It is saying too much to compare modern
England with eighteenth century Holland; the
nation still exhibits powerful energy in the splendid
achievement of its social life, and it might easily
happen again that, should she believe herself
?
England with eighteenth century Holland; the
nation still exhibits powerful energy in the splendid
achievement of its social life, and it might easily
happen again that, should she believe herself
?
Treitschke - 1915 - Germany, France, Russia, and Islam
hathitrust.
org/access_use#pd-us
? Foreword xi
The constitution of the Empire does not fully
meet his desire for a concentrated control. He
writes :
The Bundesrath (primarily destined to safeguard
the territorial interests) gives a firm and single-handed
control to the Imperial policy; the Reichstag, on the
other hand, which represents the united nation, has
almost invariably exercised an obstructive and dis-
turbing influence.
The Bundesrath is an Imperial Council made up
of representatives of the States, and corresponds
roughly to the American Senate; while the Reich-
stag, elected by the people (voting under certain
restrictions), may be compared (although the
comparison would in many ways not be precise)
w^th our House of Representatives.
Treitschke takes the ground that
Prussia alone has remained a true state. . . . The
entire Imperial policy reposes upon that tacit assump-
tion that there cannot possibly exist a permanent
conflict between the will of the Empire and the will of
the Prussian State. . . . In all matters of decisive
importance, Prussia has the determining voice.
In his analysis of the Constitution of the new
Federal Empire, Treitschke finds occasion for
references to Switzerland and to the United
States. He points out that
like the States of the American Union and like the
Swiss Cantons, the individual German States have lost
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? xii Foreword
their sovereignty, and from the strictly scientific
standpoint can no longer be regarded as States, for
they lack the two rights upon which the idea of sov-
ereignty has been grounded -- the right to take up
arms and the power to determine the extent of their
own prerogative. . . . The language of the Constitu-
tion as well as the language of common life speaks of
the States of the German Confederation and of the
States of the American Republic, but the name is
nominal.
If the term "States" is at all applicable, they
must be called ''non-sovereign States," but
Treitschke believes there is properly no such thing.
He makes the distinction, therefore, between a
Federal State, in which the sovereignty of the
individual States disappears, and a Confederation
of States, in which the individual sovereignty
has been retained.
A biographical study of Gustavus Adolphus
belongs to the same period. Treitschke admits
the great indebtedness of Protestant Germany
to the "Lion of the North-Land. " "Gustavus
Adolphus," he says, "does not belong to a single
nation, but to the whole of Protestant Christen-
dom. "
In the essay on Turkey and the Great Nations^
which bears date 1876 (the time of the Russo-
Turkish War), Treitschke takes the ground that
"Turkey is not needed in Europe. " He is in-
dignant with the "EngHsh stock speeches against
Muscovite selfishness. " He approves of the
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? Foreword xiii
pressure of the Russian power to the south-east,
and points out that in territories that have been
overcome, "the Russians are not meeting, Hke the
Britons, in the East Indies, a very ancient civiHza-
tion, equal in birth, but naked barbarism. " They
appear as the heralds of a superior civilization,
and yet, notwithstanding the fact, they are not
unapproachably alien to the conquered by descent
and morality.
Treitschke prophesies that
no European State, least of all Germany, can tolerate
a permanent Russian settlement in Stamboul, if
only because of the feverish excitement which v/ould
be bound to flame through all Slav races at such a
movement; and how is it thinkable that they could
maintain themselves on the Bosphorus if a German
army entered Poland, the troops of Austria marched
through the Balkans, and an English fleet lay before
Seraglio Point? [He goes on to say, however, that]
it is impossible to forbid a mighty Empire to sail
with its warships the sea that is before its coast and
it [the closing of the Black Sea] is as immoral as was
formerly the treaty for the closing of the Scheldt. . . .
Even the collapse of Osman rule in Stamboul cannot
fill us with blind fright if we calmly weigh the rela-
tions of the Powers to-day. . . . But there is no reason
that the destruction of the Osman State must needs
level the path for the world-Empire of Russia. . . .
English statesmen wobble between obsolete prejudices
and anxious cares ; self-interest and a feeling of inward
elective affinity make them seem to the Turks their
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? xiv Foreword
only true friends. . . . We seek in vain for a creative
idea in the Tory Government of Great Britain.
He dreads lest trouble in the Balkans *' might
endanger the existence of Austria and that would
be a blow at our own Empire. " He closes with
the words :
In the Eastern Question, Russia needs us more than
we her; and therefore an astute, strong German policy
has nothing to fear from Russian alliance.
Treitschke writes as one speaking with au-
thority. It seems evident from the present de-
velopment of German policy and from the course
of her history that Treitschke 's ideas have had a
larger influence upon German thought and in
shaping the work of German statesmen than had
been fully realized during the lifetime of the
historian. No student of the history of Germany
during the second half of the nineteenth century
and the opening years of the twentieth century
can afford to neglect the writings of this original
and forcible historian.
G. H. P.
New York, January, 191 5.
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? CONTENTS
TURKEY AND THE GREAT NATIONS
GERMANY AND THE ORIENTAL QUEST
ON
WHAT WE DEMAND FROM FRANCE
I. WHAT WE DEMAND
II. ALSACE AND LORRAINE PAST AND
PRESENT
III. THE CLAIMS OF PRUSSIA
THE INCORPORATION OF ALSACE-LORRAINE
AS AN IMPERIAL PROVINCE IN THE
GERMAN EMPIRE . . . . .
IN MEMORY OF THE GREAT WAR .
LUTHER AND THE GERMAN NATION
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS AND GERMANY'S
FREEDOM
OUR EMPIRE
INDEX . . . .
75
96
98
114
158
180
200
227
261
287
329
XV
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? Germany, France, Russia,
and Islam
TURKEY AND THE GREAT NATIONS
BERLIN,
20th June, 1876.
WHEN our posterity shall, sometime or other,
cast their thoughts back to the present age,
perhaps they may enviously inquire how we old
people had deserved to live in this wonderfully
fertile period. The sixteenth century has always
up till now been regarded as the most intellectual
and fruitful epoch of the Christian era; but the
century beginning with the year 1789 is hardly
inferior in creative power, and certainly far more
fortunate in the moulding and completion of
things. All the great ideas, which could be fore-
seen but not realized in Martin Luther's age, the
freedom of faith, of thought, and of economic
production, have become Europe's assured posses-
sion during the latest three generations. It is
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? 2 Turkey and the Great Nations
the present time which is fulfilling Columbus*s
work, and may seriously speak of a world-history.
The dreams of the Huttens and Machiavellis,
the unity of Germany and Italy, are actually
embodied before our eyes. And scarcely has
Luther's Antichrist lost the hegemony of the
world than doom begins to impend over his
Turkish Antichrist. There are almost too many
historical changes for one single generation, and
who can blame us Germans if the disorders on the
Bosphorus appear to us thoroughly unwelcome?
We need assured peace, like bread, in order that
our decayed economical conditions may recover.
We do not lose sight of the way in which these
Eastern affairs may be used as a lever to help us in
our next task in the perfecting of German unity.
And although we think Turkey's riile more than
ripe for destruction, the Rayahs are by no means
yet ripe for independence, and we should wel-
come it as a piece of luck if this most difficult of
all European questions, which innumerable half-
successful wars and rebellions and a deluge of
dispatches and books have only rendered more
obscure and enigmatic, remained unsolved for
yet a few decades.
