No More Learning

[2257] Still
more recently,[2258] Sextus Pompeius assembled his fleet in it, to
contend against Augustus Cæsar; and when he relinquished the island, he
took ship from thence. [2259] Charybdis[2260] is pointed out at a short
distance from the city in the Strait, an immense gulf, into which the
back currents of the Strait frequently impel ships, carrying them down
with a whirl and the violence of the eddy. When they are swallowed down
and shattered, the wrecks are cast by the stream on the shore of
Tauromenia,[2261] which they call, on account of this kind of
accumulation, the dunghill. [2262] So greatly have the Mamertini
prevailed over the Messenians, that they have by degrees wrested the
city from them. The inhabitants generally are rather called Mamertini
than Messenians. The district abounds in wine, which we do not call
Messenian, but Mamertinian: it vies with the best produced in
Italy. [2263] The city is well peopled, but Catana is more populous,
which has been colonized by the Romans. [2264] Tauromenium is less
populous than either. Catana was founded by people from Naxos, and
Tauromenium by the Zanclæans of Hybla,[2265] but Catana was deprived of
its original inhabitants when Hiero, the tyrant of Syracuse, introduced
others, and called it by the name of Ætna instead of Catana. It is of
this that Pindar says he was the founder, when he sings,

“Thou understandest what I say, O father, that bearest the same name
with the splendid holy sacrifices, thou founder of Ætna. ”[2266]

But on the death of Hiero,[2267] the Catanæans returned and expelled the
new inhabitants, and demolished the mausoleum of the tyrant. The
Ætnæans, compelled to retire,[2268] established themselves on a hilly
district of Ætna, called Innesa,[2269] and called the place Ætna. It is
distant from Catana about 80 stadia. They still acknowledged Hiero as
their founder.

Ætna lies the highest of any part of Catana, and participates the most
in the inconveniences occasioned by the mouths of the volcano, for the
streams of lava flowing down in Catanæa[2270] pass through it first. It
was here that Amphinomus [CAS. 269] and Anapias set the example of
filial piety so greatly celebrated, for they, seizing their parents,
carried them on their shoulders[2271] to a place of safety from the
impending ruin; for whenever, as Posidonius relates, there is an
eruption of the mountain the fields of the Catanæans are buried to a
great depth. However, after the burning ashes have occasioned a
temporary damage, they fertilize the country for future seasons, and
render the soil good for the vine and very strong for other produce, the
neighbouring districts not being equally adapted to the produce of wine.
They say that the roots which the districts covered with these ashes
produce, are so good for fattening sheep, that they are sometimes
suffocated, wherefore they bleed them in the ear every four or five
days,[2272] in the same way as we have related a like practice at
Erythia. When the stream of lava cools[2273] it covers the surface of
the earth with stone to a considerable depth, so that those who wish to
uncover the original surface are obliged to hew away the stone as in a
quarry. For the stone is liquefied in the craters and then thrown up.
That which is cast forth from the top is like a black moist clay and
flows down the hill-sides, then congealing it becomes mill-stone,
preserving the same colour it had while fluid. The ashes of the stones
which are burnt are like what would be produced by wood, and as rue
thrives on wood ashes, so there is probably some quality in the ashes of
Ætna which is appropriate to the vine.

4. Archias, sailing from Corinth, founded Syracuse about the same
period[2274] that Naxos and Megara were built. They say that Myscellus
and Archias having repaired to Delphi at the same time to consult the
oracle, the god demanded whether they would choose wealth or health,
when Archias preferred wealth and Myscellus health, upon which the
oracle assigned Syracuse to the former to found, and Crotona to the
latter. And certainly, in like manner as it fell out that the Crotoniatæ
should inhabit a state so notable for salubrity as we have
described,[2275] so such great riches have accrued to the Syracusans
that their name has been embodied in the proverb applied to those who
have too great wealth, viz. that they have not yet attained to a tithe
of the riches of the Syracusans. While Archias was on his voyage to
Sicily, he left Chersicrates, a chief of the race of the
Heracleidæ,[2276] with a part of the expedition to settle the island now
called Corcyra,[2277] but anciently called Scheria, and he, having
expelled the Liburni who possessed it, established his colony in the
island. Archias, pursuing his route, met with certain Dorians at
Zephyrium,[2278] come from Sicily, and who had quitted the company of
those who had founded Megara; these he took with him, and in conjunction
with them founded Syracuse. The city flourished on account of the
fertility[2279] of the country and the convenience of the harbours, the
citizens became great rulers; while under tyrants themselves, they
domineered over the other states [of Sicily], and when freed from
despotism, they set at liberty such as had been enslaved by the
barbarians: of these barbarians some were the aboriginal inhabitants of
the island, while others had come across from the continent. The Greeks
suffered none of the barbarians to approach the shore, although they
were not able to expel them entirely from the interior, for the Siculi,
Sicani,[2280] Morgetes, and some others,[2281] still inhabit the island
to the present day, amongst whom also were the Iberians, who, as Ephorus
relates, were [CAS. 270] the first of the barbarians that are
considered to have been settlers in Sicily. It seems probable that
Morgantium[2282] was founded by the Morgetes. Formerly it was a city,
but now it is not. When the Carthaginians[2283] endeavoured to gain
possession of the island they continually harassed both the Greeks and
the barbarians, but the Syracusans withstood them; at a later period
the Romans expelled the Carthaginians and took Syracuse after a long
siege. [2284] And [Sextus] Pompeius, having destroyed Syracuse in the
same way as he had done by the other cities,[2285] Augustus Cæsar in
our own times sent thither a colony, and to a great extent restored
it to its former importance, for anciently it consisted of five
towns[2286] enclosed by a wall of 180[2287] stadia, but there being
no great need that it should fill this extensive circle, he thought
it expedient to fortify in a better way the thickly inhabited portion
lying next the island of Ortygia, the circumference of which by itself
equals that of an important city. Ortygia is connected to the mainland
by a bridge, and [boasts of] the fountain Arethusa, which springs in
such abundance as to form a river at once, and flows into the sea. They
say that it is the river Alpheus[2288] which rises in the Peloponnesus,
and that it flows through the land beneath the sea[2289] to the place
where the Arethusa rises and flows into the sea. Some such proofs as
these are given in support of the fact. A certain chalice having fallen
into the river at Olympia was cast up by the springs of Arethusa; the
fountain too is troubled by the sacrifices of oxen at Olympia. And
Pindar, following such reports, thus sings,

“Ortygia, revered place of reappearing[2290] of the Alpheus,
The offset of renowned Syracuse. ”[2291]

Timæus[2292] the historian advances these accounts in like manner with
Pindar. Undoubtedly if before reaching the sea the Alpheus were to fall
into some chasm,[2293] there would be a probability that it continued
its course from thence to Sicily, preserving its potable water unmixed
with the sea; but since the mouth of the river manifestly falls into the
sea, and there does not appear any opening in the bed of the sea there,
which would be capable of imbibing the waters of the river, (although
even if there were they could not remain perfectly fresh, still it might
be possible to retain much of the character of fresh water, if they were
presently to be swallowed down into a passage running below the earth
which forms the bed of the sea,) it is altogether impossible; and this
the water of Arethusa clearly proves, being perfectly fit for beverage;
but [CAS. 271] that the flow of the river should remain compact through
so long a course, not mixing with the sea until it should fall into the
fancied channel, is entirely visionary; for we can scarcely credit it of
the Rhone, the body of the waters of which remains compact during its
passage through the lake, and preserves a visible course, but in that
instance both the distance is short and the lake is not agitated by
waves like the sea, but in this case of the Alpheus,[2294] where there
are great storms and the waters are tossed with violence, the
supposition is by no means worthy of attention. The fable of the chalice
being carried over is likewise a mere fabrication, for it is not
calculated for transfer, nor is it by any means probable it should be
washed away so far, nor yet by such difficult passages. Many rivers,
however, and in many parts of the world, flow beneath the earth, but
none for so great a distance. —Still, although there may be no
impossibility in this circumstance, yet the above-mentioned accounts are
altogether impossible, and almost as absurd as the fable related of the
Inachus: this river, as Sophocles[2295] feigns,

