we read of Cimmerians, not onlv in Lower Asia, hut
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Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
, 10); of Sulpicius
undertaking the embassy to Antony (Philipp. , 9, 3);
the character he draws of Catiline (Or. pro del. , 6);
and his fine sketch of old Appius frowning on his de-
generate descendant Clodia (1/1. , 6). But, by the in-
vention of a style which adapts itself with singular fe-
licity to every class of subject! , whether lofty or famil-
iar, philosophical or forensic, Cicero answers more ex-
actly to his own definition of a perfect orator (Oral. ,
S9). than by hi>> plausibility, pathos, and vivacity.
Among many excellences possessed by Cicero's ora-
torical diction, the greatest is its suitableness to the
genius of the Latin tongue; though the diffuseness
thence necessarily resulting has exposed it both in
his own days, and since his time, to the criticisms of
those who have affected to condemn its Asiatic char-
acter, in comparison with the simplicity of Attic wri-
ters, and the strength of Demosthenes. Greek, how-
ever, is celebrated for copiousness in its vocabulary
and perspicuity in its phrases, and the consequent fa-
cility of expressing the most novel or abstruse ideas
with precision and elegance. Hence the Attic style
of eloquence was plain and simple, because simplicity
and plainness were not incompatible with clearness,
energy, and harmony. But it was a singular want of
judgement, an ignorance of the very principles of com-
position, which induced Brutus, Calvus, Sallust, and
others, to imitate this terse and severe beauty in their
own defective language, and even to pronounce the
opposite kind of diction deficient in taste and purity.
In Greek, indeed, the words fall, as it were, naturally
into a distinct and harmonious order; and, from the
exuberant richness of the materials, less is left to the
ingenuity of the artist. But the Latin language is
comparatively weak, scanty, and unmusical, and re-
quires considerable skill and management to render it
? ? expressive and graceful. Simplicity in Latin is
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? CICERO.
CICERO.
of their ancestors in its primeval purity and beauty;
and while he was raising a monument to all future
ages of what Rome had been, to inculcate upon his
own times what it ought still to be. We know it to
have been his original purpose to make it a very volu-
minous work; for he expressly tells his brother (Ep.
ad Q. Frat. , 3, 5) that it was to be extended to nine
books. Erncsti thinks that they were all given to the
world (Ep. ad Alt. , 6, 1, in notts), although Cicero,
in a letter to Atticus, on which that learned and accu-
rate scholar makes this very remark, speaks of them as
his six pledges or sureties for his good behaviour.
--Cicero, as a philosopher, belongs, upon the whole,
to the New Academy. It has been disputed whether
he was really attached to this system, or had merely
resorted to it as being the best adapted for furnishing
him with oratorical arguments suited to all occasions.
At first its adoption was subsidiary to his other plans.
But, towards the conclusion of his life, when he no
longer maintained the place he was wont to hold in
the Senate or the Forum, and when philosophy formed
the occupation " with which," to quote his own words,
"life was just tolerable, and without which it would
have been intolerable," he doubtless became convinced
that the principles of the New Academy, illustrated as
they had been by Carneades and Philo, formed the
soundest system which had descended to mankind
from the schools of Athens. The attachment, howev-
er, of Cicero to the Academic philosophy was free
from the exclusive spirit of sectarianism, and hence it
did not prevent his extracting from other systems what
he found in them conformable to virtue and reason.
His ethical principles, in particular, appear eclectic,
k iving been in a great measure formed from the opin-
ions of the Stoics. Of most of the Greek sects he
i peaks with respect and esteem. For the Epicureans
alone he seems (notwithstanding his friendship for
\tticus) to have entertained a decided aversion and
contempt. The general purpose of Cicero's philosoph-
ical works was rather to give a history of the ancient
philosophy, than dogmatically to inculcate opinions of
his own. It was his great aim to explain to his fel-
low-citizens, in their own language, whatever the
sages of Greece had taught on the most important
subjects, in order to enlarge their minds and reform
their morals. In theoretic investigation, in the devel-
opment of abstract ideas, in the analysis of qualities
and perceptions, Cicero cannot be regarded as an in-
ventor or profound original thinker, and cannot be
ranked with Plato and Aristotle. His peculiar merit,
as a philosophical writer, lay in his luminous and
popular exposition of the leading principles and dis-
putes of the ancient schools; and no works trans-
mitted from antiquity present so concise and compre-
hensive a view of the opinions of the Greek philoso-
phers. The most obvious peculiarity of Cicero's phil-
osophical writings is their form of dialogue. The idea
was borrowed from Plato and Xenophon; but the na-
ture of Cicero's dialogue is as different from that of
the two Athenians, as was his object in writing.