But fate cares not for our wishes. Whether
we like it or not, we must finally admit that the idea
of nationality, which has already newly moulded
the centre of this hemisphere, has also awakened
vividly in the Graeco-Slav world. It would be
contrary to history if this impelling force of the
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 3
century were reverentially to spare Europe's
most miserable State. The new explosion of
the Eastern crisis luckily finds us in a tolerably
favourable diplomatic position. The alliance of
the three Eastern Powers has already proved itself
a power for peace and moderation. That alliance
alone makes possible what would have been
unthinkable a decade ago: that the rights of the
fortunate Rayahs can be to some degree assured
by agreement between the Great Powers, and
the inevitable fall of Turkey very considerably
hastened, perhaps without a European war. The
alliance of the three Emperors affords us at any
rate the certainty that Germany's word shall weigh
heavily in the scale when matters come to be
decided in the East. The German Empire's
friendship is altogether invaluable to the Peters-
burg Court at the present moment. The path
to the vulnerable points of the Czar's Empire
passes solely through German territory; the
Russian Power, allied with Germany, can be
beaten but not seriously injured, as the Crimean
War indubitably showed. Is it probable that the
strong hands which guide German politics do not
appreciate so advantageous a situation, or that
the clever statesmen on the Neva should wilfully
fling away by foolish schemes of conquest the al-
liance of a tried friend, who has no selfish aims
whatever to pursue in the Orient?
And as our State is entering more resolutely
and powerfully than formerly into the fresh
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? 4 Turkey and the Great Nations
Eastern crisis, public opinion has become quieter
and soberer. The Turkish scimitar has long lost
its terrors; no longer do the Turkish bells ring
which used to warn even our grandfathers of
the unexpiated guilt of Christianity. We smile at
the phil-Hellenic enthusiasm of the twenties, and
no Emperor Joseph to-day will wish "to avenge
insulted humanity on these barbarians. " We
also hear no more of those ardent eulogies of the
freedom and culture of the noble Osmanic nation,
with which the Press of the Western Powers
enriched astonished Europe, and the not less
astonished Turks at the time of the Crimean War.
Since the Salonica massacres, since the Sultan's
wonderful suicide, and the not less wonderful
revenge on the Circassians, even the most good-
natured German bourgeois considers the conditions
in David Urquhart's model State "remarkable
but disgusting," to use the Schleswig-Holstein
phrase.
Even in bygone years there has never been an
entire lack of thoughtful critics of Oriental things
in Germany; Moltke's two standard books, which
are far too little known, together with the writings
of Roepell and Eichmann, are indeed the best and
most profound things that have been written
anywhere about modem Turkey. But the major-
ity of our people are now, for the first time,
in a position to consider these remote affairs
impartially; because during each of the previous
crises in the Turkish Empire our attention was
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 5
taken up by anxieties which touched us more
nearly. The Crimean War was waged not merely
for the Turk's sake, but also in order to abolish the
unnatural domination maintained by the Emperor
Nicholas in Europe. The Czar's arrogance and
domineeringness lay on no country so heavily as
on Germany; he was the mighty support of the
Diet, of reaction, and of provincialism. German
Liberals were at that period driven into the camp
of the Western Powers by the anger of insulted
national pride. Owing to passionate hatred of
the Czar, which, as things stood, was thoroughly
justified, the question could hardly arise whether
the wise doctors in Paris and London had any
practical cure for their "Sick Man. " Bunsen,
obsessed by such feelings, actually devised the
scheme of tearing the whole northern coast of the
Black Sea from Russia, and giving it to Austria.
A statesman even of the insight and sobriety of
Freiherr von Stockmar toyed with the fantastic
notion of the restoration of Poland. All the old
Polish-French fairy tales about Russia found
ready belief among the public; Peter the Great's
notorious will, one of the most barefaced forgeries
ever attempted, circulated again through Europe ;
and again, just as at the time of the July Revolu-
tion, Liberal Society poured forth laudation of
the enlightened Western Powers. How different
is our attitude to-day! Nobody is any longer
deceived about France's European policy, and a
profound change has also occurred in current
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? 6 Turkey and the Great Nations
criticisms of England, which redounds to the
honour of the developing capacity of German
Liberalism.
What German Liberal has not in his young days
dreamt the glorious dream of the natural alliance
of free England with free Germany? We needed
a long series of painful experiences before we at
last learnt that the foreign politics of States
are not determined solely, or even mainly, by the
inner relations of their constitutions. However
highly you may think of British liberty, modern
England is undoubtedly a reactionary force in the
society of nations. Her position as a Power is an
obvious anachronism. It was created in those good
old times when wars were still decided by sea-fights
and hired mercenaries, and it was thought politic
in all dominating countries to seize piratical hold
of well-situated sea-fortresses and fleet-stations,
without any regard to nature and history. In a
century of national States and big national armies
such a cosmopolitan commercial Power can no
longer continue to endure ; the time will and must
come when Gibraltar will belong to the Spaniards,
Malta to the Italians, Heligoland to the Germans,
and the Mediterranean to the peoples of the
Mediterranean countries.
It is saying too much to compare modern
England with eighteenth century Holland; the
nation still exhibits powerful energy in the splendid
achievement of its social life, and it might easily
happen again that, should she believe herself
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 7
imperilled in her vital commercial interests, she
would yet stagger humanity by bold determination.
The vision of her statesmen, however, is quite as
narrow, her view of the world has become just as
patriarchally limited and obstinately conservative,
as were once the politics of the decaying Nether-
lands. Over-rich and over-satiated, vulnerable
at a hundred points of their far-flung possessions,
the Britons feel they have nothing more to desire
in the wide world, and can only oppose the young
forces of the century by the forcible methods of an
obsolete age; they therefore obstinately resist all
changes in the Society of States, however bene-
ficial they may be. England is to-day the shame-
less champion of barbarism in international law.
It is her fault that warfare by sea still bears the
character of privileged robbery -- to the disgrace of
mankind. At the Brussels Conference her opposi-
tion nullified the attempt of Germany and Russia
to set some limit to the excesses of war by land.
Apart from the feeble and entirely unhelpful
sympathy displayed by the English Press in
regard to Italian unity, the British nation during
the last two decades has simply shown bitter
enmity to every single new and hopeful Power
which has arisen in the world. She enthused for
the brutality of North American slave-holders;
she was the clamorous, but, God be thanked,
cowardly supporter of foreign Danish domination
in Schleswig-Holstein ; she reverenced the Diet and
the Guelph Empire; she allowed the French to
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? 8 Turkey and the Great Nations
attack united Germany, which she could have
prevented, and prolonged the war by her sales of
weapons. When M. de Lesseps conceived the
brilliant idea of the Suez Canal, which the ruler
of the East Indies ought to have seized with both
hands, the Britons stuck their heads into the sand
like the ostrich in order not to perceive the bless-
ings of the necessity, which was inconvenient just
at the first moment; they jeered and jibed until
the great enterprise was accomplished, and then
endeavoured to exploit for England's advantage
the innovation which had been achieved against
England's will. And after all these cumulative
proofs of the incompetence and narrow-minded
prejudice of British statesmanship, ought we
Germans to admire that State as the magnani-
mous defender of national freedom and of the
European balance of power? It is easy to hear
in the boastful words in which England loves to
veil her Eastern policy the echo of the anxious
cry of old: We are defending the Ganges at the
Bosphorus.
Every London newspaper proves that nobody
there has any suspicion of the enormous alteration
in all Russian conditions. They still speak as in
the days of the Czar Nicholas. The Emperor
Alexander, however, has not only opened new
paths for the social Hfe of his people by profoundly
radical reforms, but he has also given a quite
altered tendency to the Empire's foreign policy.
