, as fame reports'--since he hath been unsue-
1 We learn from Diodorus (1. xvi. ), that in the present year, when this
oration was delivered, Ochus had not penetrated as far as Egypt, but led
his army against Sidon; which city, being betrayed by Mentor and
Tennes, its king, was set on fire and reduced to ashes by the inhabitants.
From hence the Persians marched the next year into Egypt, where they
at first met with some sinister accidents (a considerable part of tbe army
being lostin morasses), though in the conclusion they were enabled to con-
quer Nectanebus at Pelusium, and to reduce him to the utmost extremity.
Thus the assertion of Demosthenes seems not reconcileable to history.
But it must not be forgotten, that a passionate eagerness for intelligence
was a distinguishing part of the character of the Athenians, which, we
must suppose, was frequently gratified by rumours and advices invented
to please them, and artfully or credulously propagated. Something of
this kind ought have happened at present; and agreeable news from th>>
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? ST2 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
cessful in all his attempts--she must suppose (and it
is in fact the case) that this islant. can be of no other
use to him but as a citadel to awe her kingdom and
to control her motions. So that, in my opinion, she
would rather that we were in possession of the island
(provided that this did not appear to be the act of
Artemisia) than that he should gain it. Nor would
she assist him in such an attempt, at least not with
sincerity ar. J vigour. As to the king, how he may
act oh any emergency I do not pretend to say. But
that it highly imports this state to have it known
explicitly whether he means to assert any claim to
Rhodes or no, this I firmly maintain. If he should,
our consultations are not to be confined to the Rho-
dians; our concern must be for ourselves and for all
the Greeks.
Yet, were these Rhodians, who now possess the
city, strong enough to maintain their possessions, I
should not have advised you to grant them aid: no,
though they should make you the most magnificent
promises. For I find, that in order to dissolve the
free government, they first seduced some citizens to
their party; and then, the moment they had gained
their purpose, they drove out those very citizens.
And they who have been false to both parties cannot.
I presume, prove faithful allies to this state. 1
Persian camp, whether believed by the orator or no, might have beer*
assumed as certain, without any scruple, te-answer the present purpose.
t At first glance, it may occur to the reader to ask how it comes that
Demosthenes, who pleads for the restoration of the popular state, here
seems to speak in favour of the reigning party. And though the com-
mentators, &c. take no notice of any difficulty in this passage, it may
not be deemed impertinent to endeavour to illustrate its purport and:
connexion. --Demosthenes has endeavoured to prove that the king, how-
ever he may favour or support the aristocracy at Rhodes, yet will not
consider the interposition of the Athenians in defence of the liberty of
that island as an acts of hostility against him ; and that neither he noe
Artemisia will oppose them. " Not that I pretend," says the orator
" to ascertain what the king's designs are, or what measures he may
pursue. But if he should assert any direct ciaim to the dominion of
Rhodes, his treaty with the Greeks is broken: we and all Greece arc
threatened. Tho question is no longer how the Rhodians shall bs
governed: the island must be defended for our own, sake, whatever
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? ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 273
These things I never should have urged had I only
considered the interest of Rhodes. 1 have no pub-
lic1 attachment to that state ; no particular connex-
ion with any of its citizens; or, were I engaged by
both these ties, in this assembly I should be influ-
enced only by the interest of my country. As to
these Rhodians (if one may so speak who pleads
for their protection), I rejoice at what hath hap-
pened; that the men who could not bear that we
should regain our just rights have now lost their own
liberty; that they who might have united on terms
of equality with the Greeks, and with us, the best of
Greeks, chose to admit Barbarians and slaves2 into
party may prevail there. Bat in such a case, it is the interest of Greece,
not that of the aristocratical faction at Rhodes, which should be con-
sidered; and however warrantable and just and prudent a vigorous
defence of the island would tben he; yet still, nothing but necessity,
nothing but the certainty of its falling into the power of the Persian,
without our assistance, could induce me to recommend the granting
that assistance. If the reigning party could by themselves defend the
island, they do not merit, nor should they be favoured with, our interpo-
sition : but if not, our own and our nation's interests require that we
should defeat the designs of the Persian against Rhodes, even though
this party should reap the immediate advantage. "
1 I have no public, &c. ]--The citizens of the more eminentstates in
Greece had it sometimes in their power to confer favours on inferior
communities; and these in return expressed their gratitude by declar-
ing that such persons should, at any time during their residence among
them, be entitled to entertainment at the public expense. In like man
ner favours conferred and received by particular persons entitled them
to the rights of private hospitality from each other. These were decla
rations of the most strict and inviolable friendship; and the least
neglect or violation of this hospitality was accounted a crime of the
most heinous nature. --The expressions in the original are founded on
these customs.
2 By Barbarians and slaves be means the forces of Artemisia, which
she sent to the assistance of the aristocratical faction, and which they
kept in the citadel for their defence. --Ijuccheshu. --The admission of
these forces into Rhodes is ascribed by Vitruvius to a stratagem of an
extraordinary nature. He tells us the Rhodians held a private intelli-
gence in Halicarnassus, the capital of Caria, and hoped that the inhabit-
ants would willingly unite with them, in order to shake off the yoke
of a woman. In these expectations they sent a fleet thither. But Arte-
misia, having discovered the plot, ordered the inhabitants to range them-
selves under their wails, and to receive the Rhodians as their expected
deliverers. Deceived by this appearance, the Rhodians landed, and left
their ships deserted. They were surrounded, and cut to pieces. Arte-
misia, who had ordered her galleys to fall down some canals which
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? 274 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
their citadel, and to become their abject vassals. I
had almost said that these things must prove of use
to them, if you vouchsafe your aid. In a course of
prosperity, I know not whether they would ever
have returned to reason; for they are Rhodians. 1
But now, taught by experience that perverse folly
is the cause of numberless calamities, they may
possibly entertain sentiments more just and prudent
for the future. And this, I apprehend, would be no
small advantage to them. Let us then endeavour
to avert their ruin: let us not harbour ancient resent-
ments: let it be remembered that you yourselves
have oftentimes been deceived by those who enter-
tained designs against the state ; and yet on none
of these will you confess that punishment should be
inflicted.