“Flowing from the heights of Pindus and Lacmus, passes from the
country of the Perrhœbi[2296] to that of the Amphilochi[2297] and
the Acarnanians, and mingles its waters with the Achelous:”[2298]

and further on [he says],

“Thence to Argos, cutting through the waves, it comes to the
territory of Lyrceius. ”

Those who would have the river Inopus to be a branch of the Nile flowing
to Delos, exaggerate this kind of marvel to the utmost. Zoïlus the
rhetorician, in his Eulogium of the people of Tenedos, says that the
river Alpheus flows from Tenedos: yet this is the man who blames Homer
for fabulous writing. Ibycus also says that the Asopus, a river of
Sicyon,[2299] flows from Phrygia. Hecatæus is more rational, who says
that the Inachus of the Amphilochi, which flows from Mount Lacmus, from
whence also the Æas[2300] descends, was distinct from the river of like
name in Argolis, and was so named after Amphilochus, from whom likewise
the city of Argos was denominated Amphilochian. He says further, that
this river falls into the Achelous, and that the Æas flows to
Apollonia[2301] towards the west. On each side of the island there is an
extensive harbour; the extent of the larger one is 80[2302] stadia.
[Augustus] Cæsar has not only restored this city, but Catana, and
likewise Centoripa,[2303] which had contributed much towards the
overthrow of [Sextus] Pompey. Centoripa is situated above Catana and
confines with the mountains of Ætna and the river Giaretta,[2304] which
flows into Catanæa.

5. One of the remaining sides, that stretching from Pachynus to
Lilybæum, is entirely deserted; still it preserves a few traces of the
ancient inhabitants, one of whose cities was Camarina. [2305]
Acragas,[2306] which was a colony of the Geloi,[2307] together with its
port and Lilybæum,[2308] still exist. In fact, these regions, lying
opposite to Carthage, have been wasted by the great and protracted wars
which have been waged. The remaining and greatest side, although it is
by no means densely peopled, is well occupied, for Alæsa,[2309]
Tyndaris,[2310] the emporium[2311] of the Ægestani and
Cephalœdium,[2312] are respectable towns. Panormus has received a Roman
colony: they say that Ægesta[2313] was founded by the Greeks who passed
over, as we have related when speaking of Italy, with Philoctetes to the
Crotoniatis, and were by him sent to Sicily with Ægestus[2314] the
Trojan.

6. In the interior of the island a few inhabitants possess Enna,[2315]
in which there is a temple of Ceres;[2316] it is situated on [CAS. 272]
a hill, and surrounded by spacious tablelands well adapted for tillage.
The fugitive slaves, who placed themselves under the leading of
Eunus,[2317] and sustained in this city a long siege, scarcely being
reduced by the Romans, occasioned much damage to the city. The Catanæi,
Tauromenitæ, and many others, suffered, much in like manner.
†Eryx,[2318] a very lofty mountain, is also inhabited. It possesses a
temple of Venus, which is very much esteemed; in former times it was
well filled with women sacred to the goddess, whom the inhabitants of
Sicily, and also many others, offered in accomplishment of their vows;
but now, both is the neighbourhood much thinner of inhabitants, and the
temple not near so well supplied with priestesses and female
attendants. [2319] There is also an establishment of this goddess at Rome
called the temple of Venus Erycina, just before the Colline Gate; in
addition to the temple it has a portico well worthy of notice. † The
other settlement and most of the interior have been left to the
shepherds for pasturage; for we do not know that Himera is yet
inhabited,[2320] or Gela,[2321] or Callipolis, or Selinus, or Eubœa, or
many other places; of these the Zanclæi of Mylæ[2322] founded
Himera,[2323] the people of Naxos, Callipolis,[2324] the Megaræans of
Sicily,[2325] Selinus,[2326] and the Leontini[2327] Eubœa. [2328] Many
too of the cities of the aboriginal inhabitants[2329] have been
destroyed, as Camici, the kingdom of Cocalus, at whose house Minos is
reported to have been treacherously cut off. The Romans therefore,
considering the deserted condition of the country, and having got
possession both of the hills and the most part of the plains, have given
them over to horse-breeders, herdsmen, and shepherds, by whom the island
has frequently been brought into great perils. First of all the
shepherds, taking to pillage here and there in different places, and
afterwards assembling in numbers and forcibly taking settlements; for
instance, as those under the command of Eunus[2330] seized upon
Enna. [2331] And quite recently, during the time that we were at Rome, a
certain Selurus, called the son of Ætna, was sent up to that city. He
had been the captain of a band of robbers, and had for a long time
infested the country round Ætna, committing frequent depredations. We
saw him torn to pieces by wild beasts in the forum after a contest of
gladiators: he had been set upon a platform fashioned to represent Mount
Ætna, which being suddenly unfastened and falling, he was precipitated
amongst certain cages of wild beasts, which had also been slightly
constructed under the platform for the occasion.

7. The fertility of the country is so generally extolled by every one,
as nothing inferior to Italy, that there is a question as to what we
should say of it. Indeed, for wheat, honey, saffron, and some other
commodities, it even surpasses that country. In addition to this, its
proximity renders the island like a part of Italy itself, so that it
supplies the Roman market with produce both commodiously and without
trouble. Indeed they call it the granary of Rome, for all the produce of
the island is carried thither, except a few things required for home
consumption. It consists not only of the fruits of the earth, but of
cattle, skins, wool, and the like. Posidonius says that Syracuse and
Eryx are situated on the sea like two citadels, and that Enna in the
midst, between Syracuse and Eryx, commands the surrounding plains.
†The[2332] whole [CAS. 273] territory of the Leontini, which was
possessed by the people of Naxos settled in Sicily, suffered much, for
they always shared in the misfortunes of Syracuse, but not always in its
prosperity. †

8. Near to Centoripa is the town we have a little before mentioned,
Ætna, which serves as a place for travellers about to ascend Mount Ætna,
to halt and refresh themselves for the expedition. For here commences
the region in which is situated the summit of the mountain. The
districts above are barren and covered with ashes, which are surmounted
by the snows in winter: all below it however is filled with woods and
plantations of all kinds. It seems that the summits of the mountain take
many changes by the ravages of the fire, which sometimes is brought
together into one crater, and at another is divided; at one time again
it heaves forth streams of lava, and at another flames and thick smoke:
at other times again ejecting red-hot masses of fire-stone. In such
violent commotions as these the subterraneous passages must necessarily
undergo a corresponding change, and at times the orifices on the surface
around be considerably increased. Some who have very recently ascended
the mountain, reported[2333] to us, that they found at the top an even
plain of about 20 stadia in circumference, enclosed by an overhanging
ridge of ashes about the height of a wall, so that those who are
desirous of proceeding further are obliged to leap down into the plain.
They noticed in the midst of it a mound; it was ash-coloured, as was
likewise the plain in appearance. Above the mound a column of cloud
reared itself in a perpendicular line to the height of 200 stadia, and
remained motionless (there being no air stirring at the time); it
resembled smoke. Two of the party resolutely attempted to proceed
further across this plain, but, finding the sand very hot and sinking
very deep in it, they turned back, without however being able to make
any more particular observations, as to what we have described, than
those who beheld from a greater distance. They were, however, of
opinion, from the observations they were able to make, that much
exaggeration pervades the accounts we have of the volcano, and
especially the tale about Empedocles, that he leaped into the crater,
and left as a vestige of his folly one of the brazen sandals which he
wore, it being found outside at a short distance from the lip of the
crater, with the appearance of having been cast up by the violence of
the flame; for neither is the place approachable nor even visible, nor
yet was it likely that any thing could be cast in thither, on account of
the contrary current of the vapours and other matters cast up from the
lower parts of the mountain, and also on account of the overpowering
excess of heat, which would most likely meet any one long before
approaching the mouth of the crater; and if eventually any thing should
be cast down, it would be totally decomposed before it were cast up
again, what manner of form soever it might have had at first. And again,
although it is not unreasonable to suppose that the force of the vapour
and fire is occasionally slackened for want of a continual supply of
fuel, still we are not to conclude that it is ever possible for a man to
approach it in the presence of so great an opposing power. Ætna more
especially commands the shore along the Strait and Catana, but it also
overlooks the sea that washes Tyrrhenia and the Lipari Islands. By night
a glowing light appears on its summit, but in the day-time it is
enveloped with smoke and thick darkness.