Only blind hatred can maintain that Russia is
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 9
even to-day oppressing Europe with a crippling dom-
ination. The Petersburg Government has proved
in North America, Italy, and Germany, as well as
in the struggle against Rome, that it knows how to
respect the Hving forces of the century ; after so
many proofs of its shrewdness and love of peace it
can at least expect that we should judge its Oriental
schemes according to the facts, not according to
the sensational stories of EngHsh Russophobes.
Taken all in all, the great Slavonic Power has
been the best ally Germany has ever had, and in
the face of that fact the question becomes urgent
whether it is really impossible for Germans and
Slavs to dwell in peace side by side. If our broad-
minded cosmopolitanism cherishes odious preju-
dices against any nation, it is certainly the Slavonic.
We have often fought against the Romanic
peoples, and sometimes felt in the heat of the fight
a quick outburst of national hatred; but the
near blood-kinship which unites all the peoples
that were affected by the migration of nations,
the common participation in classical education,
and the gratitude for so many gifts brought to us
by the older civilization of the West, always led
again after a brief estrangement to a good under-
standing. Hatred of the Slavs, on the other hand,
is deep in our blood, and it is also heartily recipro-
cated on the other side. For centuries we have
dealt with the nations of the East only as enemies,
as rulers, or as teachers; even to-day we still ex-
hibit to them all the harsh and domineering traits
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? lo Turkey and the Great Nations
of our character. Glad of our older civilization,
we glance beyond the Vistula and the Danube
with feelings such as the Roman had when he gazed
at the right bank of the Rhine, and we do not even
take the trouble to learn the Russian tongue --
which, by the way, is by no means an unimportant
phenomenon, because the educated Russian, by
his knowledge of languages, is gaining almost
exactly the same superiority over us which we
had over the French. To tell the truth, the Slav
seems to us a born slave. As soon as our conver-
sation turns to the interesting nationalities south
of the Danube, a German cannot help uttering
the winged words, "Swineherds and nose-muti-
lators" -- as if our ancestors in the olden times did
not also live with the proboscidians in cordial
intimacy, and carry on wars in which little
humane feeling was shown ! Should such arrogant
prejudices continue? It is not to be imagined
that we should ever feel for the unripe peoples
of the Balkan Peninsula so deep a sympathy as we
once did for the movement towards Italian unity.
But they are after all our Christian brothers;
the combat they are waging is after all only a
scene out of the ancient war between Cross and
Crescent. It surely does not become us, who
have only just shaken foreign domination from our
necks by a bloody fight, to put the question
with arrogant callousness whether an existence
worthy of a man is possible under the yoke of the
foreign domination of the Turk.
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? Turkey and the Great Nations ii
For fifteen hundred years the most beautiful
country in Europe has been in the possession of
two great empires which, although both of them
were quite unintellectual, maintained themselves
solely by the perfect technique of their governance,
by their skill in mastering and utilizing men;
a well-developed monetary economy and system-
atized finances, good soldiers, and a technically
well-schooled officialdom; lastly a policy without
ideas, which nevertheless knew how to inspire
all its subjects with a strenuously servile dis-
position -- those were the means to which the aged
Byzantine Empire owed its thousand years' du-
ration, whilst all around the youthfully vigorous
States of the Germans weakly collapsed. And
the successors of the Byzantines, the Osmans,
have similarly maintained their power solely by
their skill in ruling, not by any moral idea. Supe-
rior to the Western countries through their stand-
ing armies, to the Orientals by the strict order of
succession in the House of Osman, they subjugated
almost the whole of Alexander's dominions to the
Crescent; and nobody can regard without ad-
miration the ruling ability of those powerful first
Sultans, Murad and Mohammed, how they fast-
ened the new yoke so tightly and firmly on the
necks of the Rayahs, who had been trampled down
and unmanned by Byzantine, Venetian, and Geno-
ese governors, that a resurrection from the bottom-
less deep of their slavery seemed for a long time
quite unthinkable to the subject peoples.
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? 12 Turkey and the Great Nations
Their government, like almost all governments
in the Orient, was a theocracy, the Koran the
unchangeable statute-book both in political and
religious life. High above the whole Empire was
enthroned the Sultan, girt with Osman's sword,
the Shadow of God on earth, bound to nothing
but the word of the Prophet. Under him were his
tools, the great officials, who mostly came out of
the ranks of the Christian renegades during the
brilliant period of the Osman State, and the hordes
of the Janissaries, all children of Christians, who
had been robbed from their parents at a tender age
and then inspired by a Spartan education with the
whole ferocity of the Islamic faith. Under them
were the ruling people of True Believers. Lastly
under those were the polyglot herd of Christians,
"pigs with similar bristles, dogs with similar
tails," condemned to drudge and pay taxes, to
purchase their exhausted lives anew every year
by means of the poll-tax, the haraj, to strengthen
ever anew the army of the ruling race by the toll
of their boys -- if sometimes it was not preferred to
put them themselves among the troops of the
Arabs, in which they were then used as cannon-
fodder or were even thrown in heaps into the
trenches of besieged Christian fortresses, as a living
bridge for Allah's storming fighters. Thus were
the Rayahs forced to forge ever closer the fetters
of their slavery with their own hands.
Skill in enslavement had here produced an in-
comparable masterpiece which is only explicable
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 13
by the servility of the subjects of Byzantium, and
by the ancient traditions of Oriental policy; for
since Asia Minor knew of no national States, but
only a powerfully welded medley of national
wrecks, the capacity for ruling by dividing de-
veloped here to a degree of virtuosity almost incom-
prehensible to a Westerner. Whilst Christendom
burnt its heretics, everybody under the Crescent
might live according to his Faith ; and only a short
time ago Lord Shaftesbury quite seriously asserted
amid the applause of the enlightened House of
Lords that Turkey had done more for Christendom
in a decade than Russia in nine centuries! This
much-vaunted tolerance of the Turks also proves
as a fact merely how skilfully the system of en-
slavement was devised; they did not desire the
conversion of the subject races, because the
Mussulman could put his foot on their necks only
if the Rayahs remained unbelieving dogs. Whilst
everywhere in Europe a strict class-distinction kept
the lower orders under, the meanest slave at the
Bosphorus might hope to rise to the highest
offices in the Empire by luck and energy ; therefore
in the seventeenth century the toil-worn peasants
of Central Europe sometimes welcomed the
Prophet's approaching standard with similar
feelings as they did later the armies of the French
Revolution. However, that complete social
equality, which constitutes everywhere the foot-
stool of Oriental despotism, existed actually only
for the ruling race of the Believers. Between
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? 1 4 Turkey and the Great Nations
them and the Rayahs stretched a boundless gulf;
the extremest insolence of the old French aristo-
cratic arrogance is not within even measurable
distance of those feehngs of cold contempt and
bodily disgust which the believing Turk ex-
periences even to-day against the pork-eating
Giaour.