Let it also be considered that you, my fellow-citi-
zens, have waged many wars against states both of
popular and oligarchical government. Of this you
are not to be informed : but perhaps you have never
once reflected what were the causes of your several
wars with each. With popular states2 your wars
arose from particular complaints, which could not
be decided in a national council; or from disputes
about districts and boundaries; or from the love of
glory or pre-eminence. But of your wars with
oligarchies,3 there were different causes: with these
communicated with the port, and to seize their ships, now set sail in
the Rhodian fleet, and appeared before their island. It was supposed
by the people of Rhodes that their own army was returned victorious;
and the Carians were masters of their fortress before the fatal mistake
was perceived.
t They are Rhodians. ]--Homer calls the Rhodians Wio^arouff, inso-
lent. And to this day they are said to be distinguished by the same
fault, though now reduced to the extremity of slavery. --Lucchesini.
2 1 imagine that the orator had here in view the expeditions against
the Corinthians and Syracusans. With the former the Athenians con
tended about boundaries and territory ; particular causes of complaint,
but especially ambition, prompted them to wage war against the latter
And the government both of Corinth and Syracuse was regularly demo-
cratical. --Lucchesini. v
3 By oligarchies the orator means the Boeotians and Mcgareans, but
principally the Lacedemonians. --Lucchesini.
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? ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 275
you fought for your constitution, for your liberty.
So that I should not scruple to avow my opinion that
it would be better for us to be at war with all the
states of Greece, provided1 that they enjoyed a popu-
lar government, than to be in friendship with them
all, if commanded by oligarchies ; for with free states
I should not think it difficult to conclude a peace
whenever you were inclined ; but with oligarchical
governments we could not even form a union to be
relied on: for it is not possible that the few can en-
tertain a sincere affection for the many; or the
friends of arbitrary power for the men who choose
to live in free equality.
l With all the states of Greece, provided, &c. ]--To this the orator sub-
joins a reason, which makes the assertion appear less extraordinary:
" If attacked by all, it is true, the contest could not be supported, yet no
terms of accommodation would be imposed that would alter or destroy
our constitution. But no peace could secure the freedom of the only
democratical state. The enemies of liberty, however apparently recon-
ciled, must ever hate and fear, and at length destroy it. "--As I have
taken the liberty to translate this passage in a manner different from
that of the commentators and interpreters, it will be necessary fairly to
quote the original at large: 'Start cywyc ovk av oKvtiffaifit uttbiv fiaXKov
hyetadat ovfitptpetv, SrifioKpatovfievovs tovs t'E\Xr}vas hitavtas itoXzptiv
vpiv iKryapxovfievovs <f>tXovs ctvat. --AtipoKpatovfiEVovg tovs 'EXX^va?
hath been generally taken as equivalent to tovs rwv 'EXX^iw SiifioKpa-
rovfitvavs, &c. ; and the original understood as containing this asser-
tion, "It would be more eligible that all the republics in Greece should
be at war with us, than that we should be in alliance with all the oligar-
chies. " The learned in the Greek language will determme whether, in
orde- to warrant this interpretation, the form of the sentence in the
original should not have been tovs IrifioKparovfitvovs 'EWrivas, instead
of dtifioKpatovfievovs tovsi &c. But, not to insist on grammatical nice-
ties, 11 is submitted to the reader who attends to the history and cir-
cumstances of Greece, whether to be at war with the free states, that
is. the states of Peloponnesus, or to be in alliance with the oligarchies,
that is (principally), the states of Lacedsemon and Bceotia, be two par-
ticulars so necessarily incompatible as to oblige the Athenians to choose
one or the other. If it be said that it is sufficient to suppose that par-
ticular quarrels might arise, in which a union with Sparta and Bceotia
Would prevent the free states from attacking the Athenians, and the
rejecting this union might encourage them to th*. attack ; in such case
I suspect that Che orator never could have advised his countrymen to
engage singly in a war. as the most eligible measure, which, by weak-
ening each party, would render both an easier prey to those who are
supposed (from the nature of their constitution) to be their common
enemies. And such advice would still be more unaccountable should
It be supposed, that in consequence of rejecting the alliance of Sparta
and Bee Kia, these states would unite with the enemies of Athens,
i
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? 278 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
I am surprised that none among you should con-
ceive, that if the Chians, and the Mityleneans, and.
now the Rhodians, are to be subjected to a few,1 iP
had almost said, if all mankind are to be thus en-
slaved, our constitution must be threatened with
danger. It is surprising that none among you should
reflect, that if this form of polity be established in
every place, it is not possible that our free govern-
ment should be suffered to continue: for it must
then be certain that none others but the Athenians
can arise to restore affairs to their original state of
freedom; and those whom men regard as dangerous
they must ever labour to destroy. In every other
case they who act unjustly are enemies only to those
whom their injustice hath immediately affected; but
they who subvert free states, and reduce them to
the power of a few, are to be deemed the common
enemies of all the zealous friends of liberty. And
justice too demands, ye men of Athens, that you,
who enjoy a popular government, should discover
the same concern for the misfortunes of other free
states which you yourselves would expect from
them, if at any time (which Heaven avert! ) the like
misfortunes should oppress you. It may be said,
indeed, that the Rhodians are deservedly distressed:
but this is not a time for such objections. Let the
prosperous ever show the tenderest solicitude for
the unhappy, since none can say what may be their
own future fortune.