With them, the Soeratic mode of argument could
hardly be displayed in any other shape; whereas Ci-
cero's aim was to excite interest, and he availed him-
self of this mode of composition for the life and varie-
ty, the ease, perspicuity, and vigour which it gave to
his discussions. Nor does Cicero discover less skill
in the execution of these dialogues, than address in
? ? their design. In the dignity of his speakers, their high
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? CIL
CIM
appears to have inherited little, if anything, of his fa-
ther'* virtue, patriotism, and talent. (Or. . Ep. ad
Alt. , 1, 2. -- Id. . Ep. ad Fam. , 13, 11. -- Plut. , Vit.
Cie. extr. --Id. , Vu. Brut. , (Sec. )--III. Quintus, broth-
er of the orator, and brother-in-law of Atticus. After
having been prsetor A. U. C. 692, he obtained the gov-
ernment of Asia. He was subsequently a lieutenant
of Cesar's in Britain, and only left that commander to
accompany his brother Marcus Tullius, as lieutenant,
into Cilicia. After the battle of Pharsalia, in which
he took part on the side of Pompey, he was proscribed
by the triumvirate, and put to death by the emissaries
of Antony. He had a marked talent for poetry, and
had planned a poem on the invasion of Britain by Ce-
sar. He also composed several tragedies, imitated or
else translated from the Greek, but which have not
reached us. Eighteen lines of his arc preserved in
the Corpus Poetarum of Maittairo. He was the au-
thor of the piece entitled "de Petittone Consulatus,"
usually printed along with Cicero's letters to him. It
is addressed by Quintus to his brother when the latter
was a candidate for the consulship, and gives advice
with regard to the measures he should pursue to at-
tain his object, particularly inculcating the best means
to gain private friends and acquire general popularity.
(Corrad. Quasi. , p. 278, ed. Lips. -- Biogr. Univ. ,
vol. 8, p. 550. -- Dunlop, Roman Literature, vol. 2, p.
495. )
Cicoxxs, a people on the coast of Thrace, near the
spot where Maronea stood in a later ago. Homer has
placed here the scene of Ulysses' first disaster. Isma-
nu was the name of their city, which the poet sup-
poses that chieftain to have taken and plundered; but
the natives coming down from the interior in great
force, he was driven off with severe loss of both men
and ships. (Od. , 1,40, seqq. ) Ismarus is known to
bier writers only as a mountain celebrated for its
wine, which indeed Homer himself alludes to in an-
other passage. (Od. , 1, 197. )
Cilicia, a country of Asia Minor, on the seacoast,
south of Cappadocia and Eycaonia, and to the east of
Pisidia and Pajnpb. il ia. Herodotus says (7, 91), that
the people of this country were anciently called Hyp-
aciuei. and that the appellation of Cilicians was sub-
sequently derived from Cilix, son of Agenor, a Phoeni-
cian. This passage seems to point to a Phoenician or
Syrian origin for the race, a supposition strengthened
by the fact of the early commercial habits of the people
of Cilicia. This country, though tributary to the Per-
sian king, was nominally under the government of its
native princes, with whom Syennesia appears to have
been a common name. (Consult Herod. , 1, 74. --Id. ,
5, 118. --Xen. , Anab. , 1, 2. ) Cilicia, more especially
that part which consisted of plains, was a wealthy
country; since we are informed by Herodotus (3, 90)
that it yielded to Darius a revenue of 500 talents,
equal to that of Mysia and Lydia together, besides
360 white horses. Xenophon also (Anab. , 1, 2) de-
scribes it as a broad and beautiful plain, well watered,
and abounding in wine and all kinds of trees, and
yielding barley, millet, and other grain. In a military
point of view, the importance of Cilicia was also very
great, since it was surrounded by lofty mountains,
presenting only one or two passes, and these easily
secured by a small force against the largest armies.