The conqueror found himself in the presence
of a population utterly divided by raving race-
hatred and gloomy religious passions. The Greek
hated the Serb more fiercely than the Turk, and
yet more shocking than the sight of the man
turning his face towards Mecca in prayer was
it for an Orthodox son of the Eastern Church to
behold an altar of the Latins, where the Saviour
hangs on the Cross with His feet nailed one above
the other, instead of side by side. Such a dis-
position among the Rayahs afforded firm ground
for that shrewd system of keeping the races and
creeds apart to which the ruling minority owed
its security. As the government of the ruling
race was itself theocratic, the elders of every
Christian Church were provided with jurisdiction
and powers of police over those of their faith, and
were at the same time obliged to take responsibility
for the taxes of the Rayahs. The Orthodox formed
a Greek subordinate State within the Turkish
Empire under their Patriarch. Their bishops dealt
as they pleased with the popes and congregations,
but seldom disturbed by a wildly energetic pasha ;
they boasted that, compared with their social
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 15
equals in other lands, "You are only parsons, we
are pashas! " That is what English worshippers
of the Turk praise as the incomparable self-
government of the Osmans! The Rayahs* venal
servility next became itself responsible for the
fact that whilst the high clergy fleeced their
flocks thoroughly well, they never became dan-
gerous to the Turkish lords. What a horrible
page of Christian history is covered by the fates
of the Patriarchs of Constantinople ! The dignity
lasted for life, and could be forfeited only for high
treason or on appeal of the Orthodox themselves.
And yet this well-assured office, which might have
been a prop of national independence for the
Greeks, became a useful tool of enslavement for
the Turks. Since time immemorial no Patriarch
has kept his seat longer than three years. The
spirit of simony penetrated the whole Church;
scarcely had a prince of the Church won the votes
of his fellow-believers by bribery, than others
started working against him with the same method,
till he was at last accused before the Porte and
deposed. And the same unworthy game kept
going on for centuries ! To crown all, the big
merchants of the Fanar carried on the monetary
transactions of the Porte, and the commerce of
the Christians was preferred before that of the
Turks because it had to pay higher taxes, just as
the fiscal policy of the landowners in our Middle
Age sometimes patronized Jewish usury. Thus
the shameful name of Rayah became a literal,
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? 1 6 Turkey and the Great Nations
fearful truth. So long as they did not "gnaw at
the collar of subjection," they might settle their
disputes among themselves, just as stupid cattle
are left to themselves; but as soon as they became
engaged in quarrel with a Mussulman they were
made to feel that the word of the Prophet formally
gives the True Believer the right to tread the
Giaour underfoot. The complete absence of rights
on the part of the Rayahs was only made endur-
able to some extent by the fact that each com-
munity and each urban quarter was usually
inhabited solely by fellow-believers, and so dis-
putes between Christians and Moslems were not
too frequent.
The same unparalleled ignorance which ensured
the mastery of the Rayahs by the Moslems, also
inspired their foreign policy. Never, not even
when they watered their horses in the Leitha
and beheld the rich abodes of German culture
at their feet, did any idea of the superiority of
Western civilization enter the Osmans' heads.
The Frank was and is regarded by them as the
paragon of frivolous stupidity ; to make the Prank-
ish bear dance a fool's dance at a rope's end was
and is the finest spice of existence for the worthy
Eff endis of the Seraglio. Yet with what clarity and
assurance did the one-sided narrow-mindedness
of Oriental fanaticism meet the disharmony of
the divided European world! The Mussulman
knew but two kingdoms on earth, the House
of Islam and the House of War; "the whole of
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 17
heathendom is only a nation," to conquer which
was the immutable duty of the Moslems. The
Western countries meanwhile became defenceless
against the barbarians through the rich mani-
f oldness of their culture ; the want of unity among
the European Powers, the superabundance of
contradictions which is included in our portion
of the world, were the best allies of the Osmans,
beginning from the day when the Genoese calmly
looked on at the conquest of Byzantium from
the ramparts of Galata, up to the contemporary
Christian heroisms of Benjamin Disraeli. And
again, from the Council of Mantua, when res
orientales were first put among the orders of the
day for European diplomats, down to the war
of dispatches in our own days, the unity of Europe
has ever been nullified by the particular impedi-
ment that whilst, if needful, some understanding
could have been reached about everything else,
it was impossible in the case of the mighty capital,
which signifies more than the whole of the Balkan
Peninsula. It was not feasible to find a way out
with the superficial advice of banishing the Turks
from Europe, for the simple reason that their
ruling stronghold itself half belongs to Asia. The
Bosphorus is the high street of Constantinople;
the Asiatic suburb of Scutari is hardly farther from
Stamboul than the European suburbs of Pera and
Galata. On the Asiatic shore at Anadoli Fanar lie
the ruins of the Temple of Gerokoi, w^here the
Hellenic sailor used once to say good-bye to his
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? 1 8 Turkey and the Great Nations
beloved home before he began his voyage to the
barbarian countries on the Bosphorus. So far
as the history of that region goes, the south-east
coast of Europe and the north-west coast of
Asia have always belonged to the same Greek
civilization. It was and is an enigma how a new
Power could ever arise in Stamboul which should
not at the same time be master of the most valu-
able strip of Asia Minor.
It is astounding with what cleverness the
Osmans in their great period knew how to utilize
this favourable position and those dissensions in
Europe. Although they had only the vaguest
conception of the geographical positions and the
history of the heathen countries, they yet divined,
with the fine sense for power peculiar to Orientals,
where in each case they had to look for their allies.
Correct insight and diplomatic tact, those ancient
privileges of masterful aristocracies, were also a
heritage among the ruling race in the Balkan
Peninsula. As the behever in the Koran may
regard every treaty of peace with the heathen
merely as a revocable armistice, the Porte dealt
with the Western countries with imperturbable
calm. She understood how to expect everything
from time, and waited patiently, with the fatalistic
quietness of the Moslem, until the hour came to
tear up all treaties and to let loose against the
Giaours the still unbroken, fierce natural forces
of the Janissaries and Spahis. Since France first
drew the great Suleiman into the quarrels of
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 19
Christendom, the Turks began to perceive that
they were at least welcome to one of the Christian
Powers; and thenceforth the State of the Osmans
has so often and so unctuously been praised by
the wiseacre statesmen of the Western countries
as an indispensable weight in the scales of Euro-
pean balance, that we ought not to be surprised if
to-day all the supports of the Turkish Empire,
the valis, mullahs, and ulemas, the black and the
white eunuchs, the odalisques, and the seraglio
boys, are all penetrated by the glad belief that
Allah's wonderful mercifulness has struck the
stupid Franks' eyes with an incurable blindness.
With good reason in truth has Machiavelli
eulogized the proud beginnings of the Osman
State; because that which represented policy
to the Florentine, namely, skill in governing, in
maintaining and enhancing the power of the State,
was practised here with a rare cleverness. But
with this skill the Turks' political capacity has
always ended; their Empire, even at its great
period, lacked all moral substance, just like
Machiavelli's ideal State. Might was self-interest ;
the question as to what moral purposes it should
aim at was never put. It was thought a matter
of course that the State should exist for the
benefit of the rulers; and if we inquire what the
ruling skill of that long series of strong statesmen
and generals has brought forth for the well-being
and civilization of mankind, only one answer is
possible : Nothing, simply nothing. When the con-
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? 20 Turkey and the Great Nations
quering Mohammed bestrode the desert palace of
the Comneni, the feeling of the transitoriness of
earthly greatness overcame him, and he uttered
the verse of the Oriental poet :
Before the gates in Emperors* castles
The spider, as chamberlain, is weaving curtains,
And in Afrasiab's columned halls
Echoes the cry of the nesting owl.
He did not imagine he was predicting the fate
of his own Empire. Like a huge avalanche,
Turkish despotism fell upon those blessed lands
which once witnessed the classic age of Christian
Church history. The interior of the Peninsula is
to-day as Httle known as the deserts of Australia ;
it was not till Diebitsch's expedition to Adrianople
that science gained some sort of notion of the
formation of Balkan mountain ranges. The rise
of the Turkish power compelled the Western
countries to brace themselves to vigorous action.