I have heard it frequently observed in this assem
bly, that when the state was in its deepest distress,
there were not wanting friends to concert measures
for its restoration. Of this I shall at present briefly
1 From this passage it seems not improbable tbat the designs of the-
Perrian had extended farther than to Rhodes, and that he had by hi>>
power <<r influence lately made alterations in the state and government
of these inferior islands which the embarrassed condition of the Athe-
nians, and their attention to the motions of the Macedonian king, migtu
have prevented them trom opposing.
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? ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 277
mention but one instance--I mean that of the Ar-
rives. ' And I should be sorry that we, whose dis-
tinguished character it is to protect the wietched,
should appear inferior to the Argives in this particu-
lar. They, though seated on the borders of Lace-
daemon, witnesses of the uncontrolled power of this
city, both by sea and land, yet couldnot be diverted,
could not be deterred from expressing their affection
to the Athenians. When ambassadors came from
Lacedaemon to demand some Athenian exiles who
had taken refuge at Argos, they declared by a de-
cree, that unless these ambassadors departed from
their city before the setting sun they should be ac-
counted. enemies. And would it not be shameful,
my countrymen, that the populace of Argos should,
in such times as these, defy the terror of the Lacedae-
monian power and sovereignty, and yet that you, who
are Athenians, should be terrified by a Barbarian,
nay, by a woman ? The Argives might have justly
pleaded that they had oftentimes been conquered
by the Lacedaemonians. But you have frequently
proved victorious over the king; never were once
defeated, either by his slaves or by himself. Or, if
the Persian boasts to have obtained any advantage
over us, he owes it to those treasures which he lav-
ished on the corrupt traitors and hirelings of Greece.
If ever he hath prevailed, by these means hath he
prevailed. Nor have such successes proved of real
use. No: we find that, at the very time when he
was endeavouring to depress this state by the help
of Lacedaemon, his own dominions were exposed to
the dangerous attempts of Clearchus and Cyrus. 3
- This instance of the magnanimity of the Argives most have been
particularly agreeable to the assembly, as the form of government at
Argos was, like that of Athens, republican. The memory of this noble
and generous act has been passed over by historians: but we have it
here preserved, enlivened, and enforced by the most vivid colouring and
the utmost strength of expression. --Liicckesini.
2 In the first year of the ninety-fourth Olympiad the Lacedaemonians
became masters of Athens, and there established the thirty tyrants. In
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? 278 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Thus were his avowed attacks ever unsuccessful,
his secret practices attended with no real advantage.
There are men among you who frequently affect
a disregard of Philip, as if beneath their attention;
but of the king express the most terrible apprehen-
sions, as of an enemy truly dangerous to those whom
he may determine to attack. If, then, we are never
to oppose the one, because weak, and to make un-
bounded concessions to the other, because formida-
ble, against whom, my countrymen, are we to draw
our swords?
There are men, too, most powerful in pleading for
the rights of others in opposition to your demands.
To these I would make one request; that they
should endeavour to display an equal zeal in the
defence of your rights against your adversaries.
Thus shall they be the first to show a real regard
to justice. It is absurd to urge its precepts to you
if they themselves pay no deference to its authority.
And surely a member of this state cannot pretend
to a regard for justice, who seeks industriously for
every argument against us, never for those which
may be urged in our favour. Consider, I conjure
you, why, among the Byzantines, there is no man
to inform them that they are not to seize Chalcedon,1
which is really the king's; which you some time
possessed; but to which they have no sort of claim:
that they should not attempt to reduce Sylembria to
their subjection, a city once united in alliance with
us: that in assuming a power of determining the '
boundaries of the Sylembriao territory, the Byzan-
tines violate their oaths, they infringe those treaties
the fourth year of the same Olympiad Cyrus took up arms against his
brother Artaxerxes. So that between these two events but a smali
interval of time intervened ; which sufficiently warrants the assertion
of the orator. --Jjucchesiui.
1 Chalcedon. ]--This city of Bithynia, after various vicissitudes of for-
tune, had been given up to the King of Persia by the peace of Antalcidas-
But now it appears to have been exposed in the invasions of the Byzan-
tines as well as Sylembria, a maritime town in the neighbourhood of
Byzantium. --Lucchesini.
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? ORATION FOU THE KHODIANS.
which say expressly that this people shall be gov-
erned by their own laws. Why, during the life of
Mausolus, or since his death, hath no one been found
to inform Artemisia that she is not to possess her-
self of Cos, of Rhodes, of many other Grecian
states, which the king, who was master of them,
ceded by treaty to the Greeks, and for which the
Greeks of those days encountered many dangers,
supported many noble contests! Or, were these
things thus urged to both, that they would have any
influence, is by no means probable. --I, on my part,
see no injustice in reinstating the people of Rhodes;
but, even if it were not strictly just, yet when I
view the actions of others, I think it my duty to
recommend this measure. And why ? Because, if all
others confined themselves within the bounds of
justice, it would be shameful that you, Athenians,
should be the only people to transgress. But when
every other state seeks all opportunities of acting
injuriously, that you alone should give up every ad
vantage, from pretended scruples, and nice distinc-
tions of right, this is not justice but cowardice.
In effect, indeed, we find men proportion their
claims of right to their present power. Of this I
"hall mention one example well known to all.