Had the Persians known now to defend these, the
younger Cyrus would never have reached the Euphra-
? ? tes, nor would Alexander havo been able to penetrate
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? CIMMERII.
CIM
poet. (Strab. , 20. ) Wcsseling thinks the authority
of Strabo inferior to that of Herodotus; but Larcher
inclines to the opinion that two different incursions arc
spoken of, an earlier and a later one. He makes the
former of these even anterior to the time assigned by
Strabo, and thinks it preceded by a short period the
siege of Troy. He supposes this, moreover, to be the
one alluded to by Euripides. (Iph. in Taur. , 1115,
>>eqq. --Larcher, ad Herod. , 1, 6. ) According to this
view of the subject, Herodotus speaks, merely of the
latter of these two inroads. Volney maintains, in like
manner, that there were two incursions of the Cim-
merians, but he places the first of these in the reign of
Ardys (699 B. C. ), to which he thinks Herodotus al-
ludes in the fifteenth chapter of his first book ; and the
second one in the time of AlyattcB and Cyaxares,
which he supposes to be the inroad alluded to by He-
rodotus in the one hundred and third chapter of the
same book. (Volney, Suppl. a I'Herod. , dt Larcher,
p. 75, scqq. ) It appears much more reasonable, how-
ever, to refer all to but one invasion on the part of
the Cimmerian race, commencing in the time of Ar-
dys, and continued until the reign of A Wattes (G16,
B. C. ), when these barbarians were expelled from the
Asiatic peninsula. ( Bdhr, ad Herod. , 1, 6. ) -- The
account givqn by Herodotus is, that the Cimmerians,
when they came into Asia Minor, took Sardis, with
che exception of the citadel, and that they were finally
expelled by Alyattcs, the contemporary of Cyaxares.
(Herod. , 1, 15, seq. ) The same historian makes the
Cimmerians to have dwelt originally in the neighbour-
hood of the Palus Mseotis and Cimmerian Bosporus,
and when driven out " from Europe," as he expresses
himself (en tT/c Eipuxnc), by the Scythians, to have
fled along the upper shore of the Euxine to Colchis,
and thence to have passed into Asia Minor. (Herod. ,
1, 103. ) Nicbuhr, with very good reason, insists that
Herodotus has there fallen into anjerror, and that all
the wandering races which have ir succession occupied
the regions of Scythia, have, when driven out by other
tribes from the east, moved forth in a western direction
towards the country around the Danube. The Cim-
merians, therefore, must have come into Asia Minor
from the east. As regards the name of the Cimmerian
Bosporus, the same acute critic supposes it to have
arisen from the circumstance of a part of the Cimme-
rian horde having been left in this quarter, and having
continued to occupy the Tauric Chersonese as late as
the settlement of the Greek colonies in these parts.
(Nubuhr, Ktcine Schriftcn, p. 365, teqq. )-- The an-
cients differed in opinion as regarded the orthography of
the name Cimmcrii, some being in favour o(Kep6ipioi,
others of Xet/itptot. (Hesych. , g. r. -- Eustalh. , ad
Od. , 10, 14. -- Schol. , ad loc. -- Anstoph. , Ran. , 189.
-- Etymol. Mag! , p. 513. -- Voss, Wcltk. , p. 14. )
Modern scholars arc in like manner divided as to the
derivation of the term " Cimmerian" itself. It is main-
tained by some of these that the Greeks obtained their
first knowledge of this race from the Phoenicians, and
that hence, in all probability, the stories told of the
gloom which enshrouded the Cimmerian land, and of
the other appalling circumstances connected with the
people, were mere Phoenician inventions to deter the
Grecian traders from visiting them. In accordance
with this idea, Bochart derives the word " Cimmerian"
from the Phoenician kamar, or hmmcr. "tenebrosum"
(Gcogr. Sacr. , col. 591 --Compare Job, 3. 5. ) Hence
? ?
we read of Cimmerians, not onlv in Lower Asia, hut
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? CIMON.