? Foreword xi
The constitution of the Empire does not fully
meet his desire for a concentrated control. He
writes :
The Bundesrath (primarily destined to safeguard
the territorial interests) gives a firm and single-handed
control to the Imperial policy; the Reichstag, on the
other hand, which represents the united nation, has
almost invariably exercised an obstructive and dis-
turbing influence.
The Bundesrath is an Imperial Council made up
of representatives of the States, and corresponds
roughly to the American Senate; while the Reich-
stag, elected by the people (voting under certain
restrictions), may be compared (although the
comparison would in many ways not be precise)
w^th our House of Representatives.
Treitschke takes the ground that
Prussia alone has remained a true state. . . . The
entire Imperial policy reposes upon that tacit assump-
tion that there cannot possibly exist a permanent
conflict between the will of the Empire and the will of
the Prussian State. . . . In all matters of decisive
importance, Prussia has the determining voice.
In his analysis of the Constitution of the new
Federal Empire, Treitschke finds occasion for
references to Switzerland and to the United
States. He points out that
like the States of the American Union and like the
Swiss Cantons, the individual German States have lost
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? xii Foreword
their sovereignty, and from the strictly scientific
standpoint can no longer be regarded as States, for
they lack the two rights upon which the idea of sov-
ereignty has been grounded -- the right to take up
arms and the power to determine the extent of their
own prerogative. . . . The language of the Constitu-
tion as well as the language of common life speaks of
the States of the German Confederation and of the
States of the American Republic, but the name is
nominal.
If the term "States" is at all applicable, they
must be called ''non-sovereign States," but
Treitschke believes there is properly no such thing.
He makes the distinction, therefore, between a
Federal State, in which the sovereignty of the
individual States disappears, and a Confederation
of States, in which the individual sovereignty
has been retained.
A biographical study of Gustavus Adolphus
belongs to the same period. Treitschke admits
the great indebtedness of Protestant Germany
to the "Lion of the North-Land. " "Gustavus
Adolphus," he says, "does not belong to a single
nation, but to the whole of Protestant Christen-
dom. "
In the essay on Turkey and the Great Nations^
which bears date 1876 (the time of the Russo-
Turkish War), Treitschke takes the ground that
"Turkey is not needed in Europe. " He is in-
dignant with the "EngHsh stock speeches against
Muscovite selfishness. " He approves of the
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? Foreword xiii
pressure of the Russian power to the south-east,
and points out that in territories that have been
overcome, "the Russians are not meeting, Hke the
Britons, in the East Indies, a very ancient civiHza-
tion, equal in birth, but naked barbarism. " They
appear as the heralds of a superior civilization,
and yet, notwithstanding the fact, they are not
unapproachably alien to the conquered by descent
and morality.
Treitschke prophesies that
no European State, least of all Germany, can tolerate
a permanent Russian settlement in Stamboul, if
only because of the feverish excitement which v/ould
be bound to flame through all Slav races at such a
movement; and how is it thinkable that they could
maintain themselves on the Bosphorus if a German
army entered Poland, the troops of Austria marched
through the Balkans, and an English fleet lay before
Seraglio Point? [He goes on to say, however, that]
it is impossible to forbid a mighty Empire to sail
with its warships the sea that is before its coast and
it [the closing of the Black Sea] is as immoral as was
formerly the treaty for the closing of the Scheldt. . . .
Even the collapse of Osman rule in Stamboul cannot
fill us with blind fright if we calmly weigh the rela-
tions of the Powers to-day. . . . But there is no reason
that the destruction of the Osman State must needs
level the path for the world-Empire of Russia. . . .
English statesmen wobble between obsolete prejudices
and anxious cares ; self-interest and a feeling of inward
elective affinity make them seem to the Turks their
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? xiv Foreword
only true friends. . . . We seek in vain for a creative
idea in the Tory Government of Great Britain.
He dreads lest trouble in the Balkans *' might
endanger the existence of Austria and that would
be a blow at our own Empire. " He closes with
the words :
In the Eastern Question, Russia needs us more than
we her; and therefore an astute, strong German policy
has nothing to fear from Russian alliance.
Treitschke writes as one speaking with au-
thority. It seems evident from the present de-
velopment of German policy and from the course
of her history that Treitschke 's ideas have had a
larger influence upon German thought and in
shaping the work of German statesmen than had
been fully realized during the lifetime of the
historian. No student of the history of Germany
during the second half of the nineteenth century
and the opening years of the twentieth century
can afford to neglect the writings of this original
and forcible historian.
G. H. P.
New York, January, 191 5.
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? CONTENTS
TURKEY AND THE GREAT NATIONS
GERMANY AND THE ORIENTAL QUEST
ON
WHAT WE DEMAND FROM FRANCE
I. WHAT WE DEMAND
II. ALSACE AND LORRAINE PAST AND
PRESENT
III. THE CLAIMS OF PRUSSIA
THE INCORPORATION OF ALSACE-LORRAINE
AS AN IMPERIAL PROVINCE IN THE
GERMAN EMPIRE . . . . .
IN MEMORY OF THE GREAT WAR .
LUTHER AND THE GERMAN NATION
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS AND GERMANY'S
FREEDOM
OUR EMPIRE
INDEX . . . .
75
96
98
114
158
180
200
227
261
287
329
XV
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? Germany, France, Russia,
and Islam
TURKEY AND THE GREAT NATIONS
BERLIN,
20th June, 1876.
WHEN our posterity shall, sometime or other,
cast their thoughts back to the present age,
perhaps they may enviously inquire how we old
people had deserved to live in this wonderfully
fertile period. The sixteenth century has always
up till now been regarded as the most intellectual
and fruitful epoch of the Christian era; but the
century beginning with the year 1789 is hardly
inferior in creative power, and certainly far more
fortunate in the moulding and completion of
things. All the great ideas, which could be fore-
seen but not realized in Martin Luther's age, the
freedom of faith, of thought, and of economic
production, have become Europe's assured posses-
sion during the latest three generations. It is
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? 2 Turkey and the Great Nations
the present time which is fulfilling Columbus*s
work, and may seriously speak of a world-history.
The dreams of the Huttens and Machiavellis,
the unity of Germany and Italy, are actually
embodied before our eyes. And scarcely has
Luther's Antichrist lost the hegemony of the
world than doom begins to impend over his
Turkish Antichrist. There are almost too many
historical changes for one single generation, and
who can blame us Germans if the disorders on the
Bosphorus appear to us thoroughly unwelcome?
We need assured peace, like bread, in order that
our decayed economical conditions may recover.
We do not lose sight of the way in which these
Eastern affairs may be used as a lever to help us in
our next task in the perfecting of German unity.
And although we think Turkey's riile more than
ripe for destruction, the Rayahs are by no means
yet ripe for independence, and we should wel-
come it as a piece of luck if this most difficult of
all European questions, which innumerable half-
successful wars and rebellions and a deluge of
dispatches and books have only rendered more
obscure and enigmatic, remained unsolved for
yet a few decades.