M'heie sue two treaties1 on record between the Greeks
1 The passage, as here translated, plainly points out the two most
famous treaties concluded between the Greeks and Persians; the one
by Cimon tho Athenian (An. 3. Olymp. 77); the other by Antalciuas
the Lacedaemonian (An. 2. Olymp. 98): the first was made immediately
after the final overthrow of the Persian forces both by sea and land.
By this treaty it was provided that all the Grecian cities in Asia should
be free and independent, and that no Persian ship of war should presume
to sail to the westward of the Cyanaeau and Chelidonian islands; that
is, to approach so near as to give the least umbrage or alarm to the
Greeks; terms which plainly supposed the superiority of Greece, and
? re accordingly represented by historians as highly honourable to this
nation. The latter treaty, on the contrary, was dictated by the Persians,
and the weakness and disorders of the Greeks obliged them to accept of
is. By this the Grecian colonies of Asia, together with some of the
islands, were formally given up to the power and jurisdiction of the
Persian king: and historians have not restrained their indignation at
the meanness and ignominy of these concessions.
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? 280 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and the king; that which our state concluded, which !
is the subject of universal praise; and this latter
made by the Lacedaemonians, which was condemned
as odious and dishonourable. In these treaties the
rights of either party were by no means defined in
the same manner; and no wonder, for in civil
society the rights of individuals are determined by
the laws, with the same equal and common regard
to the weak and to the strong; but, in political and
national transactions, the powerful ever prescribe
the bounds of right to the weaker. You assume the
character of arbitrators and defenders of justice: be
careful then to preserve such power as may give
due weight and effect to your determinations: and
this will be done by showing that the Athenians are
the general patrons and protectors of liberty.
Sensible, indeed, I am, and with good reason, that
it is not without the utmost difficulty that you can
execute any purposes of moment. All others have
but one contest to maintain, that against their avowed
enemies: when they have once conquered these, they
enjoy the fruits of their conquest without further op- '
position. But you, Athenians, have a double contest
to support. Like others, you have your open ene-
mies ; but you have enemies still more dangerous
and alarming: you have those of your own citizens
to subdue, who in this assembly are engaged against
the interests of their country: and, as they are ever
strenuous in their opposition to all useful measures,
it is no wonder that many of our designs are frus-
trated. Perhaps those emoluments which their cor-
-upters hold forth to tempt them maybe the induce-
The interpreters and commentators have indeed rendered this pas-
sage itt another manner. But, without entering into controversy, the
translator submits the pertinency and propriety of the present interpre-
tation to the judgment of the learned reader; by no means confident,
yet not without hopes of his concurrence. And should he happen to be
more fortunate, in some particular instance, than his predecessors or
associates in the same labour, he esteems it a matter which, warrants
no sort of triumph or exultation.
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? ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 281
ment to many boldly to aspire to the rank of ministers
and public counsellors. But still you yourselves may
be justly blamed: for it is your part, Athenians, to
entertain the same sentiments with regard to the rank
of civil duty as to that of battle. And what are these
sentiments 1 He who deserts the post assigned him
by the general you pronounce infamous,1 and un-
worthy to share the common rights of an Athenian
citizen. In like manner, he who, in our civil polity,
abandons the station assigned by our ancestors, and
attempts to establish the power Of the few, should be
declared unworthy to speak in this assembly. Do
you think it necessary to bind our allies by an oath
to have the same friends and the same enemies with
us, in order to be assured of their attachment ? And
shall those ministers be deemed truly loyal who are
certainly and evidently devoted to the service of our
enemies ?
But what might be urged in accusation against
them, what might be urged with severity against yon,
it is by no means difficult to find. By what counsels,
by what conduct the present disorders of our state
may be removed--this is the great point of difficulty.
Nor is this perhaps the time to enlarge on every par-
ticular. Exert yourselves on the present occasion ;
endeavour to render your designs effectual by an ad-
vantageous execution; and then your other interests
may, perhaps, gradually wear a fairer aspect.
It is therefore my opinion that you should engage
in the affairs of this people with the utmost vigour,
and act as becomes the dignity of Athens. Think
with what joy you attend to those who praise your
1 In the Olynthiac orations we find Demosthenes complaining that the
severity of the ancient military laws had been considerably relaxed: and
this passage furnishes us with a remarkable instance of such relaxation;
for, by the original laws and constitutions of Athens, it was declared a
capital offence for any citizen to fly, or to desert from his post. Even he
who cast away his shield was punished with death. If any man lost
It by accidental neglect he was bound to pay a fine of five hundred
drachma:. --Lucchmni
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? 282
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
ancestors, who display their achievements, and re-
count their trophies; and think that your ancestors
erected these trophies, not that the view might barely
strike you with admiration, but that you might imi-
tate the virtues of the men who raised them. 1
t From the succeeding oration we learn that the address and energy
which Demosthenes exerted in favour of the people of Rhodes were by no
means effectual. The times in which he lived were distracted and cor-
rupted ; his country not well disposed, nor indeed possessed of force suffi-
cient to support the general cause of liberty. The assembly in which he
spoke was (if we except some extraordinary cases of immediate danger)
ever governed by party. The citizens came together, not to deliberate
on the public interests, but to support a faction, already determined and
resolved in what manner to give their voices, and arn ed against the.
power of truth. It is no wonder, therefore, that we find the most con
? animate eloquence, the justest, the strongest, and the most animated
representations in so many instances unsuccessful.
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? >
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whether my reasons be well founded or invalid.