9. The Nebrodes mountains[2334] take their rise opposite[2335] to Ætna;
they are not so lofty as Ætna, but extend over a much greater surface.
The whole island is hollow under ground, and full of rivers and fire
like the bed of the Tyrrhenian Sea,[2336] as far as Cumæa, as we before
described. [2337] For there are hot springs in many places in the island,
some of which are saline, as those named Selinuntia[2338] and the
springs at Himera, while those at Ægesta[2339] are fresh. Near to
Acragas[2340] there are certain lakes,[2341] the waters of which taste
like the sea, but their [CAS. 274] properties are very different, for if
those who do not know how to swim plunge into them, they are not covered
over by them, but float on the surface like pieces of wood.

The Palici[2342] possess craters which cast up water in a jet, having
the appearance of a dome, and then receive it back again into the same
place it rose from. The cavern near Mataurum[2343] has within it a
considerable channel, with a river flowing through it under ground for a
long distance, and afterwards emerging to the surface as does the
El-Asi[2344] in Syria, which, after descending into the chasm between
Apameia and Antioch, which they call Charybdis, rises again to the
surface at the distance of about 40 stadia. Much the same circumstances
are remarked of the Tigris[2345] in Mesopotamia, and the Nile in
Africa,[2346] a little before[2347] its most notorious springs. The
water in the neighbourhood of the city of Stymphalus, having passed
under ground about 200 stadia, gives rise to the river Erasinus[2348] in
Argia;[2349] and again, the waters which are ingulfed with a low roaring
sound near Asea[2350] in Arcadia, after a long course, spring forth with
such copiousness as to form the Eurotas and the Alpheus,[2351] whence
has arisen a fable extensively credited, that if a certain charm is
uttered over each of two crowns on their being cast into the stream
where the two rivers flow in a common channel, each crown will make its
appearance in its respective river according to the charm. As for what
we might add with reference to the Timao,[2352] it has already been
particularized.

10. Phænomena, similar to these, and such as take place throughout
Sicily,[2353] are witnessed in the Lipari Islands, and especially in
Lipari itself. —These islands are seven in number, the chief of which is
Lipari, a colony of the Cnidians. [2354] It is nearest to Sicily after
Thermessa. [2355] It was originally named Meligunis. It was possessed of
a fleet, and for a considerable time repelled the incursions of the
Tyrrheni. [2356] The islands now called Liparæan were subject to it, some
call them the islands of Æolus. The citizens were so successful as to
make frequent offerings of the spoils taken in war to the temple of
Apollo at Delphi. [2357] It possesses a fertile soil,[2358] [CAS. 275] and
mines[2359] of alum easy to be wrought, hot springs,[2360] and craters.
[Thermessa] is, as it were, situated between this and Sicily; it is now
designated as Hiera, or sacred to Vulcan; it is entirely rocky, and
desert, and volcanic. In it are three craters, and the flames which
issue from the largest are accompanied with burning masses of lava,
which have already obstructed a considerable portion of the strait
[between Thermessa and the island Lipari]; repeated observations have
led to the belief that the flames of the volcanos, both in this island
and at Mount Ætna, are stimulated by the winds[2361] as they rise; and
when the winds are lulled, the flames also subside; nor is this without
reason, for if the winds are both originally produced and kept up by the
vapours arising from the sea, those who witness these phenomena will not
be surprised, if the fire should be excited in some such way, by the
like aliment and circumstances. Polybius tells us that one of the three
craters of the island has partly fallen down, while the larger of the
two that remain has a lip, the circumference of which is five stadia,
and the diameter nearly 50 feet,[2362] and its elevation about a stadium
from the level of the sea, which may be seen at the base in calm
weather; but if we are to credit this, we may as well attend to what has
been reported concerning Empedocles. [Polybius] also says, that “when
the south wind is to blow, a thick cloud lies stretched round the
island, so that one cannot see even as far as Sicily in the distance;
but when there is to be a north wind, the clear flames ascend to a great
height above the said crater, and great rumblings are heard; while for
the west wind effects are produced about half way between these two. The
other craters are similarly affected, but their exhalations are not so
violent. Indeed, it is possible to foretell what wind will blow three
days beforehand, from the degree of intensity of the rumbling, and also
from the part whence the exhalations, flames, and smoky blazes issue. It
is said indeed that some of the inhabitants of the Lipari Islands, at
times when there has been so great a calm that no ship could sail out of
port, have predicted what wind would blow, and have not been mistaken. ”
From hence indeed that which seems to be the most fabulous invention of
the poet, appears not to have been written without some foundation, and
he appears to have merely used an allegorical style, while guided by the
truth, when he says that Æolus is the steward of the winds;[2363]
however, we have formerly said enough as to this. [2364] We will now
return to the point whence we digressed.

11. We have noticed the islands of Lipari and Thermessa. As for
Strongyle,[2365] it takes its name from its form. [2366] Like the other
two, it is subigneous, but is deficient in the force of the flames which
are emitted, while their brightness is greater. It is here they say that
Æolus resided. [2367] The fourth is Didyma; this island also is named
from its form. [2368] Of the others, [the fifth and sixth] are [CAS. 276]
Ericussa[2369] and Phœnicussa;[2370] they are called from the plants
which they produce, and are given up to pasture. The seventh [island] is
called Euonymus;[2371] it is the farthest in the sea and barren. It is
called Euonymus because it lies the most to the left when you sail from
the island of Lipari to Sicily,[2372] and many times flames of fire have
been seen to rise to the surface, and play upon the sea round the
islands: these flames rush with violence from the cavities at the bottom
of the sea,[2373] and force for themselves a passage to the open air.
Posidonius says, that at a time so recent as to be almost within his
recollection, about the summer solstice and at break of day, between
Hiera and Euonymus, the sea was observed to be suddenly raised aloft,
and to abide some time raised in a compact mass and then to subside.
Some ventured to approach that part in their ships; they observed the
fish dead and driven by the current, but being distressed by the heat
and foul smell, were compelled to turn back. One of the boats which had
approached nearest lost some of her crew, and was scarcely able to reach
Lipari with the rest, and they had fits like an epileptic person, at one
time fainting and giddy, and at another returning to their senses; and
many days afterwards a mud or clay was observed rising in the sea, and
in many parts the flames issued, and smoke and smoky blazes; afterwards
it congealed and became a rock like mill-stones. Titus Flaminius,[2374]
who then commanded in Sicily, despatched to the senate [of Rome] a full
account of the phenomenon; the senate sent and offered sacrifices to the
infernal and marine divinities both in the little island [which had thus
been formed] and the Lipari Islands. Now the chorographer reckons that
from Ericodes to Phœnicodes are 10 miles, from thence to Didyma 30, from
thence to the northernmost point[2375] of Lipari 29, and from thence to
Sicily 19, while from Strongyle are 16. [2376] Melita[2377] lies
before[2378] Pachynus; from thence come the little dogs called
Maltese;[2379] so does also Gaudus,[2380] both of them are situated
about 88 miles distant from that promontory. Cossura[2381] is situated
before Cape Lilybæum, and opposite the Carthaginian city Aspis, which
they call [in Latin] Clypea, it is situated in the midst of the space
which lies between those [CAS. 277] two places, and is distant from each
the number of miles last given. [2382] Ægimurus also and other little
islands lie off Sicily and Africa. So much for the islands.




CHAPTER III.