But fate cares not for our wishes. Whether
we like it or not, we must finally admit that the idea
of nationality, which has already newly moulded
the centre of this hemisphere, has also awakened
vividly in the Graeco-Slav world. It would be
contrary to history if this impelling force of the
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 3
century were reverentially to spare Europe's
most miserable State. The new explosion of
the Eastern crisis luckily finds us in a tolerably
favourable diplomatic position. The alliance of
the three Eastern Powers has already proved itself
a power for peace and moderation. That alliance
alone makes possible what would have been
unthinkable a decade ago: that the rights of the
fortunate Rayahs can be to some degree assured
by agreement between the Great Powers, and
the inevitable fall of Turkey very considerably
hastened, perhaps without a European war. The
alliance of the three Emperors affords us at any
rate the certainty that Germany's word shall weigh
heavily in the scale when matters come to be
decided in the East. The German Empire's
friendship is altogether invaluable to the Peters-
burg Court at the present moment. The path
to the vulnerable points of the Czar's Empire
passes solely through German territory; the
Russian Power, allied with Germany, can be
beaten but not seriously injured, as the Crimean
War indubitably showed. Is it probable that the
strong hands which guide German politics do not
appreciate so advantageous a situation, or that
the clever statesmen on the Neva should wilfully
fling away by foolish schemes of conquest the al-
liance of a tried friend, who has no selfish aims
whatever to pursue in the Orient?
And as our State is entering more resolutely
and powerfully than formerly into the fresh
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? 4 Turkey and the Great Nations
Eastern crisis, public opinion has become quieter
and soberer. The Turkish scimitar has long lost
its terrors; no longer do the Turkish bells ring
which used to warn even our grandfathers of
the unexpiated guilt of Christianity. We smile at
the phil-Hellenic enthusiasm of the twenties, and
no Emperor Joseph to-day will wish "to avenge
insulted humanity on these barbarians. " We
also hear no more of those ardent eulogies of the
freedom and culture of the noble Osmanic nation,
with which the Press of the Western Powers
enriched astonished Europe, and the not less
astonished Turks at the time of the Crimean War.
Since the Salonica massacres, since the Sultan's
wonderful suicide, and the not less wonderful
revenge on the Circassians, even the most good-
natured German bourgeois considers the conditions
in David Urquhart's model State "remarkable
but disgusting," to use the Schleswig-Holstein
phrase.
Even in bygone years there has never been an
entire lack of thoughtful critics of Oriental things
in Germany; Moltke's two standard books, which
are far too little known, together with the writings
of Roepell and Eichmann, are indeed the best and
most profound things that have been written
anywhere about modem Turkey. But the major-
ity of our people are now, for the first time,
in a position to consider these remote affairs
impartially; because during each of the previous
crises in the Turkish Empire our attention was
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 5
taken up by anxieties which touched us more
nearly. The Crimean War was waged not merely
for the Turk's sake, but also in order to abolish the
unnatural domination maintained by the Emperor
Nicholas in Europe. The Czar's arrogance and
domineeringness lay on no country so heavily as
on Germany; he was the mighty support of the
Diet, of reaction, and of provincialism. German
Liberals were at that period driven into the camp
of the Western Powers by the anger of insulted
national pride. Owing to passionate hatred of
the Czar, which, as things stood, was thoroughly
justified, the question could hardly arise whether
the wise doctors in Paris and London had any
practical cure for their "Sick Man. " Bunsen,
obsessed by such feelings, actually devised the
scheme of tearing the whole northern coast of the
Black Sea from Russia, and giving it to Austria.
A statesman even of the insight and sobriety of
Freiherr von Stockmar toyed with the fantastic
notion of the restoration of Poland. All the old
Polish-French fairy tales about Russia found
ready belief among the public; Peter the Great's
notorious will, one of the most barefaced forgeries
ever attempted, circulated again through Europe ;
and again, just as at the time of the July Revolu-
tion, Liberal Society poured forth laudation of
the enlightened Western Powers. How different
is our attitude to-day! Nobody is any longer
deceived about France's European policy, and a
profound change has also occurred in current
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? 6 Turkey and the Great Nations
criticisms of England, which redounds to the
honour of the developing capacity of German
Liberalism.
What German Liberal has not in his young days
dreamt the glorious dream of the natural alliance
of free England with free Germany? We needed
a long series of painful experiences before we at
last learnt that the foreign politics of States
are not determined solely, or even mainly, by the
inner relations of their constitutions. However
highly you may think of British liberty, modern
England is undoubtedly a reactionary force in the
society of nations. Her position as a Power is an
obvious anachronism. It was created in those good
old times when wars were still decided by sea-fights
and hired mercenaries, and it was thought politic
in all dominating countries to seize piratical hold
of well-situated sea-fortresses and fleet-stations,
without any regard to nature and history. In a
century of national States and big national armies
such a cosmopolitan commercial Power can no
longer continue to endure ; the time will and must
come when Gibraltar will belong to the Spaniards,
Malta to the Italians, Heligoland to the Germans,
and the Mediterranean to the peoples of the
Mediterranean countries.
It is saying too much to compare modern
England with eighteenth century Holland; the
nation still exhibits powerful energy in the splendid
achievement of its social life, and it might easily
happen again that, should she believe herself
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 7
imperilled in her vital commercial interests, she
would yet stagger humanity by bold determination.
The vision of her statesmen, however, is quite as
narrow, her view of the world has become just as
patriarchally limited and obstinately conservative,
as were once the politics of the decaying Nether-
lands. Over-rich and over-satiated, vulnerable
at a hundred points of their far-flung possessions,
the Britons feel they have nothing more to desire
in the wide world, and can only oppose the young
forces of the century by the forcible methods of an
obsolete age; they therefore obstinately resist all
changes in the Society of States, however bene-
ficial they may be. England is to-day the shame-
less champion of barbarism in international law.
It is her fault that warfare by sea still bears the
character of privileged robbery -- to the disgrace of
mankind. At the Brussels Conference her opposi-
tion nullified the attempt of Germany and Russia
to set some limit to the excesses of war by land.
Apart from the feeble and entirely unhelpful
sympathy displayed by the English Press in
regard to Italian unity, the British nation during
the last two decades has simply shown bitter
enmity to every single new and hopeful Power
which has arisen in the world. She enthused for
the brutality of North American slave-holders;
she was the clamorous, but, God be thanked,
cowardly supporter of foreign Danish domination
in Schleswig-Holstein ; she reverenced the Diet and
the Guelph Empire; she allowed the French to
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? 8 Turkey and the Great Nations
attack united Germany, which she could have
prevented, and prolonged the war by her sales of
weapons. When M. de Lesseps conceived the
brilliant idea of the Suez Canal, which the ruler
of the East Indies ought to have seized with both
hands, the Britons stuck their heads into the sand
like the ostrich in order not to perceive the bless-
ings of the necessity, which was inconvenient just
at the first moment; they jeered and jibed until
the great enterprise was accomplished, and then
endeavoured to exploit for England's advantage
the innovation which had been achieved against
England's will. And after all these cumulative
proofs of the incompetence and narrow-minded
prejudice of British statesmanship, ought we
Germans to admire that State as the magnani-
mous defender of national freedom and of the
European balance of power? It is easy to hear
in the boastful words in which England loves to
veil her Eastern policy the echo of the anxious
cry of old: We are defending the Ganges at the
Bosphorus.
Every London newspaper proves that nobody
there has any suspicion of the enormous alteration
in all Russian conditions. They still speak as in
the days of the Czar Nicholas. The Emperor
Alexander, however, has not only opened new
paths for the social Hfe of his people by profoundly
radical reforms, but he has also given a quite
altered tendency to the Empire's foreign policy.