his native city, and in relieving the wants of the indi-
gent. He laid a part of the foundations of the long
walls with magnificent solidity at his own charge,
and the southern wall of the citadel was built with the
treasures which he brought from Asia into the coffers
of the state. He also set the example of adorning the
public places of the city with trees, and, by introdu-
cing a stream of water, converted the Academy, a spot
about two miles north of the city, from an arid waste
into a delightful grove. ( Vid. Academus. ) He threw
down the fences of his fields and orchards, that all who
wished might enter and partake of their produce: he
not only gave the usual entertainments expected from
the rich to the members of his own borough, but kept
a table constantly open for them. He never appeared
in public without a number of persons attending him
in good apparel, who, when they met with any elderly
citizen scantily clothed, would insist on exchanging
their warm mantles for his threadbare covering. It
was the office of the same agents respectfully to ap-
proach any of the poorer citizens of good character,
whom they might see standing in the market-place,
and silently to put some small pieces of money into
their hands. This latter kind of expenditure was cer-
tainly of a mischievous tendency ; and was not the
less that of a demagogue, because Cimon sought popu-
larity, not merely for his own sake, but for that of his
order and his party. -- About 466 B. C. , Cimon was
sent to the Thractan Chersonese, of which the Per-
sians still kept possession, and having driven thorn out,
next reduced the island of Thasus, and took posses-
sion of the Thasian gold mines on the neighbouring
continent. Scarcely, however, had he returned to At-
tica, when an accusation was preferred against him of
having been corrupted by the King of Macedonia, be-
cause he had refrained, not, according to the common
account, from attacking the Macedonians then at
peace with Athens, but from striking a blow at the
Thracian tribes on the frontier of that kingdom, who
had recently cut off the Athenian settlers on the banks
of the Slrymon. ( Vid. Amphipolis. ) From this ac-
cusation Cimon had a very narrow escape. Having
been sent, however, after this, with a body of troops to
aid the Spartans before Ithome, and the latter having,
after some interval, sent back their Athenian allies,
whom they suspected of not lending them any effectual
assistance, the irritation produced by this national in-
sult fell principally upon Cimon, who was known to be
an admirer of the Spartan character and constitution,
and he was accordingly driven into exile. Subse-
quent events, however, made the Athenians feel the
want of this able commander, and he was recalled and
sent on an expedition against Egypt and Cyprus; but
he was carried off by illness, or the consequences of a
wound, in the harbour of Citium, to which place he
was laying siege. His spirit, however, still animated
hitf countrymen; for the fleet, when sailing home with
his remains, gained a naval victory over a large squad-
ron of Phosnician and Cilician galleys near the Cyprian I
Salamis, and followed up this victory by another which
? key gained on shore, either over the troops which had
landed from the enemy's ships, or over a land force |
by which they were supported--Cimon was, beyond
dispute, the ablest and most successful general of his
day; and his victories shed a lustre on the arms of
Athens, which almost dimmed the glories of Marathon
and Salamis. In after times, Cimon's military renown
was enhanced by the report of a peace which his vic-
? ? tories had compelled the Persian king to conclude on
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? CIN
CIR
ancient or modem times, and has deservedly procured
for those who were the actors in it the unmitigated ab-
horrence of all posterity. Cinna and Marius, by then-
own authority, now declared themselves consuls for
the ensuing year; but Marius dying, after having only
held that office for seventeen days, Cinna remained in
effect the absolute master of Rome. During the
space of three years after this victory of his, he con-
tinued to hold possession of the government at home,
a period during which, as Cicero remarks (De Clar.
Oral. . 62), the republic was without laws and without
dignity. At length, however, Sylla, after terminating
the war with Mithradates, prepared to march home
with his army and punish his opponents. Cinna, with
his colleague Carbo, resolved thereupon to cross the
Adriatic, and anticipate Sylla by attacking him in
Greece ; but a mutiny of their troops ensued, in which
Cinna was slain, B. C. 77. Haughty, violent, always
eager for vengeance, addicted to debauchery, precipi-
tate in his plans, but always displaying courage in their
execution, Cinna attained to a power little less absolute
than that afterward held by Sylla or C<<csar: and it is
somewhat remarkable, that his usurpation should have
been so little noticed by posterity, and that he himself
should be so little known, that scarcely a single per-
sonal anecdote of him is to be found on record. (Ap-
pian, Bell. Civ. , 1, 64. -- Veil. Paterc, 2, 43, seqq. --
Appian, B. C, 1, 74, seqq. --Plut. , Vit. Syll, 22. --
Liv. , Epit. , 83, &c. ) -- II. One of the conspirators
against Cffisar (Plut. , Vit. Cas. ). --III. C. Helvius, a
Roman poet, intimate with Cresar, and tribune of the
commons at the time when the latter was assassinated.