1. Having previously passed over the regions of ancient Italy as far as
Metapontium, we must now proceed to describe the rest. After it
Iapygia[2383] comes next in order; the Greeks call it Messapia, but the
inhabitants, dividing it into cantons, call one the Salentini,[2384]
that in the neighbourhood of the Cape[2385] Iapygia, and another the
Calabri;[2386] above these towards the north lie the Peucetii,[2387] and
those who are called Daunii[2388] in the Greek language, but the
inhabitants call the whole region beyond the Calabri, Apulia. Some of
these people are called Pœdicli,[2389] especially the Peucetii. Messapia
forms a peninsula; the isthmus extending from Brentesium[2390] to
Tarentum, which bounds it, being 310 stadia, and the circumnavigation
round the Iapygian promontory[2391] about [one thousand][2392] four
hundred. [Tarentum[2393]] is distant from Metapontium[2394] about two
hundred and [twenty[2393]] stadia. The course to it by sea runs in an
easterly direction. The Gulf of Tarentum is for the most part destitute
of a port, but here there is a spacious and commodious [harbour[2395]],
closed in by a great bridge. It is 100 stadia[2396] in circuit. This
port, at the head of its basin which recedes most inland, forms, with
the exterior sea, an isthmus which connects the peninsula with the land.
The city is situated upon this peninsula. The neck of land is so low
that ships are easily hauled over it from either side. The site of the
city likewise is extremely low; the ground, however, rises slightly
towards the citadel. The old wall of the city has an immense circuit,
but now the portion towards the isthmus is deserted, but that standing
near the mouth of the harbour, where the citadel is situated, still
subsists, and contains a considerable city. It possesses a noble
gymnasium and a spacious forum, in which there is set up a brazen
colossus of Jupiter, the largest that ever was, with the exception of
that of Rhodes. The citadel is situated between the forum and the
entrance of the harbour, it still preserves some slight relics of its
ancient magnificence [CAS. 278] and gifts, but the chief of them were
destroyed either by the Carthaginians[2397] when they took the city, or
by the Romans[2398] when they took it by force and sacked it. Amongst
other booty taken on this occasion[2399] was the brazen colossus of
Hercules, the work of Lysippus, now in the Capitol, which was dedicated
as an offering by Fabius Maximus, who took the city.

2. Antiochus, speaking of the foundation of this city, says that after
the Messenian war[2400] such of the Lacedæmonians as did not join the
army were sentenced to be slaves, and denominated Helots; and that such
as were born during the period of the war they termed Partheniæ, and
decreed to be base: but these not bearing the reproach, (for they were
many,) conspired against the free citizens,[2401] but the chief
magistrates, becoming acquainted with the existence of the plot,
employed certain persons, who, by feigning friendship to the cause,
should be able to give some intelligence of the nature of it. Of this
number was Phalanthus, who was apparently the chief leader of them, but
who was not quite pleased with those who had been named to conduct their
deliberations. [2402] It was agreed that at the Hyacinthine games,
celebrated in the temple of Amyclæ, just at the conclusion of the
contest, and when Phalanthus should put on his helmet,[2403] they should
make a simultaneous attack. The free citizens[2401] were distinguishable
from others by their hair. They, having been secretly warned as to the
arrangements made for the signal of Phalanthus, just as the chief
contest came off, a herald came forward and proclaimed, “Let not
Phalanthus put on his helmet. ” The conspirators perceiving that the plot
was disclosed, some fled, and others supplicated mercy. When the chief
magistrates had bid them not to fear, they committed them to prison,
but sent Phalanthus to inquire after a new settlement. He received from
the oracle the following response,

“To thee Satyrium[2404] I have given, and the rich country of
Tarentum to inhabit, and thou shalt become a scourge to the
Iapygians. ”

The Partheniæ accordingly accompanied Phalanthus to their destination,
and the barbarians and Cretans,[2405] who already possessed the country,
received them kindly. They say that these Cretans were the party who
sailed with Minos to Sicily, and that after his death, which took place
at Camici,[2406] in the palace of Cocalus, they took ship and set sail
from Sicily, but in their voyage they were cast by tempest on this
coast, some of whom, afterwards coasting the Adriatic on foot, reached
Macedonia, and were called Bottiæi. [2407] They further add, that all the
people who reach as far as Daunia were called Iapygians, from Iapyx, who
was born to Dædalus by a Cretan woman, and became a chief leader of the
Cretans. The city Tarentum was named from a certain hero. [2408]

3. Ephorus gives the following account of the foundation. The
Lacedæmonians waged war against the Messenians, who had murdered their
king, Teleclus,[2409] when he visited Messene to offer sacrifice. They
took an oath that they would not return home before they had destroyed
Messene, or should be [CAS. 279] all slain. They left only the youngest
and oldest of the citizens to keep their own country. After this, in the
tenth [year] of the war, the Lacedæmonian matrons assembled and deputed
certain women to remonstrate with the citizens, and show them that they
were carrying on the war with the Messenians on very disadvantageous
terms, for they, abiding in their own country, procreated children,
while the Lacedæmonians, leaving their wives in a state like widowhood,
remained away in the war; and to expose the great peril there was of the
depopulation of their country. The Lacedæmonians, being both desirous of
observing their oath, and taking into consideration the representations
of their wives, sent a deputation of the most vigorous, and, at the same
time, most juvenile of the army, whom they considered, in a manner, not
to have participated in the oath, because they had been but children
when they accompanied their elders to the war, and charged them all to
company with all the maidens, reckoning that by that means they would
bear the more children; which having been accordingly obeyed, the
children who were born were denominated Partheniæ. Messene was taken
after a war of nineteen years, as Tyrtæus says,

“The fathers of our fathers, armed for war,
Possessing ever patient courage, fought at Messene
For nineteen years with unremitting toil.
Till on the twentieth, leaving their rich soil,
The enemy forsook the towering heights of Ithome. ”[2410]

Thus then did they destroy Messenia, but returning home, they neglected
to honour the Partheniæ like other youths, and treated them as though
they had been born out of wedlock. The Partheniæ, leaguing with the
Helots, conspired against the Lacedæmonians, and agreed to raise a
Laconic felt hat[2411] in the market-place as a signal for the
commencement of hostilities. Some of the Helots betrayed the plot, but
the government found it difficult to resist them by force, for they were
many, and all unanimous, and looked upon each other as brothers; those
in authority therefore commanded such as were appointed to raise the
signal, to depart out of the market-place; when they therefore perceived
that their plot was disclosed they desisted, and the Lacedæmonians
persuaded them, through the instrumentality of their fathers, to leave
the country and colonize: and advised them, if they should get
possession of a convenient place, to abide in it, but if not, they
promised that a fifth part of Messenia should be divided amongst them on
their return. So they departed and found the Greeks carrying on
hostilities against the barbarians, and taking part in the perils of the
war, they obtained possession of Tarentum, which they colonized.

4. At one time, when the government of the Tarentines had assumed a
democratic form, they rose to great importance; for they possessed the
greatest fleet of any state in those parts, and could bring into the
field an army of 30,000 foot and 3000 horse, exclusive of a select body
of 1000 cavalry called Hipparchi. [2412] They likewise encouraged the
Pythagorean philosophy, and Archytas, who for a long time presided over
the government of their state, gave it his special support. [2413] But at
a later period their luxury, which was produced by their prosperity,
increased to that degree that their general holidays or festivals
exceeded in number the days of the year; and hence arose an inefficient
government, and as one proof of their unstatesmanlike acts we may adduce
their employment of foreign generals; for they sent for Alexander,[2414]
king of the Molossi, to come and assist them against the Messapii and
Leucani.
They had before that employed Archidamus, the son of
Agesilaus;[2415] afterwards they called in Cleonymus[2416] and
Agathocles,[2417] and later, when they rose against the Romans,
Pyrrhus. [2418] They were not able even to retain the respect of those
whom they had invited, but rather merited their disgust. Alexander [of
Epirus] was so displeased with them that he endeavoured to remove the
seat of the general council of the Greek states in Italy, which was
accustomed to assemble at Heraclea, a city of the Tarentines, to a city
of the Thurii; and he commanded that some place on the river
Acalandrus,[2419] [CAS. 281] commodious for their meetings, should be
properly fortified for their reception. —And indeed they say that the
misfortune[2420] of that prince was chiefly due to a want of good
feeling on their part. They were deprived of their liberty during the
wars[2421] of Hannibal, but have since received a Roman colony,[2422]
and now live in peace and are in a more prosperous state than ever. They
also engaged in war with the Messapii concerning Heraclea, when they
counted the kings of the Daunii and of the Peucetii as allies. [2423]