I think, then, that if all the king's attempts in
Egypt had been crowned with effectual success,
Artemisia would have exerted her utmost efforts to
teduce Rhodes to his suDjection, not from an affection
to the king, but in order to bind him by a signal
favour should he extend his dominions to her neigh-
bourhood, that in return he might admit her to the
strictest connexions of friendship. But since he hath
acted, as fame reports'--since he hath been unsue-
1 We learn from Diodorus (1. xvi. ), that in the present year, when this
oration was delivered, Ochus had not penetrated as far as Egypt, but led
his army against Sidon; which city, being betrayed by Mentor and
Tennes, its king, was set on fire and reduced to ashes by the inhabitants.
From hence the Persians marched the next year into Egypt, where they
at first met with some sinister accidents (a considerable part of tbe army
being lostin morasses), though in the conclusion they were enabled to con-
quer Nectanebus at Pelusium, and to reduce him to the utmost extremity.
Thus the assertion of Demosthenes seems not reconcileable to history.
But it must not be forgotten, that a passionate eagerness for intelligence
was a distinguishing part of the character of the Athenians, which, we
must suppose, was frequently gratified by rumours and advices invented
to please them, and artfully or credulously propagated. Something of
this kind ought have happened at present; and agreeable news from th>>
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? ST2 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
cessful in all his attempts--she must suppose (and it
is in fact the case) that this islant. can be of no other
use to him but as a citadel to awe her kingdom and
to control her motions. So that, in my opinion, she
would rather that we were in possession of the island
(provided that this did not appear to be the act of
Artemisia) than that he should gain it. Nor would
she assist him in such an attempt, at least not with
sincerity ar. J vigour. As to the king, how he may
act oh any emergency I do not pretend to say. But
that it highly imports this state to have it known
explicitly whether he means to assert any claim to
Rhodes or no, this I firmly maintain. If he should,
our consultations are not to be confined to the Rho-
dians; our concern must be for ourselves and for all
the Greeks.
Yet, were these Rhodians, who now possess the
city, strong enough to maintain their possessions, I
should not have advised you to grant them aid: no,
though they should make you the most magnificent
promises. For I find, that in order to dissolve the
free government, they first seduced some citizens to
their party; and then, the moment they had gained
their purpose, they drove out those very citizens.
And they who have been false to both parties cannot.
I presume, prove faithful allies to this state. 1
Persian camp, whether believed by the orator or no, might have beer*
assumed as certain, without any scruple, te-answer the present purpose.
t At first glance, it may occur to the reader to ask how it comes that
Demosthenes, who pleads for the restoration of the popular state, here
seems to speak in favour of the reigning party. And though the com-
mentators, &c. take no notice of any difficulty in this passage, it may
not be deemed impertinent to endeavour to illustrate its purport and:
connexion. --Demosthenes has endeavoured to prove that the king, how-
ever he may favour or support the aristocracy at Rhodes, yet will not
consider the interposition of the Athenians in defence of the liberty of
that island as an acts of hostility against him ; and that neither he noe
Artemisia will oppose them. " Not that I pretend," says the orator
" to ascertain what the king's designs are, or what measures he may
pursue. But if he should assert any direct ciaim to the dominion of
Rhodes, his treaty with the Greeks is broken: we and all Greece arc
threatened. Tho question is no longer how the Rhodians shall bs
governed: the island must be defended for our own, sake, whatever
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? ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 273
These things I never should have urged had I only
considered the interest of Rhodes. 1 have no pub-
lic1 attachment to that state ; no particular connex-
ion with any of its citizens; or, were I engaged by
both these ties, in this assembly I should be influ-
enced only by the interest of my country. As to
these Rhodians (if one may so speak who pleads
for their protection), I rejoice at what hath hap-
pened; that the men who could not bear that we
should regain our just rights have now lost their own
liberty; that they who might have united on terms
of equality with the Greeks, and with us, the best of
Greeks, chose to admit Barbarians and slaves2 into
party may prevail there. Bat in such a case, it is the interest of Greece,
not that of the aristocratical faction at Rhodes, which should be con-
sidered; and however warrantable and just and prudent a vigorous
defence of the island would tben he; yet still, nothing but necessity,
nothing but the certainty of its falling into the power of the Persian,
without our assistance, could induce me to recommend the granting
that assistance. If the reigning party could by themselves defend the
island, they do not merit, nor should they be favoured with, our interpo-
sition : but if not, our own and our nation's interests require that we
should defeat the designs of the Persian against Rhodes, even though
this party should reap the immediate advantage. "
1 I have no public, &c. ]--The citizens of the more eminentstates in
Greece had it sometimes in their power to confer favours on inferior
communities; and these in return expressed their gratitude by declar-
ing that such persons should, at any time during their residence among
them, be entitled to entertainment at the public expense. In like man
ner favours conferred and received by particular persons entitled them
to the rights of private hospitality from each other. These were decla
rations of the most strict and inviolable friendship; and the least
neglect or violation of this hospitality was accounted a crime of the
most heinous nature. --The expressions in the original are founded on
these customs.
2 By Barbarians and slaves be means the forces of Artemisia, which
she sent to the assistance of the aristocratical faction, and which they
kept in the citadel for their defence. --Ijuccheshu. --The admission of
these forces into Rhodes is ascribed by Vitruvius to a stratagem of an
extraordinary nature. He tells us the Rhodians held a private intelli-
gence in Halicarnassus, the capital of Caria, and hoped that the inhabit-
ants would willingly unite with them, in order to shake off the yoke
of a woman. In these expectations they sent a fleet thither. But Arte-
misia, having discovered the plot, ordered the inhabitants to range them-
selves under their wails, and to receive the Rhodians as their expected
deliverers. Deceived by this appearance, the Rhodians landed, and left
their ships deserted. They were surrounded, and cut to pieces. Arte-
misia, who had ordered her galleys to fall down some canals which
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? 274 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
their citadel, and to become their abject vassals. I
had almost said that these things must prove of use
to them, if you vouchsafe your aid. In a course of
prosperity, I know not whether they would ever
have returned to reason; for they are Rhodians. 1
But now, taught by experience that perverse folly
is the cause of numberless calamities, they may
possibly entertain sentiments more just and prudent
for the future. And this, I apprehend, would be no
small advantage to them. Let us then endeavour
to avert their ruin: let us not harbour ancient resent-
ments: let it be remembered that you yourselves
have oftentimes been deceived by those who enter-
tained designs against the state ; and yet on none
of these will you confess that punishment should be
inflicted.