According to Plutarch, he went to attend the obsequies
of Cffisar, but,being mistaken by the populace forCinna
the conspirator, was torn in pieces by them. (Plut. ,
Vit. Cies. ) Helvius composed a poem entitled Smyr-
na (or Zmyrna), on which he was employed nine or
ten years. Four fragments of it have reached us. It
appears to have been characterized by considerable
obscurity of meaning until the grammarian Crassitius
wrote an able commentary upon it. (Sueton. , Illustr.
Gram. , 18. ) Some other fragments have also reached
us of other productions of this poet. (Weiehert, de C.
Hclv. Cinn. poet. Comment. --Bdhr, Geseh. Rom. Lit. ,
vol. 1, p. 164. )
Cinniana, a town of Lusitania, in the northern or
northwestern section of the country. Its precise sit-
uation has given rise to much dispute. According to
some, it corresponds to Sitania, a deserted spot, six
leagues east of Braga. Others, however, make it the
same with certain ruins, called at the present day
Chalcedonia, and lying near Caldas de Geres, on the
northern confines of Portugal. (Val. Max. , 6, 4, ezt.
1 . --Link, Rciscn durch Portugal! , vol. 2, p. 3, seqq.
-- Vkcrt, Geogr. , vol. 2, p. 399. )
Cinyps and Cinyphus (Kivvf, Herod. --Kivvfyoc,
Plot. , Strab. --KiivQwc, Suid. ), a small river of Africa,
below Tripolis, falling into the sea southwest of the
promontory of Cephalte. Herodotus (4, 198) speaks
of the land around this river as being remarkably fer-
tile, and equal to any other land in the production of
corn. The water of this stream was conveyed by an
aqueduct to the city of Leptis Magna. Bochart de-
rives the name of the Cinyps or Cinyphus from the
Phoenician Kmphod, "porcupine's river," the porcu-
pine being found, according to Herodotus (4, 192), in
parts of the country watered by this stream. (Bochart,
? ? Geogr. Sacr. , 1, 24, col. 486. ) The modern name of
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? CIR
CIR
Year. Circe is said to have had by Ulysses a son named
Telegonus, who afterward unwittingly slew his own fa-
ther. Hesiod, in his Theogony (1011), says Agrius
and Latinus (not the king of Latium), "who, afar in
the recess of the holy isles, ruled over all the renowned
Tyrsenians. " Later writers took great liberties with
the narratives of Homer and Hesiod. Thus, for ex-
ample, Dionysius, the cyclographer, makes Circe the
daughter of . tile. -, by Hecate, the daughter of his
brother Perses. He goes on to say, that she was
married to the king of the Sarmatians, whom she
poisoned, and seized his kingdom; but, governing
tyrannically, she was expelled, and then fled to a
desert isle of the ocean, or, as some said, to the
headland named from her in Italy. (Vid. Circeii. )
The Latin poets thence took occasion to connect Circe
with their own scanty mythology. It was fabled, for
example, that she had been married to King Picus.
whom, by her magic art, she changed into a bird.
(Diod. Sic. , 4, 45. --Eudocia, 261. -- Schol. ad Apoll.
/? *. , 3, 200. -- Ovid, Met. , 14, 320, seqq. ) Another
legend made her the mother of Faunus, by the god of
the sea. (Xonnu*, 13, 328. ) The herb Moly is said,
by these late writers, to have sprung from the blood
of a giant slain by the Sun, in aid of his daughter in
her island. Its name, wc are told, comes from the
fight i/iij/or). Its flower is white, as the warrior was
the Sun. (Ptol. , Hephetst. ap. Phot. , Cod. , 190, vol. 1,
p. 149, ed. Bckker. -- Keigfitley's Mythology, p. 267. )
Among other supernatural acts ascribed to Circe, was
her converting Scylla into a hideous sea-monster.