Only blind hatred can maintain that Russia is
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 9
even to-day oppressing Europe with a crippling dom-
ination. The Petersburg Government has proved
in North America, Italy, and Germany, as well as
in the struggle against Rome, that it knows how to
respect the Hving forces of the century ; after so
many proofs of its shrewdness and love of peace it
can at least expect that we should judge its Oriental
schemes according to the facts, not according to
the sensational stories of EngHsh Russophobes.
Taken all in all, the great Slavonic Power has
been the best ally Germany has ever had, and in
the face of that fact the question becomes urgent
whether it is really impossible for Germans and
Slavs to dwell in peace side by side. If our broad-
minded cosmopolitanism cherishes odious preju-
dices against any nation, it is certainly the Slavonic.
We have often fought against the Romanic
peoples, and sometimes felt in the heat of the fight
a quick outburst of national hatred; but the
near blood-kinship which unites all the peoples
that were affected by the migration of nations,
the common participation in classical education,
and the gratitude for so many gifts brought to us
by the older civilization of the West, always led
again after a brief estrangement to a good under-
standing. Hatred of the Slavs, on the other hand,
is deep in our blood, and it is also heartily recipro-
cated on the other side. For centuries we have
dealt with the nations of the East only as enemies,
as rulers, or as teachers; even to-day we still ex-
hibit to them all the harsh and domineering traits
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? lo Turkey and the Great Nations
of our character. Glad of our older civilization,
we glance beyond the Vistula and the Danube
with feelings such as the Roman had when he gazed
at the right bank of the Rhine, and we do not even
take the trouble to learn the Russian tongue --
which, by the way, is by no means an unimportant
phenomenon, because the educated Russian, by
his knowledge of languages, is gaining almost
exactly the same superiority over us which we
had over the French. To tell the truth, the Slav
seems to us a born slave. As soon as our conver-
sation turns to the interesting nationalities south
of the Danube, a German cannot help uttering
the winged words, "Swineherds and nose-muti-
lators" -- as if our ancestors in the olden times did
not also live with the proboscidians in cordial
intimacy, and carry on wars in which little
humane feeling was shown ! Should such arrogant
prejudices continue? It is not to be imagined
that we should ever feel for the unripe peoples
of the Balkan Peninsula so deep a sympathy as we
once did for the movement towards Italian unity.
But they are after all our Christian brothers;
the combat they are waging is after all only a
scene out of the ancient war between Cross and
Crescent. It surely does not become us, who
have only just shaken foreign domination from our
necks by a bloody fight, to put the question
with arrogant callousness whether an existence
worthy of a man is possible under the yoke of the
foreign domination of the Turk.
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? Turkey and the Great Nations ii
For fifteen hundred years the most beautiful
country in Europe has been in the possession of
two great empires which, although both of them
were quite unintellectual, maintained themselves
solely by the perfect technique of their governance,
by their skill in mastering and utilizing men;
a well-developed monetary economy and system-
atized finances, good soldiers, and a technically
well-schooled officialdom; lastly a policy without
ideas, which nevertheless knew how to inspire
all its subjects with a strenuously servile dis-
position -- those were the means to which the aged
Byzantine Empire owed its thousand years' du-
ration, whilst all around the youthfully vigorous
States of the Germans weakly collapsed. And
the successors of the Byzantines, the Osmans,
have similarly maintained their power solely by
their skill in ruling, not by any moral idea. Supe-
rior to the Western countries through their stand-
ing armies, to the Orientals by the strict order of
succession in the House of Osman, they subjugated
almost the whole of Alexander's dominions to the
Crescent; and nobody can regard without ad-
miration the ruling ability of those powerful first
Sultans, Murad and Mohammed, how they fast-
ened the new yoke so tightly and firmly on the
necks of the Rayahs, who had been trampled down
and unmanned by Byzantine, Venetian, and Geno-
ese governors, that a resurrection from the bottom-
less deep of their slavery seemed for a long time
quite unthinkable to the subject peoples.
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? 12 Turkey and the Great Nations
Their government, like almost all governments
in the Orient, was a theocracy, the Koran the
unchangeable statute-book both in political and
religious life. High above the whole Empire was
enthroned the Sultan, girt with Osman's sword,
the Shadow of God on earth, bound to nothing
but the word of the Prophet. Under him were his
tools, the great officials, who mostly came out of
the ranks of the Christian renegades during the
brilliant period of the Osman State, and the hordes
of the Janissaries, all children of Christians, who
had been robbed from their parents at a tender age
and then inspired by a Spartan education with the
whole ferocity of the Islamic faith. Under them
were the ruling people of True Believers. Lastly
under those were the polyglot herd of Christians,
"pigs with similar bristles, dogs with similar
tails," condemned to drudge and pay taxes, to
purchase their exhausted lives anew every year
by means of the poll-tax, the haraj, to strengthen
ever anew the army of the ruling race by the toll
of their boys -- if sometimes it was not preferred to
put them themselves among the troops of the
Arabs, in which they were then used as cannon-
fodder or were even thrown in heaps into the
trenches of besieged Christian fortresses, as a living
bridge for Allah's storming fighters. Thus were
the Rayahs forced to forge ever closer the fetters
of their slavery with their own hands.
Skill in enslavement had here produced an in-
comparable masterpiece which is only explicable
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 13
by the servility of the subjects of Byzantium, and
by the ancient traditions of Oriental policy; for
since Asia Minor knew of no national States, but
only a powerfully welded medley of national
wrecks, the capacity for ruling by dividing de-
veloped here to a degree of virtuosity almost incom-
prehensible to a Westerner. Whilst Christendom
burnt its heretics, everybody under the Crescent
might live according to his Faith ; and only a short
time ago Lord Shaftesbury quite seriously asserted
amid the applause of the enlightened House of
Lords that Turkey had done more for Christendom
in a decade than Russia in nine centuries! This
much-vaunted tolerance of the Turks also proves
as a fact merely how skilfully the system of en-
slavement was devised; they did not desire the
conversion of the subject races, because the
Mussulman could put his foot on their necks only
if the Rayahs remained unbelieving dogs. Whilst
everywhere in Europe a strict class-distinction kept
the lower orders under, the meanest slave at the
Bosphorus might hope to rise to the highest
offices in the Empire by luck and energy ; therefore
in the seventeenth century the toil-worn peasants
of Central Europe sometimes welcomed the
Prophet's approaching standard with similar
feelings as they did later the armies of the French
Revolution. However, that complete social
equality, which constitutes everywhere the foot-
stool of Oriental despotism, existed actually only
for the ruling race of the Believers. Between
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? 1 4 Turkey and the Great Nations
them and the Rayahs stretched a boundless gulf;
the extremest insolence of the old French aristo-
cratic arrogance is not within even measurable
distance of those feehngs of cold contempt and
bodily disgust which the believing Turk ex-
periences even to-day against the pork-eating
Giaour.