Let it also be considered that you, my fellow-citi-
zens, have waged many wars against states both of
popular and oligarchical government. Of this you
are not to be informed : but perhaps you have never
once reflected what were the causes of your several
wars with each. With popular states2 your wars
arose from particular complaints, which could not
be decided in a national council; or from disputes
about districts and boundaries; or from the love of
glory or pre-eminence. But of your wars with
oligarchies,3 there were different causes: with these
communicated with the port, and to seize their ships, now set sail in
the Rhodian fleet, and appeared before their island. It was supposed
by the people of Rhodes that their own army was returned victorious;
and the Carians were masters of their fortress before the fatal mistake
was perceived.
t They are Rhodians. ]--Homer calls the Rhodians Wio^arouff, inso-
lent. And to this day they are said to be distinguished by the same
fault, though now reduced to the extremity of slavery. --Lucchesini.
2 1 imagine that the orator had here in view the expeditions against
the Corinthians and Syracusans. With the former the Athenians con
tended about boundaries and territory ; particular causes of complaint,
but especially ambition, prompted them to wage war against the latter
And the government both of Corinth and Syracuse was regularly demo-
cratical. --Lucchesini. v
3 By oligarchies the orator means the Boeotians and Mcgareans, but
principally the Lacedemonians. --Lucchesini.
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? ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 275
you fought for your constitution, for your liberty.
So that I should not scruple to avow my opinion that
it would be better for us to be at war with all the
states of Greece, provided1 that they enjoyed a popu-
lar government, than to be in friendship with them
all, if commanded by oligarchies ; for with free states
I should not think it difficult to conclude a peace
whenever you were inclined ; but with oligarchical
governments we could not even form a union to be
relied on: for it is not possible that the few can en-
tertain a sincere affection for the many; or the
friends of arbitrary power for the men who choose
to live in free equality.
l With all the states of Greece, provided, &c. ]--To this the orator sub-
joins a reason, which makes the assertion appear less extraordinary:
" If attacked by all, it is true, the contest could not be supported, yet no
terms of accommodation would be imposed that would alter or destroy
our constitution. But no peace could secure the freedom of the only
democratical state. The enemies of liberty, however apparently recon-
ciled, must ever hate and fear, and at length destroy it. "--As I have
taken the liberty to translate this passage in a manner different from
that of the commentators and interpreters, it will be necessary fairly to
quote the original at large: 'Start cywyc ovk av oKvtiffaifit uttbiv fiaXKov
hyetadat ovfitptpetv, SrifioKpatovfievovs tovs t'E\Xr}vas hitavtas itoXzptiv
vpiv iKryapxovfievovs <f>tXovs ctvat. --AtipoKpatovfiEVovg tovs 'EXX^va?
hath been generally taken as equivalent to tovs rwv 'EXX^iw SiifioKpa-
rovfitvavs, &c. ; and the original understood as containing this asser-
tion, "It would be more eligible that all the republics in Greece should
be at war with us, than that we should be in alliance with all the oligar-
chies. " The learned in the Greek language will determme whether, in
orde- to warrant this interpretation, the form of the sentence in the
original should not have been tovs IrifioKparovfitvovs 'EWrivas, instead
of dtifioKpatovfievovs tovsi &c. But, not to insist on grammatical nice-
ties, 11 is submitted to the reader who attends to the history and cir-
cumstances of Greece, whether to be at war with the free states, that
is. the states of Peloponnesus, or to be in alliance with the oligarchies,
that is (principally), the states of Lacedsemon and Bceotia, be two par-
ticulars so necessarily incompatible as to oblige the Athenians to choose
one or the other. If it be said that it is sufficient to suppose that par-
ticular quarrels might arise, in which a union with Sparta and Bceotia
Would prevent the free states from attacking the Athenians, and the
rejecting this union might encourage them to th*. attack ; in such case
I suspect that Che orator never could have advised his countrymen to
engage singly in a war. as the most eligible measure, which, by weak-
ening each party, would render both an easier prey to those who are
supposed (from the nature of their constitution) to be their common
enemies. And such advice would still be more unaccountable should
It be supposed, that in consequence of rejecting the alliance of Sparta
and Bee Kia, these states would unite with the enemies of Athens,
i
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? 278 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
I am surprised that none among you should con-
ceive, that if the Chians, and the Mityleneans, and.
now the Rhodians, are to be subjected to a few,1 iP
had almost said, if all mankind are to be thus en-
slaved, our constitution must be threatened with
danger. It is surprising that none among you should
reflect, that if this form of polity be established in
every place, it is not possible that our free govern-
ment should be suffered to continue: for it must
then be certain that none others but the Athenians
can arise to restore affairs to their original state of
freedom; and those whom men regard as dangerous
they must ever labour to destroy. In every other
case they who act unjustly are enemies only to those
whom their injustice hath immediately affected; but
they who subvert free states, and reduce them to
the power of a few, are to be deemed the common
enemies of all the zealous friends of liberty. And
justice too demands, ye men of Athens, that you,
who enjoy a popular government, should discover
the same concern for the misfortunes of other free
states which you yourselves would expect from
them, if at any time (which Heaven avert! ) the like
misfortunes should oppress you. It may be said,
indeed, that the Rhodians are deservedly distressed:
but this is not a time for such objections. Let the
prosperous ever show the tenderest solicitude for
the unhappy, since none can say what may be their
own future fortune.