(Vid. Scylla. ) -- Various theories have been started
for explaining the fable of Circe and her transforma-
tion of men into swine. Heync (Excurs. \,ad Vtrg. ,
&*. , 7, p. 103) thinks, that Homer merely gave an
historical aspect, as it were, to an allegory invented
by some earlier poet, and in which the latter wished
to show the brutalizing influence of sensual indulgen-
ces. (Compare Waehsmulh, ad Athen. , 2, 2, p. 218. )
Creuzer (Symbol)/:, vol. 4, p. 22) sees in the name
Circe (Kipun) an allusion to some magic ring, since
tiptoe is the Doric form for kd'ikoc, "a ring. " (Greg.
Corinth , Y 165. -- Koen, ad loe. ) J. C. Wolf (Mul.
Grae. , dec, Fragm. , 312) is in favour of another ex-
planation, in support of which he cites Bochart (Geogr.
Sao-. , 1, 33) and Fabricius (Btbl. Grae. , vol. 13, p.
120). The historians from whom Diodorus Siculus
(2,106) derived his information, represent the knowl-
edge of Circe and Medea as purely natural, and relating
particularly to the efficacy of poisons and remedies.
Hence, also, drugs which produced mental stupefac-
tion, without impairing the physical powers, are
thought by some to have given rise, in this and other
cases, to the accounts of men being transformed into
brutes. (Salverte, det Sciences Occulta, &c. -- For-
eign Quarterly Review, No. 12, p.
undertaking the embassy to Antony (Philipp. , 9, 3);
the character he draws of Catiline (Or. pro del. , 6);
and his fine sketch of old Appius frowning on his de-
generate descendant Clodia (1/1. , 6). But, by the in-
vention of a style which adapts itself with singular fe-
licity to every class of subject! , whether lofty or famil-
iar, philosophical or forensic, Cicero answers more ex-
actly to his own definition of a perfect orator (Oral. ,
S9). than by hi>> plausibility, pathos, and vivacity.
Among many excellences possessed by Cicero's ora-
torical diction, the greatest is its suitableness to the
genius of the Latin tongue; though the diffuseness
thence necessarily resulting has exposed it both in
his own days, and since his time, to the criticisms of
those who have affected to condemn its Asiatic char-
acter, in comparison with the simplicity of Attic wri-
ters, and the strength of Demosthenes. Greek, how-
ever, is celebrated for copiousness in its vocabulary
and perspicuity in its phrases, and the consequent fa-
cility of expressing the most novel or abstruse ideas
with precision and elegance. Hence the Attic style
of eloquence was plain and simple, because simplicity
and plainness were not incompatible with clearness,
energy, and harmony. But it was a singular want of
judgement, an ignorance of the very principles of com-
position, which induced Brutus, Calvus, Sallust, and
others, to imitate this terse and severe beauty in their
own defective language, and even to pronounce the
opposite kind of diction deficient in taste and purity.
In Greek, indeed, the words fall, as it were, naturally
into a distinct and harmonious order; and, from the
exuberant richness of the materials, less is left to the
ingenuity of the artist. But the Latin language is
comparatively weak, scanty, and unmusical, and re-
quires considerable skill and management to render it
? ? expressive and graceful. Simplicity in Latin is
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? CICERO.
CICERO.
of their ancestors in its primeval purity and beauty;
and while he was raising a monument to all future
ages of what Rome had been, to inculcate upon his
own times what it ought still to be. We know it to
have been his original purpose to make it a very volu-
minous work; for he expressly tells his brother (Ep.
ad Q. Frat. , 3, 5) that it was to be extended to nine
books. Erncsti thinks that they were all given to the
world (Ep. ad Alt. , 6, 1, in notts), although Cicero,
in a letter to Atticus, on which that learned and accu-
rate scholar makes this very remark, speaks of them as
his six pledges or sureties for his good behaviour.
--Cicero, as a philosopher, belongs, upon the whole,
to the New Academy. It has been disputed whether
he was really attached to this system, or had merely
resorted to it as being the best adapted for furnishing
him with oratorical arguments suited to all occasions.
At first its adoption was subsidiary to his other plans.