5. The remainder of the country of the Iapygii is very fair,
notwithstanding unfavourable appearances; for although, for the most
part, it appears rugged, yet when it is broken up the soil is found to
be deep; and although it lacks water, yet it appears well-suited for
pasture, and is furnished with trees. At one time it was thickly
inhabited throughout its whole extent, and possessed thirteen cities,
but now it is so depopulated that, with the exception of Tarentum and
Brentesium,[2424] they only deserve the name of hamlets. They say that
the Salentini are a colony of Cretans. Here is the temple of
Minerva,[2425] which formerly was rich, and the rock called Acra
Iapygia,[2426] which juts out far into the sea towards the rising of the
sun in winter,[2427] and turning, as it were, towards Cape Lacinium,
which lies opposite to it on the west, it closes the entrance of the
Gulf of Tarentum, as on the other side, the Ceraunian Mountains,
together with the said Cape, close the entrance of the Ionian Gulf, the
run across is about 700 stadia from that,[2428] both to the Ceraunian
Mountains and to Cape Lacinium. [2429] In coasting along the shore from
Tarentum to Brentesium there are 600 stadia as far as the little city of
Baris, which is at the present time called Veretum,[2430] and is
situated on the extremities of the Salentine territory; the approach to
it from Tarentum is much easier on foot[2431] than by sea. Thence to
Leuca are 80 stadia; this too is but a small village, in which there is
shown a well of fetid water, and the legend runs, that when Hercules
drove out the last of the giants from Phlegra in Campania, who were
called Leuternians, some fled and were buried here, and that from their
blood a spring issues to supply the well; on this account likewise the
coast is called the Leuternian coast. [2432] From Leuca to Hydrus,[2433]
a small town, 150 stadia. From thence to Brentesium 400, and the like
distance also [from Hydrus] to the island Saso,[2434] which is situated
almost in the midst of the course from Epirus to Brentesium; and
therefore when vessels are unable to obtain a direct passage they run to
the left from Saso to Hydrus, and thence watching for a favourable wind
they steer towards the haven of Brentesium, or the passengers
disembarking proceed on foot by a shorter way through Rudiæ, a Grecian
city, where the poet Ennius was born. [2435] The district which we have
followed by sea from [CAS. 282] Tarentum to Brentesium is like a
peninsula. The road by land from Brentesium to Tarentum is but a day’s
journey for a light person on foot, it constitutes the isthmus of the
said peninsula, which people in general call Messapia, Iapygia,
Calabria, or Salentinum, without being at all particular; but some, as
we have said before, do make a distinction. Thus have we described the
towns on the sea-coast.

6. In the inland are Rudiæ and Lupiæ, and at a short distance from the
sea Aletia;[2436] about the middle of the isthmus is Uria,[2437] in
which is still shown the palace of a certain famous nobleman. [2438] As
Hyria[2439] is described by Herodotus as situated in Iapygia, and as
founded by the Cretans who strayed from the fleet of Minos while sailing
to Sicily;[2440] we must suppose that he meant either this place [Uria]
or Veretum. It is said that a colony of Cretans settled in
Brentesium,[2441] but the tradition varies; some say they were those who
came with Theseus from Cnossus;[2442] others, that they were some out of
Sicily who had come with Iapyx; they agree however in saying that they
did not abide there, but went thence to Bottiæa. At a later period, when
the state was under the government of a monarch, it lost a large portion
of its territories, which was taken by the Lacedæmonians who came over
under Phalanthus; notwithstanding this the Brundusians received him when
he was expelled from Tarentum, and honoured him with a splendid tomb at
his death. They possess a district of superior fertility to that of the
Tarentines; for its soil is light, still it is fruitful, and its honey
and wools are amongst the most esteemed; further, the harbour of
Brentesium is superior to that of Tarentum, for many havens are
protected by the single entrance,[2443] and rendered perfectly smooth,
many bays [or reaches] being formed within it, so that it resembles in
fashion the antlers of a stag, whence its name, for the place, together
with the city, is exceedingly like the head of a stag, and in the
Messapian language the stag’s head is called Brentesium; while the port
of Tarentum is not entirely safe, both on account of its lying very
open, and of certain shallows near its head.

7. Further, the course for passengers from Greece and Asia is most
direct to Brentesium, and in fact all who are journeying to Rome
disembark here. Hence there are two ways to Rome; one, which is only
walked by mules, through the Peucetii, who are called Pœdicli, the
Daunii, and the Samnites, as far as Beneventum, on which road is the
city Egnatia,[2444] then Celia,[2445] Netium,[2446] Canusium,[2447] and
Herdonia. [2448] That through Tarentum is a little to the left, it runs
about a day’s journey round for one traversing the whole distance; it is
called the Appian Way, and is more of a carriage road than the other. On
it stands the city Uria,[2449] and Venusia;[2450] the one [Uria] between
Tarentum and Brentesium, the other on the confines of the Samnites and
Lucani. Both the roads from Brentesium run into one near Beneventum and
Campania, and thence to Rome it receives the name of Appian, and runs
through Caudium,[2451] Calatia,[2452] Capua,[2453] and Casilinum,[2454]
to Sinuessa. [2455] The way from thence to Rome has been already
described. —The whole length of the Appian Way from Rome to Brentesium
is 360 miles.

There is a third way from Rhegium, through the Bruttii, Lucani, and
Samnites, along the chain of the Apennines, into [CAS. 283] Campania,
where it joins the Appian Way;[2456] it is longer than those from
Brentesium by about three or four days’ journey.

8. From Brentesium the sea is traversed by two passages to the opposite
coast, one crossing to the Ceraunian[2457] Mountains and the adjacent
coasts of the Epirus and Greece, the other to Epidamnus,[2458] which is
the longer[2459] of the two, being 1800[2460] stadia. Still this is
habitually traversed, on account of the situation of the city
[Epidamnus] being convenient for the nations of Illyria and Macedonia.
As we coast along the shore of the Adriatic from Brentesium we come to
the city Egnatia,[2461] it is the general place to stop at for those
travelling to Barium,[2462] as well by land as by sea. The run is made
when the wind blows from the south. The territory of the Peucetii
extends as far as this along the coast, in the interior of the land it
reaches as far as Silvium. [2463] It is throughout rugged and
mountainous, and chiefly occupied by the Apennine mountains. It is
thought to have been colonized by a party of Arcadians. The distance
from Brentesium to Barium is about 700 stadia. [Tarentum] is about
equally distant from both. [2464] The Daunii inhabit the adjoining
district, then the Apuli as far as the Phrentani. As the inhabitants of
the district, except in ancient times, have never been particular in
speaking of the Peucetii or Daunii precisely, and as the whole of this
country is now called Apulia, the boundaries of these nations are
necessarily but ill defined: wherefore we ourselves shall not be very
exact in treating of them.