I have heard it frequently observed in this assem
bly, that when the state was in its deepest distress,
there were not wanting friends to concert measures
for its restoration. Of this I shall at present briefly
1 From this passage it seems not improbable tbat the designs of the-
Perrian had extended farther than to Rhodes, and that he had by hi>>
power <<r influence lately made alterations in the state and government
of these inferior islands which the embarrassed condition of the Athe-
nians, and their attention to the motions of the Macedonian king, migtu
have prevented them trom opposing.
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? ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 277
mention but one instance--I mean that of the Ar-
rives. ' And I should be sorry that we, whose dis-
tinguished character it is to protect the wietched,
should appear inferior to the Argives in this particu-
lar. They, though seated on the borders of Lace-
daemon, witnesses of the uncontrolled power of this
city, both by sea and land, yet couldnot be diverted,
could not be deterred from expressing their affection
to the Athenians. When ambassadors came from
Lacedaemon to demand some Athenian exiles who
had taken refuge at Argos, they declared by a de-
cree, that unless these ambassadors departed from
their city before the setting sun they should be ac-
counted. enemies. And would it not be shameful,
my countrymen, that the populace of Argos should,
in such times as these, defy the terror of the Lacedae-
monian power and sovereignty, and yet that you, who
are Athenians, should be terrified by a Barbarian,
nay, by a woman ? The Argives might have justly
pleaded that they had oftentimes been conquered
by the Lacedaemonians. But you have frequently
proved victorious over the king; never were once
defeated, either by his slaves or by himself. Or, if
the Persian boasts to have obtained any advantage
over us, he owes it to those treasures which he lav-
ished on the corrupt traitors and hirelings of Greece.
If ever he hath prevailed, by these means hath he
prevailed. Nor have such successes proved of real
use. No: we find that, at the very time when he
was endeavouring to depress this state by the help
of Lacedaemon, his own dominions were exposed to
the dangerous attempts of Clearchus and Cyrus. 3
- This instance of the magnanimity of the Argives most have been
particularly agreeable to the assembly, as the form of government at
Argos was, like that of Athens, republican. The memory of this noble
and generous act has been passed over by historians: but we have it
here preserved, enlivened, and enforced by the most vivid colouring and
the utmost strength of expression. --Liicckesini.
2 In the first year of the ninety-fourth Olympiad the Lacedaemonians
became masters of Athens, and there established the thirty tyrants. In
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? 278 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Thus were his avowed attacks ever unsuccessful,
his secret practices attended with no real advantage.
There are men among you who frequently affect
a disregard of Philip, as if beneath their attention;
but of the king express the most terrible apprehen-
sions, as of an enemy truly dangerous to those whom
he may determine to attack. If, then, we are never
to oppose the one, because weak, and to make un-
bounded concessions to the other, because formida-
ble, against whom, my countrymen, are we to draw
our swords?
There are men, too, most powerful in pleading for
the rights of others in opposition to your demands.
To these I would make one request; that they
should endeavour to display an equal zeal in the
defence of your rights against your adversaries.
Thus shall they be the first to show a real regard
to justice. It is absurd to urge its precepts to you
if they themselves pay no deference to its authority.
And surely a member of this state cannot pretend
to a regard for justice, who seeks industriously for
every argument against us, never for those which
may be urged in our favour. Consider, I conjure
you, why, among the Byzantines, there is no man
to inform them that they are not to seize Chalcedon,1
which is really the king's; which you some time
possessed; but to which they have no sort of claim:
that they should not attempt to reduce Sylembria to
their subjection, a city once united in alliance with
us: that in assuming a power of determining the '
boundaries of the Sylembriao territory, the Byzan-
tines violate their oaths, they infringe those treaties
the fourth year of the same Olympiad Cyrus took up arms against his
brother Artaxerxes. So that between these two events but a smali
interval of time intervened ; which sufficiently warrants the assertion
of the orator. --Jjucchesiui.
1 Chalcedon. ]--This city of Bithynia, after various vicissitudes of for-
tune, had been given up to the King of Persia by the peace of Antalcidas-
But now it appears to have been exposed in the invasions of the Byzan-
tines as well as Sylembria, a maritime town in the neighbourhood of
Byzantium. --Lucchesini.
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? ORATION FOU THE KHODIANS.
which say expressly that this people shall be gov-
erned by their own laws. Why, during the life of
Mausolus, or since his death, hath no one been found
to inform Artemisia that she is not to possess her-
self of Cos, of Rhodes, of many other Grecian
states, which the king, who was master of them,
ceded by treaty to the Greeks, and for which the
Greeks of those days encountered many dangers,
supported many noble contests! Or, were these
things thus urged to both, that they would have any
influence, is by no means probable. --I, on my part,
see no injustice in reinstating the people of Rhodes;
but, even if it were not strictly just, yet when I
view the actions of others, I think it my duty to
recommend this measure. And why ? Because, if all
others confined themselves within the bounds of
justice, it would be shameful that you, Athenians,
should be the only people to transgress. But when
every other state seeks all opportunities of acting
injuriously, that you alone should give up every ad
vantage, from pretended scruples, and nice distinc-
tions of right, this is not justice but cowardice.
In effect, indeed, we find men proportion their
claims of right to their present power. Of this I
"hall mention one example well known to all.