But, towards the conclusion of his life, when he no
longer maintained the place he was wont to hold in
the Senate or the Forum, and when philosophy formed
the occupation " with which," to quote his own words,
"life was just tolerable, and without which it would
have been intolerable," he doubtless became convinced
that the principles of the New Academy, illustrated as
they had been by Carneades and Philo, formed the
soundest system which had descended to mankind
from the schools of Athens. The attachment, howev-
er, of Cicero to the Academic philosophy was free
from the exclusive spirit of sectarianism, and hence it
did not prevent his extracting from other systems what
he found in them conformable to virtue and reason.
His ethical principles, in particular, appear eclectic,
k iving been in a great measure formed from the opin-
ions of the Stoics. Of most of the Greek sects he
i peaks with respect and esteem. For the Epicureans
alone he seems (notwithstanding his friendship for
\tticus) to have entertained a decided aversion and
contempt. The general purpose of Cicero's philosoph-
ical works was rather to give a history of the ancient
philosophy, than dogmatically to inculcate opinions of
his own. It was his great aim to explain to his fel-
low-citizens, in their own language, whatever the
sages of Greece had taught on the most important
subjects, in order to enlarge their minds and reform
their morals. In theoretic investigation, in the devel-
opment of abstract ideas, in the analysis of qualities
and perceptions, Cicero cannot be regarded as an in-
ventor or profound original thinker, and cannot be
ranked with Plato and Aristotle. His peculiar merit,
as a philosophical writer, lay in his luminous and
popular exposition of the leading principles and dis-
putes of the ancient schools; and no works trans-
mitted from antiquity present so concise and compre-
hensive a view of the opinions of the Greek philoso-
phers. The most obvious peculiarity of Cicero's phil-
osophical writings is their form of dialogue. The idea
was borrowed from Plato and Xenophon; but the na-
ture of Cicero's dialogue is as different from that of
the two Athenians, as was his object in writing.
With them, the Soeratic mode of argument could
hardly be displayed in any other shape; whereas Ci-
cero's aim was to excite interest, and he availed him-
self of this mode of composition for the life and varie-
ty, the ease, perspicuity, and vigour which it gave to
his discussions. Nor does Cicero discover less skill
in the execution of these dialogues, than address in
? ? their design. In the dignity of his speakers, their high
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? CIL
CIM
appears to have inherited little, if anything, of his fa-
ther'* virtue, patriotism, and talent. (Or. . Ep. ad
Alt. , 1, 2. -- Id. . Ep. ad Fam. , 13, 11. -- Plut. , Vit.
Cie. extr. --Id. , Vu. Brut. , (Sec. )--III. Quintus, broth-
er of the orator, and brother-in-law of Atticus. After
having been prsetor A. U. C. 692, he obtained the gov-
ernment of Asia. He was subsequently a lieutenant
of Cesar's in Britain, and only left that commander to
accompany his brother Marcus Tullius, as lieutenant,
into Cilicia. After the battle of Pharsalia, in which
he took part on the side of Pompey, he was proscribed
by the triumvirate, and put to death by the emissaries
of Antony. He had a marked talent for poetry, and
had planned a poem on the invasion of Britain by Ce-
sar. He also composed several tragedies, imitated or
else translated from the Greek, but which have not
reached us. Eighteen lines of his arc preserved in
the Corpus Poetarum of Maittairo. He was the au-
thor of the piece entitled "de Petittone Consulatus,"
usually printed along with Cicero's letters to him. It
is addressed by Quintus to his brother when the latter
was a candidate for the consulship, and gives advice
with regard to the measures he should pursue to at-
tain his object, particularly inculcating the best means
to gain private friends and acquire general popularity.
(Corrad. Quasi. , p. 278, ed. Lips. -- Biogr. Univ. ,
vol. 8, p. 550. -- Dunlop, Roman Literature, vol. 2, p.