9. From Barium to the river Ofanto,[2465] on which the Canusitæ have
established an emporium, there are 400[2466] stadia. The course up the
river to the emporium is 90 [stadia]. Near it is Salapia,[2467] the port
of the Argyrippeni. For the two cities, Canusium and Argyrippa, are
situated at no great distance from the sea, and in the midst of a plain;
at one time they were the most important cities of the Greeks of Italy,
as is manifest from the circumference of their walls, but now they have
fallen off. One of them was originally called Argos Hippium, then
Argyrippa, and then again Arpi. They are said to have been both founded
by Diomed, and both the plain of Diomed and many other things are shown
in these districts as evidence of his having possessed them. Such were
the ancient offerings in the temple of Minerva, at Luceria. [2468] That
was an ancient city of the Daunii, but now it is of no account. Again,
in the neighbouring sea there are two islands called the Diomedean
islands, one of which is inhabited, but the other, they say, is desert:
in the latter it is fabled that Diomed disappeared from the earth, and
that his companions were transformed into birds,[2469] and indeed the
fable goes so far as to prolong their race to the present time, saying
that they are tame, and lead a sort of human life, both in respect of
food, and their readiness to approach men of gentle manners, and to shun
the evil and wanton. We have already noticed[2470] what is currently
reported amongst the Heneti concerning this hero [Diomed] and the
honours decreed to him by custom. It is thought also that Sipus[2471]
was a settlement founded by Diomed, [CAS. 284] it is distant from
Salapia about 140 stadia, and was called by the Greeks Sepius, from the
numbers of cuttle fish[2472] thrown up by the sea along its shore.
Between Salapia and Sipus is a navigable river, and a considerable
estuary; by both of these channels the merchandise, and wheat
especially, of Sipus is conveyed to the sea. Two heroa or shrines are
shown on a hill of Daunia, called Drium, one on the very brow of the
hill sacred to Calchas, those who are about to inquire of the oracle
offer a black ram to him, and sleep upon the fleece, the other below
near the foot of the hill is dedicated to Podalirius, it is about a
hundred stadia distant from the sea; from this hill also flows a
stream,[2473] which is a potent cure for all manner of diseases among
cattle. [2474] The promontory of Garganum[2475] running into the sea,
juts out from this bay about 300 stadia. [2476] As you turn the point you
perceive the town of Urium,[2477] while off the headland are seen the
Diomedean islands. All this coast produces everything in great
abundance, it is exceedingly well adapted for horses and sheep, and the
wool is finer than that of Tarentum, but less glossy. The district is
mild on account of the cup-like situation of the plains. There are some
who report that Diomed attempted to cut a canal to the sea, but being
sent for to return home, where he died, left it incomplete, as well as
other undertakings. This is one account of him: another makes him abide
here till the end of his days; a third is the fable I have already
noticed, that he vanished in the island [of Teutria], and one might
reckon as a fourth that of the Heneti,[2478] for they somehow make out
that he finished his career among them, as they assert his apotheosis.
The distances I have thus given are laid down in accordance with those
of Artemidorus.

10. The chorographer indeed gives only 165 miles from Brentesium[2479]
to Garganum, but Artemidorus makes them more. [2480] Thence to Ancona,
the first says there are 254 miles, whilst Artemidorus has given but
1250 stadia to the Fiumesino,[2481] near to Ancona, which is much
shorter. Polybius says that from Iapygia the distance has been laid down
in miles, and that there are 562 miles thence to the town of Sila,[2482]
thence to Aquileia 178. These geographers do not agree as to the length
to be assigned to the line of the sea-coast of Illyria, run from the
Ceraunian Mountains[2483] to the head[2484] of the Adriatic, some of
them stating it to be above 6000 [stadia], and making it longer than the
opposite coast [of Italy], while it is much shorter. [2485] Indeed they
all generally differ among themselves in stating distances, as we often
have occasion to remark. Wherever it is possible to discriminate we set
forth what appears to us to be correct, but where it is impossible to
come to any safe conclusion we think it our duty to publish their
several assertions. However, when we have no data furnished by them, it
must not be wondered at, if we should leave some points untouched in
treating of such and so vast a subject as we have undertaken. We would
not indeed omit any of the important particulars, but trifling
circumstances, even when they are noted, are of little advantage, and
when taken no heed of, are not missed, nor does their omission at all
impair the whole work, or, if it does, at most not much.

[CAS. 285] 11. Immediately beyond the Garganum comes a deep bay. [2486]
Those who dwell round it call themselves Apuli,[2487] they speak the
same language as the Daunii and Peucetii, and at the present time
resemble them in every other particular; however it is likely that they
were formerly distinct, since their names completely differ from those
of the others. In ancient times the whole of this country was
flourishing, but Hannibal and the wars which subsequently occurred have
wasted it. Here too was fought the battle of Cannæ, where there was so
great a slaughter of the Roman forces and their allies. [2488] Near this
gulf there is a lake,[2489] and above the lake in the interior is the
Apulian Teanum,[2490] having a like name with that of the
Sidicini. [2491] It is between this and the neighbourhood of
Dicæarchia[2492] that the breadth of Italy is so contracted as to form
an isthmus of less than 1000 stadia from sea to sea. [2493] Leaving the
lake we sail next to Buca,[2494] and the country of the Frentani. There
are 200 stadia from the lake both to Buca and to the Garganum. The
remainder of the towns in the vicinity of Buca have been before
described. [2495]




CHAPTER IV.


1. So great indeed is Italy, and much as we have described it; we will
now advert to the chief of the many things that have been described,
which have conduced to raise the Romans to so great a height of
prosperity. One point is its insular position, by which it is securely
guarded, the seas forming a natural protection around it with the
exception of a very inconsiderable frontier, which too is fortified by
almost impassable mountains. A second is, that there are but few
harbours, and those few capacious and admirably situated. These are of
great service both for enterprises against foreign places, and also in
case of invasions undertaken against the country, and the reception of
abundant merchandise. And a third, that it is situated so as to possess
many advantages of atmosphere and temperature of climate, in which both
animals and plants, and in fact all things available for sustaining
life, may be accommodated with every variety both of mild and severe
temperature; its length stretches in a direction north and south.
Sicily, which is extensive, may be looked upon as an addition to its
length, for we cannot consider it in any other light than as a part of
it. The salubrity or severity of the atmosphere of different countries,
is estimated by the amount of cold or heat, or the degrees of
temperature between those extremes; in this way we shall find that
Italy, which is situated in the medium of both the extremes, and having
so great a length, largely participates in a salubrious atmosphere, and
that in many respects. This advantage is still secured to it in another
way, for the chain of the Apennines extending through its whole length,
and leaving on each side plains and fruitful hills, there is no district
which does not participate in the advantages of the best productions
both of hill and plain. We must also enumerate the magnitude and number
of its rivers and lakes, and the springs of hot and cold waters supplied
by nature in various localities for the restoration of health; and in
addition to these, its great wealth in mines of all the metals,
abundance of timber, and excellent food both for man and for beasts of
all kinds. Italy, likewise, being situated in the very midst of the
greatest nations, I allude to Greece and the best provinces of Asia, is
naturally in a [CAS. 286] position to gain the ascendency, since she
excels the circumjacent countries both in the valour of her population
and in extent of territory, and by being in proximity to them seems to
have been ordained to bring them into subjection without difficulty.