M'heie sue two treaties1 on record between the Greeks
1 The passage, as here translated, plainly points out the two most
famous treaties concluded between the Greeks and Persians; the one
by Cimon tho Athenian (An. 3. Olymp. 77); the other by Antalciuas
the Lacedaemonian (An. 2. Olymp. 98): the first was made immediately
after the final overthrow of the Persian forces both by sea and land.
By this treaty it was provided that all the Grecian cities in Asia should
be free and independent, and that no Persian ship of war should presume
to sail to the westward of the Cyanaeau and Chelidonian islands; that
is, to approach so near as to give the least umbrage or alarm to the
Greeks; terms which plainly supposed the superiority of Greece, and
? re accordingly represented by historians as highly honourable to this
nation. The latter treaty, on the contrary, was dictated by the Persians,
and the weakness and disorders of the Greeks obliged them to accept of
is. By this the Grecian colonies of Asia, together with some of the
islands, were formally given up to the power and jurisdiction of the
Persian king: and historians have not restrained their indignation at
the meanness and ignominy of these concessions.
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? 280 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and the king; that which our state concluded, which !
is the subject of universal praise; and this latter
made by the Lacedaemonians, which was condemned
as odious and dishonourable. In these treaties the
rights of either party were by no means defined in
the same manner; and no wonder, for in civil
society the rights of individuals are determined by
the laws, with the same equal and common regard
to the weak and to the strong; but, in political and
national transactions, the powerful ever prescribe
the bounds of right to the weaker. You assume the
character of arbitrators and defenders of justice: be
careful then to preserve such power as may give
due weight and effect to your determinations: and
this will be done by showing that the Athenians are
the general patrons and protectors of liberty.
Sensible, indeed, I am, and with good reason, that
it is not without the utmost difficulty that you can
execute any purposes of moment. All others have
but one contest to maintain, that against their avowed
enemies: when they have once conquered these, they
enjoy the fruits of their conquest without further op- '
position. But you, Athenians, have a double contest
to support. Like others, you have your open ene-
mies ; but you have enemies still more dangerous
and alarming: you have those of your own citizens
to subdue, who in this assembly are engaged against
the interests of their country: and, as they are ever
strenuous in their opposition to all useful measures,
it is no wonder that many of our designs are frus-
trated. Perhaps those emoluments which their cor-
-upters hold forth to tempt them maybe the induce-
The interpreters and commentators have indeed rendered this pas-
sage itt another manner. But, without entering into controversy, the
translator submits the pertinency and propriety of the present interpre-
tation to the judgment of the learned reader; by no means confident,
yet not without hopes of his concurrence. And should he happen to be
more fortunate, in some particular instance, than his predecessors or
associates in the same labour, he esteems it a matter which, warrants
no sort of triumph or exultation.
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? ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 281
ment to many boldly to aspire to the rank of ministers
and public counsellors. But still you yourselves may
be justly blamed: for it is your part, Athenians, to
entertain the same sentiments with regard to the rank
of civil duty as to that of battle. And what are these
sentiments 1 He who deserts the post assigned him
by the general you pronounce infamous,1 and un-
worthy to share the common rights of an Athenian
citizen. In like manner, he who, in our civil polity,
abandons the station assigned by our ancestors, and
attempts to establish the power Of the few, should be
declared unworthy to speak in this assembly. Do
you think it necessary to bind our allies by an oath
to have the same friends and the same enemies with
us, in order to be assured of their attachment ? And
shall those ministers be deemed truly loyal who are
certainly and evidently devoted to the service of our
enemies ?
But what might be urged in accusation against
them, what might be urged with severity against yon,
it is by no means difficult to find. By what counsels,
by what conduct the present disorders of our state
may be removed--this is the great point of difficulty.
Nor is this perhaps the time to enlarge on every par-
ticular. Exert yourselves on the present occasion ;
endeavour to render your designs effectual by an ad-
vantageous execution; and then your other interests
may, perhaps, gradually wear a fairer aspect.
It is therefore my opinion that you should engage
in the affairs of this people with the utmost vigour,
and act as becomes the dignity of Athens. Think
with what joy you attend to those who praise your
1 In the Olynthiac orations we find Demosthenes complaining that the
severity of the ancient military laws had been considerably relaxed: and
this passage furnishes us with a remarkable instance of such relaxation;
for, by the original laws and constitutions of Athens, it was declared a
capital offence for any citizen to fly, or to desert from his post. Even he
who cast away his shield was punished with death. If any man lost
It by accidental neglect he was bound to pay a fine of five hundred
drachma:. --Lucchmni
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? 282
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
ancestors, who display their achievements, and re-
count their trophies; and think that your ancestors
erected these trophies, not that the view might barely
strike you with admiration, but that you might imi-
tate the virtues of the men who raised them. 1
t From the succeeding oration we learn that the address and energy
which Demosthenes exerted in favour of the people of Rhodes were by no
means effectual. The times in which he lived were distracted and cor-
rupted ; his country not well disposed, nor indeed possessed of force suffi-
cient to support the general cause of liberty. The assembly in which he
spoke was (if we except some extraordinary cases of immediate danger)
ever governed by party. The citizens came together, not to deliberate
on the public interests, but to support a faction, already determined and
resolved in what manner to give their voices, and arn ed against the.
power of truth. It is no wonder, therefore, that we find the most con
? animate eloquence, the justest, the strongest, and the most animated
representations in so many instances unsuccessful.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-27 05:11 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/nyp. 33433082193412 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? ? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-27 05:11 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/nyp. 33433082193412 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? >
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-27 05:11 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/nyp. 33433082193412 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? ? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-27 05:11 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/nyp. 33433082193412 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? ? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-27 05:11 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/nyp. 33433082193412 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust.