The conqueror found himself in the presence
of a population utterly divided by raving race-
hatred and gloomy religious passions. The Greek
hated the Serb more fiercely than the Turk, and
yet more shocking than the sight of the man
turning his face towards Mecca in prayer was
it for an Orthodox son of the Eastern Church to
behold an altar of the Latins, where the Saviour
hangs on the Cross with His feet nailed one above
the other, instead of side by side. Such a dis-
position among the Rayahs afforded firm ground
for that shrewd system of keeping the races and
creeds apart to which the ruling minority owed
its security. As the government of the ruling
race was itself theocratic, the elders of every
Christian Church were provided with jurisdiction
and powers of police over those of their faith, and
were at the same time obliged to take responsibility
for the taxes of the Rayahs. The Orthodox formed
a Greek subordinate State within the Turkish
Empire under their Patriarch. Their bishops dealt
as they pleased with the popes and congregations,
but seldom disturbed by a wildly energetic pasha ;
they boasted that, compared with their social
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 15
equals in other lands, "You are only parsons, we
are pashas! " That is what English worshippers
of the Turk praise as the incomparable self-
government of the Osmans! The Rayahs* venal
servility next became itself responsible for the
fact that whilst the high clergy fleeced their
flocks thoroughly well, they never became dan-
gerous to the Turkish lords. What a horrible
page of Christian history is covered by the fates
of the Patriarchs of Constantinople ! The dignity
lasted for life, and could be forfeited only for high
treason or on appeal of the Orthodox themselves.
And yet this well-assured office, which might have
been a prop of national independence for the
Greeks, became a useful tool of enslavement for
the Turks. Since time immemorial no Patriarch
has kept his seat longer than three years. The
spirit of simony penetrated the whole Church;
scarcely had a prince of the Church won the votes
of his fellow-believers by bribery, than others
started working against him with the same method,
till he was at last accused before the Porte and
deposed. And the same unworthy game kept
going on for centuries ! To crown all, the big
merchants of the Fanar carried on the monetary
transactions of the Porte, and the commerce of
the Christians was preferred before that of the
Turks because it had to pay higher taxes, just as
the fiscal policy of the landowners in our Middle
Age sometimes patronized Jewish usury. Thus
the shameful name of Rayah became a literal,
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? 1 6 Turkey and the Great Nations
fearful truth. So long as they did not "gnaw at
the collar of subjection," they might settle their
disputes among themselves, just as stupid cattle
are left to themselves; but as soon as they became
engaged in quarrel with a Mussulman they were
made to feel that the word of the Prophet formally
gives the True Believer the right to tread the
Giaour underfoot. The complete absence of rights
on the part of the Rayahs was only made endur-
able to some extent by the fact that each com-
munity and each urban quarter was usually
inhabited solely by fellow-believers, and so dis-
putes between Christians and Moslems were not
too frequent.
The same unparalleled ignorance which ensured
the mastery of the Rayahs by the Moslems, also
inspired their foreign policy. Never, not even
when they watered their horses in the Leitha
and beheld the rich abodes of German culture
at their feet, did any idea of the superiority of
Western civilization enter the Osmans' heads.
The Frank was and is regarded by them as the
paragon of frivolous stupidity ; to make the Prank-
ish bear dance a fool's dance at a rope's end was
and is the finest spice of existence for the worthy
Eff endis of the Seraglio. Yet with what clarity and
assurance did the one-sided narrow-mindedness
of Oriental fanaticism meet the disharmony of
the divided European world! The Mussulman
knew but two kingdoms on earth, the House
of Islam and the House of War; "the whole of
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 17
heathendom is only a nation," to conquer which
was the immutable duty of the Moslems. The
Western countries meanwhile became defenceless
against the barbarians through the rich mani-
f oldness of their culture ; the want of unity among
the European Powers, the superabundance of
contradictions which is included in our portion
of the world, were the best allies of the Osmans,
beginning from the day when the Genoese calmly
looked on at the conquest of Byzantium from
the ramparts of Galata, up to the contemporary
Christian heroisms of Benjamin Disraeli. And
again, from the Council of Mantua, when res
orientales were first put among the orders of the
day for European diplomats, down to the war
of dispatches in our own days, the unity of Europe
has ever been nullified by the particular impedi-
ment that whilst, if needful, some understanding
could have been reached about everything else,
it was impossible in the case of the mighty capital,
which signifies more than the whole of the Balkan
Peninsula. It was not feasible to find a way out
with the superficial advice of banishing the Turks
from Europe, for the simple reason that their
ruling stronghold itself half belongs to Asia. The
Bosphorus is the high street of Constantinople;
the Asiatic suburb of Scutari is hardly farther from
Stamboul than the European suburbs of Pera and
Galata. On the Asiatic shore at Anadoli Fanar lie
the ruins of the Temple of Gerokoi, w^here the
Hellenic sailor used once to say good-bye to his
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? 1 8 Turkey and the Great Nations
beloved home before he began his voyage to the
barbarian countries on the Bosphorus. So far
as the history of that region goes, the south-east
coast of Europe and the north-west coast of
Asia have always belonged to the same Greek
civilization. It was and is an enigma how a new
Power could ever arise in Stamboul which should
not at the same time be master of the most valu-
able strip of Asia Minor.
It is astounding with what cleverness the
Osmans in their great period knew how to utilize
this favourable position and those dissensions in
Europe. Although they had only the vaguest
conception of the geographical positions and the
history of the heathen countries, they yet divined,
with the fine sense for power peculiar to Orientals,
where in each case they had to look for their allies.
Correct insight and diplomatic tact, those ancient
privileges of masterful aristocracies, were also a
heritage among the ruling race in the Balkan
Peninsula. As the behever in the Koran may
regard every treaty of peace with the heathen
merely as a revocable armistice, the Porte dealt
with the Western countries with imperturbable
calm. She understood how to expect everything
from time, and waited patiently, with the fatalistic
quietness of the Moslem, until the hour came to
tear up all treaties and to let loose against the
Giaours the still unbroken, fierce natural forces
of the Janissaries and Spahis. Since France first
drew the great Suleiman into the quarrels of
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? Turkey and the Great Nations 19
Christendom, the Turks began to perceive that
they were at least welcome to one of the Christian
Powers; and thenceforth the State of the Osmans
has so often and so unctuously been praised by
the wiseacre statesmen of the Western countries
as an indispensable weight in the scales of Euro-
pean balance, that we ought not to be surprised if
to-day all the supports of the Turkish Empire,
the valis, mullahs, and ulemas, the black and the
white eunuchs, the odalisques, and the seraglio
boys, are all penetrated by the glad belief that
Allah's wonderful mercifulness has struck the
stupid Franks' eyes with an incurable blindness.
With good reason in truth has Machiavelli
eulogized the proud beginnings of the Osman
State; because that which represented policy
to the Florentine, namely, skill in governing, in
maintaining and enhancing the power of the State,
was practised here with a rare cleverness. But
with this skill the Turks' political capacity has
always ended; their Empire, even at its great
period, lacked all moral substance, just like
Machiavelli's ideal State. Might was self-interest ;
the question as to what moral purposes it should
aim at was never put. It was thought a matter
of course that the State should exist for the
benefit of the rulers; and if we inquire what the
ruling skill of that long series of strong statesmen
and generals has brought forth for the well-being
and civilization of mankind, only one answer is
possible : Nothing, simply nothing. When the con-
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? 20 Turkey and the Great Nations
quering Mohammed bestrode the desert palace of
the Comneni, the feeling of the transitoriness of
earthly greatness overcame him, and he uttered
the verse of the Oriental poet :
Before the gates in Emperors* castles
The spider, as chamberlain, is weaving curtains,
And in Afrasiab's columned halls
Echoes the cry of the nesting owl.
He did not imagine he was predicting the fate
of his own Empire. Like a huge avalanche,
Turkish despotism fell upon those blessed lands
which once witnessed the classic age of Christian
Church history. The interior of the Peninsula is
to-day as Httle known as the deserts of Australia ;
it was not till Diebitsch's expedition to Adrianople
that science gained some sort of notion of the
formation of Balkan mountain ranges. The rise
of the Turkish power compelled the Western
countries to brace themselves to vigorous action.