2. If, in addition to our description of Italy, a few words should be
summarily added about the Romans who have possessed themselves of it,
and prepared it as a centre from whence to enforce their universal
dominion, we would offer the following. —The Romans, after the
foundation of their state, discreetly existed as a kingdom for many
years, till Tarquin, the last [Roman king], abused his power, when they
expelled him, and established a mixed form of government, being a
modification both of the monarchical and aristocratical systems; they
admitted both the Sabines[2496] and Latins[2497] into their alliance,
but as neither they nor the other neighbouring states continued to act
with good faith towards them at all times, they were under the necessity
of aggrandizing themselves by the dismemberment of their
neighbours. [2498] Having thus, by degrees, arrived at a state of
considerable importance, it chanced that they lost their city suddenly,
contrary to the expectation of all men, and again recovered the same
contrary to all expectation. [2499] This took place, according to
Polybius, in the nineteenth year after the naval engagement of
Ægos-potami,[2500] about the time of the conclusion of the peace of
Antalcidas. [2501] Having escaped these misfortunes, the Romans first
reduced all the Latins[2502] to complete obedience, they then subdued
the Tyrrheni,[2503] and stayed the Kelts, who border the Po, from their
too frequent and licentious forays; then the Samnites, and after them
they conquered the Tarentines and Pyrrhus,[2504] and presently after the
remainder of what is now considered as Italy, with the exception of the
districts on the Po. While these still remained a subject of dispute
they passed over into Sicily,[2505] and having wrested that island from
the Carthaginians[2506] they returned to complete the conquest of the
people dwelling along the Po. While this war was still in hand Hannibal
entered Italy,[2507] thus the second war against the Carthaginians
ensued, and after a very short interval the third, in which Carthage was
demolished. [2508] At the same time the Romans became masters of
Africa,[2509] and of such portions of Spain as they won from the
Carthaginians. Both the Greeks and the Macedonians, and the nations of
Asia who dwelt on the hither side of the river Kizil-Irmak[2510] and the
Taurus, took part in these struggles with the Carthaginians: over these
Antiochus[2511] was king, and Philip and Perseus,[2512] these therefore
the Romans found themselves obliged to subdue. The people likewise of
Illyria and Thrace, who were next neighbours to the Greeks and
Macedonians, at this time commenced the war with the Romans that never
ceased, until the subjugation of all the people who inhabit the
countries on the hither side of the Danube[2513] and the
Kizil-Irmak[2510] had been effected. The Iberians, and Kelts, and all
the rest who are subject to the Romans, shared a similar fate, for the
Romans never rested in the subjugation of the land to their sway until
they had entirely overthrown it: in the first instance they took
Numantia,[2514] and subdued Viriathus,[2515] and afterwards vanquished
Sertorius,[2516] and last of all the Cantabrians,[2517] who were brought
to subjection by Augustus Cæsar. [2518] Likewise the whole of Gaul both
within and beyond the Alps with Liguria were annexed at first by a
partial occupation, but subsequently divus Cæsar and then Augustus
subdued them completely in open war, so that now[2519] the Romans direct
their expeditions against the Germans from these countries as the most
convenient rendezvous, and have already adorned their own country with
several triumphs over them. Also in Africa all that did not belong to
the Carthaginians has been left to the charge of kings owning dependence
on the Roman state, while such as have attempted to assert their
independence have been overpowered. At the present moment both Maurusia
and much of the rest [CAS. 288] of Africa have fallen to the portion of
Juba[2520] on account of his good will and friendship towards the
Romans. The like things have taken place in Asia. At first it was
governed by kings who were dependent on the Romans, and afterwards when
their several lines of succession failed, as of that of the kings
Attalus,[2521] the kings of the Syrians,[2522] the Paphlagonians,[2523]
Cappadocians,[2524] and Egyptians,[2525] [or] when they revolted and
were subsequently deposed, as it happened in the case of Mithridates
Eupator, and Cleopatra of Egypt, the whole of their territories within
the Phasis[2526] and the Euphrates,[2527] with the exception of some
tribes of Arabs, were brought completely under the dominion of the
Romans and the dynasties set up by them. The Armenians and the people
who lie beyond Colchis, both the Albani and Iberians, require nothing
more than that Roman governors should be sent among them, and they would
be easily ruled; their attempted insurrections are merely the
consequence of the want of attention from the Romans, who are so much
occupied elsewhere: the like may be asserted of those who dwell beyond
the Danube,[2528] and inhabit the banks of the Euxine, excepting only
those who dwell on the Bosphorus[2529] and the Nomades;[2530] of these
the former are in subjection to the Romans, and the latter are
unprofitable for commerce on account of their wandering life, and only
require to be watched. The rest of the countries [of Asia] are chiefly
inhabited by Scenites[2531] and Nomades who dwell at a great distance.
The Parthians indeed border on them and are very powerful, but they have
yielded so far to the superiority of the Romans and our emperors, that
they have not only sent back[2532] to Rome the trophies which they had
at a still more distant period taken from the Romans, but Phraates has
even sent his sons and his sons’ sons to Augustus Cæsar, as hostages,
assiduously courting his friendship:[2533] indeed the [Parthians] of the
present time frequently send for a king from hence,[2534] and are almost
on the point of relinquishing all power to the Romans. We now see Italy,
which has frequently been torn by civil war even since it came under the
dominion of the Romans, nay, even Rome herself, restrained from rushing
headlong into confusion and destruction by the excellence of her form of
government and the ability of her emperors. Indeed it were hard to
administer the affairs of so great an empire otherwise than by
committing them to one man as a father. [2535] For it would never have
been in the power of the Romans and their allies to attain to a state of
such perfect peace, and the enjoyment of such abundant prosperity, as
Augustus Cæsar afforded them from the time that he took upon himself the
absolute authority; and which his son Tiberius, who has succeeded him,
still maintains, who takes his father for a pattern in his government
and ordinances. And in their turn his sons, Germanicus and Drusus,[2536]
who are exercising the functions of government under their father, take
him for their model.




BOOK VII.

GERMANY. —THE CIMBRI, GETÆ, DACI. —MOUTHS OF THE DANUBE. —THE
TAURICA CHERSONESUS, ILLYRICUM, HUNGARY, EPIRUS, DODONA,
MACEDONIA, THRACE. —THE HELLESPONT.

SUMMARY.


In the Seventh Book Strabo describes the remaining portions of
Europe. That on the east is the country beyond the Rhine, as far
as the Don[2537] and the mouth of the Sea of Azof;[2538] and on
the south, that which the Danube[2539] bounds, lying between the
Adriatic and the left shores of the Euxine, as far as Greece and
the Sea of Marmora,[2540] including the whole of Macedonia.




CHAPTER I.


1. We have described Spain and the Keltic nations, together with Italy
and the islands adjacent, and must now speak of the remaining portions
of Europe, dividing it in the best way we can. That which remains is, on
the east, all the country beyond the Rhine, as far as the Don and the
mouth of the Sea of Azof; and, on the south, that which the Danube
bounds, lying between the Adriatic and the left shores of the Euxine, as
far as Greece and the Sea of Marmora, for the Danube, which is the
largest of the rivers of Europe, divides the whole territory of which we
have spoken, into two portions. This river from its commencement flows
southwards, then, making a sudden turn, continues its course from west
to east, which [terminates] in the Euxine Sea. It takes its rise in the
western confines of Germany, not far from the head of the Adriatic,
being distant from it about 1000 stadia,[2541] and falls into the Euxine
near the mouths of the Dniester[2542] and the Dnieper,[2543] inclining a
little towards the north. Thus the countries beyond the Rhine and
Keltica are situated to the north of the Danube, and are occupied by the
Galatic and German tribes, as far as the territory of the
Bastarnæ,[2544] the Tyregetæ,[2545] and the river Dnieper; so also is
the country situated between the Dnieper, the Don, and the mouth of the
Sea of Azof, which on one side stretches back as far as the [Northern]
Ocean,[2546] and on another is washed by the Euxine. To the south of the
Danube are situated the people of Illyria and Thrace, and mixed with
them certain tribes of Kelts and other races, extending as far as
Greece.

We will first speak of those nations to the north of the Danube, for
their history is less involved than that of the tribes situated on the
other side of the river.

2. Next after the Keltic nations come the Germans who inhabit the
country to the east beyond the Rhine; and these differ but little from
the Keltic race, except in their being more fierce, of a larger stature,
and more ruddy in countenance; but in every other respect, their figure,
their customs and manners of life, are such as we have related of the
Kelts. [2547] The Romans therefore, I think, have very appositely applied
to them the name “Germani,” as signifying genuine; for in the Latin
language Germani signifies genuine. [2548]

3. The first division of this country is the land extending along the
Rhine from its source to its embouchure. Indeed, the valley of that
river extends nearly as far as the whole breadth of Germany on the west.
Of the people who occupied this country, some have been transplanted by
the Romans into Keltica, the others have retired to the interior, as the
Marsi;[2549] there are but few remaining, and some portion of them [CAS.
290] are Sicambri;[2550] next to the inhabitants of this valley succeeds
the tribe dwelling between the Rhine and the river Elbe,[2551] which
river flows towards the ocean in a direction nearly parallel with the
Rhine, and traversing a country of no less extent. There are also
between these other navigable rivers, such as the Ems,[2552] on which
Drusus defeated the Bructeri[2553] in a naval engagement; all likewise
flowing from south to north, and falling into the ocean; for the whole
country rises towards the south, and forms a ridge of mountains near the
Alps, which extends eastward as though it were a continuation of the
Alps;[2554] and some have even so described it, as well on account of
its position as because it produces the same system of vegetation;
nevertheless, the altitude of this ridge in no part equals that of the
Alps. Here is situated the Hercynian Wood,[2555] and the tribes of the
Suevi,[2556] some of whom inhabit the forest, as do likewise some of the
Quadi. [2557] Among these latter people is situated Bujæmum, the royal
city of Marobodus, whither he has assembled many strangers and many of
the Marcomanni, a kindred nation with his own. This Marobodus, from a
private station, raised himself to the administration of affairs after
his return from Rome. For he went to that city while a youth, and was
patronized by Augustus. After he came home, he acquired the sovereignty
of his country, and added to the people I have enumerated, the
Luji,[2558] a powerful nation, and the Zumi,[2559] and the Gutones[2560]
and Mugilones and Sibini, besides the Semnones, another considerable
tribe of the Suevi. As I have previously stated, a portion of the Suevi
dwells within the Forest, while another portion occupies the territory
beyond, on the frontiers of the Getæ; wherefore the nation of the Suevi
is the most considerable, as it extends from the Rhine as far as the
Elbe, and even a part of them, as the Hermonduri and the Langobardi,
inhabit the country beyond the Elbe; but at the present time these
tribes, having been defeated, have retired entirely beyond the Elbe. All
these nations easily change their abode, on account of the scantiness of
provisions, and because they neither cultivate the lands nor accumulate
wealth, but dwell in miserable huts, and satisfy their wants from day to
day, the most part of their food being supplied by the herd, as amongst
the nomade races, and in imitation of them they transfer their
households in waggons, wandering with their cattle to any place which
may appear most advantageous. There are many other smaller German
tribes, as the Cherusci, Chatti, Gamabrivi,[2561] Chattuarii, and next
the ocean the Sicambri, Chaubi,[2562] Bructeri,[2563] Cimbri, Cauci,
Caulci, Campsiani,[2564] and many others.

In the same direction with the Ems,[2565] the Weser[2566] and the river
Lippe[2567] take their course, the latter, distant about 600 stadia from
the Rhine, flows through the territory of the Lesser Bructeri. And there
is also the river Sala,[2568] between which and the Rhine Drusus
Germanicus died, whilst in the midst of his victories. He not only
subdued the greater part of the German tribes, but also the islands on
the coast he passed along, one amongst which is Byrchanis,[2569] which
he took by siege.

4. All these nations became known through their wars with [CAS. 291] the
Romans, at one time submitting, at another revolting and quitting their
habitations; and we should have become acquainted with a greater number
of their tribes, if Augustus had permitted his generals to pass the
Elbe, in pursuit of those who had fled thither; but he considered the
war on hand would be more easily brought to a conclusion, if he left the
people on the other side of the Elbe unmolested, and not by attacking
provoke them to make common cause with his enemies.

The Sicambri inhabiting the country next the Rhine were the first to
commence the war, under the conduct of their leader, Melon; other
nations afterwards followed their example, at one time being victorious,
at another defeated, and again recommencing hostilities, without regard
to hostages or the faith of treaties. Against these people mistrust was
the surest defence; for those who were trusted effected the most
mischief. For example, the Cherusci, and those who were subject to them,
amongst whom three Roman legions with their general, Quintilius Varus,
perished by ambush, in violation of the truce; nevertheless all have
received punishment for this perfidy, which furnished to Germanicus the
Younger the opportunity of a most brilliant triumph, he leading publicly
as his captives the most illustrious persons, both men and women,
amongst whom were Segimuntus,[2570] the son of Segestes, the chief of
the Cherusci, and his sister, named Thusnelda, the wife of Armenius, who
led on the Cherusci when they treacherously attacked Quintilius Varus,
and even to this day continues the war; likewise his son Thumelicus, a
boy three years old, as also Sesithacus, the son of Segimerus,[2571]
chief of the Cherusci, and his wife Rhamis, the daughter of
Ucromirus,[2572] chief of the Chatti,[2573] and Deudorix, the son of
Bætorix, the brother of Melon, of the nation of the Sicambri; but
Segestes, the father-in-law of Armenius, from the commencement opposed
the designs of his son-in-law, and taking advantage of a favourable
opportunity, went over to the Roman camp and witnessed the triumphal
procession over those who were dearest to him, he being held in honour
by the Romans. There was also led in triumph Libes the priest of the
Chatti, and many other prisoners of the various vanquished nations, the
Cathylci and the Ampsani, the Bructeri, the Usipi, the Cherusci, the
Chatti, the Chattuarii, the Landi,[2574] the Tubattii. [2575]

The Rhine is distant from the Elbe about 3000 stadia, if one could
travel in a direct line; but we are compelled to go a circuitous route,
on account of the windings of the marshes and the woods.

5. The Hercynian Forest[2576] is extremely dense, and overgrown with
very large trees, covering an immense circuit of country, fortified by
nature. In the midst of it is situated the region well suited for
habitation, of which we have spoken. Near this forest are the sources of
the Danube and the Rhine, and the lake[2577] situated between these,
together with the marshes formed by the Rhine. The circuit of the lake
is more than 300[2578] stadia, and the distance across about 200. In
this lake is an island which served Tiberius as an arsenal, in the naval
war with the Vindelici. This lake is south of the sources of the Danube
and the Hercynian Forest, so that in passing from Keltica[2579] to the
forest, one has first to cross the lake, then the Danube, and afterwards
by a more passable country, and over elevated plains, you approach the
forest. When Tiberius had proceeded but one day’s journey from the lake,
he came in sight of the sources of the Danube. [2580]

The territory of the Rhæti[2581] borders some portion of this lake, but
the greater part of the shores belong to the Helvetii[2582] [CAS. 292]
and Vindelici,[2583] [the Norici come next after the Vindelici in an
easterly direction,][2584] and the desert of the Boii. [2585] The nations
as far as the Pannonians,[2586] but more especially the Helvetii and
Vindelici, inhabit high table lands. The Rhæti and the Norici,[2587]
verging towards Italy, extend over the very summits of the Alps; the
former confining with the Insubri,[2588] the latter the Carni,[2589] and
the districts about Aquileia. There is likewise another great forest,
named Gabreta, on this side the territory of the Suevi, while beyond
them lies the Hercynian Wood, which also is in their possession.




CHAPTER II.


1. Some of the accounts which we receive respecting the Cimbri are not
worthy of credit, while others seem likely enough: for instance, no one
could accept the reason given for their wandering life and piracy, that,
dwelling on a peninsula, they were driven out of their settlements by a
very high tide;[2590] for they still to this day possess the country
which they had in former times, and have sent as a present to Augustus
the caldron held most sacred by them, supplicating his friendship, and
an amnesty for past offences; and having obtained their request, they
returned home. Indeed, it would have been ridiculous for them to have
departed from their country in a pet, on account of a natural and
constant phenomenon, which recurs twice every day. It is likewise
evidently a fiction, that there ever occurred an overwhelming
flood-tide, for the ocean, in the influences of this kind which it
experiences, receives a certain settled and periodical increase and
decrease. [2591] Neither is it true, as has been related,[2592] that the
Cimbri take arms against the flood-tides, or that the Kelts, as an
exercise of their intrepidity, suffer their houses to be washed away by
them, and afterwards rebuild them; and that a greater number of them
perish by water than by war, as Ephorus relates. For the regular order
the flood-tides observe, and the notoriety of the extent of the country
subject to inundation by them, could never have given occasion for such
absurd actions. For the tide flowing twice every day, how could any one
think for an instant that it was not a natural and harmless phenomenon,
and that it occurs not only on their coasts, but on all others bordering
on the ocean? Is not this quite incredible? Neither is Clitarchus to be
trusted,[2593] when he says that their cavalry, on seeing the sea
flowing in, rode off at full speed, and yet scarcely escaped by flight
from being overtaken by the flood; for we know, by experience, that the
tide does not come in with such impetuosity, but that the sea advances
stealthily by slow degrees. And we should think, besides, that a
phenomenon of daily occurrence, which would naturally strike the ear of
such as [CAS. 293] approached it, before even they could see it with
their eyes, could not by any means terrify them so as to put them to
flight, as if they had been surprised by some unexpected catastrophe.

2. For such fables as these, Posidonius justly blames these writers, and
not inaptly conjectures that the Cimbri, on account of their wandering
life and habits of piracy, might have made an expedition as far as the
countries around the Palus Mæotis, and that from them has been derived
the name of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, or what we should more correctly
denominate the Cimbrian Bosphorus, for the Greeks call the Cimbri
Cimmerii.