495. )
Cicoxxs, a people on the coast of Thrace, near the
spot where Maronea stood in a later ago. Homer has
placed here the scene of Ulysses' first disaster. Isma-
nu was the name of their city, which the poet sup-
poses that chieftain to have taken and plundered; but
the natives coming down from the interior in great
force, he was driven off with severe loss of both men
and ships. (Od. , 1,40, seqq. ) Ismarus is known to
bier writers only as a mountain celebrated for its
wine, which indeed Homer himself alludes to in an-
other passage. (Od. , 1, 197. )
Cilicia, a country of Asia Minor, on the seacoast,
south of Cappadocia and Eycaonia, and to the east of
Pisidia and Pajnpb. il ia. Herodotus says (7, 91), that
the people of this country were anciently called Hyp-
aciuei. and that the appellation of Cilicians was sub-
sequently derived from Cilix, son of Agenor, a Phoeni-
cian. This passage seems to point to a Phoenician or
Syrian origin for the race, a supposition strengthened
by the fact of the early commercial habits of the people
of Cilicia. This country, though tributary to the Per-
sian king, was nominally under the government of its
native princes, with whom Syennesia appears to have
been a common name. (Consult Herod. , 1, 74. --Id. ,
5, 118. --Xen. , Anab. , 1, 2. ) Cilicia, more especially
that part which consisted of plains, was a wealthy
country; since we are informed by Herodotus (3, 90)
that it yielded to Darius a revenue of 500 talents,
equal to that of Mysia and Lydia together, besides
360 white horses. Xenophon also (Anab. , 1, 2) de-
scribes it as a broad and beautiful plain, well watered,
and abounding in wine and all kinds of trees, and
yielding barley, millet, and other grain. In a military
point of view, the importance of Cilicia was also very
great, since it was surrounded by lofty mountains,
presenting only one or two passes, and these easily
secured by a small force against the largest armies.
Had the Persians known now to defend these, the
younger Cyrus would never have reached the Euphra-
? ? tes, nor would Alexander havo been able to penetrate
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? CIMMERII.
CIM
poet. (Strab. , 20. ) Wcsseling thinks the authority
of Strabo inferior to that of Herodotus; but Larcher
inclines to the opinion that two different incursions arc
spoken of, an earlier and a later one. He makes the
former of these even anterior to the time assigned by
Strabo, and thinks it preceded by a short period the
siege of Troy. He supposes this, moreover, to be the
one alluded to by Euripides. (Iph. in Taur. , 1115,
>>eqq. --Larcher, ad Herod. , 1, 6. ) According to this
view of the subject, Herodotus speaks, merely of the
latter of these two inroads. Volney maintains, in like
manner, that there were two incursions of the Cim-
merians, but he places the first of these in the reign of
Ardys (699 B. C. ), to which he thinks Herodotus al-
ludes in the fifteenth chapter of his first book ; and the
second one in the time of AlyattcB and Cyaxares,
which he supposes to be the inroad alluded to by He-
rodotus in the one hundred and third chapter of the
same book. (Volney, Suppl. a I'Herod. , dt Larcher,
p. 75, scqq. ) It appears much more reasonable, how-
ever, to refer all to but one invasion on the part of
the Cimmerian race, commencing in the time of Ar-
dys, and continued until the reign of A Wattes (G16,
B. C. ), when these barbarians were expelled from the
Asiatic peninsula. ( Bdhr, ad Herod. , 1, 6. ) -- The
account givqn by Herodotus is, that the Cimmerians,
when they came into Asia Minor, took Sardis, with
che exception of the citadel, and that they were finally
expelled by Alyattcs, the contemporary of Cyaxares.
(Herod. , 1, 15, seq. ) The same historian makes the
Cimmerians to have dwelt originally in the neighbour-
hood of the Palus Mseotis and Cimmerian Bosporus,
and when driven out " from Europe," as he expresses
himself (en tT/c Eipuxnc), by the Scythians, to have
fled along the upper shore of the Euxine to Colchis,
and thence to have passed into Asia Minor. (Herod. ,
1, 103. ) Nicbuhr, with very good reason, insists that
Herodotus has there fallen into anjerror, and that all
the wandering races which have ir succession occupied
the regions of Scythia, have, when driven out by other
tribes from the east, moved forth in a western direction
towards the country around the Danube. The Cim-
merians, therefore, must have come into Asia Minor
from the east. As regards the name of the Cimmerian
Bosporus, the same acute critic supposes it to have
arisen from the circumstance of a part of the Cimme-
rian horde having been left in this quarter, and having
continued to occupy the Tauric Chersonese as late as
the settlement of the Greek colonies in these parts.
(Nubuhr, Ktcine Schriftcn, p. 365, teqq. )-- The an-
cients differed in opinion as regarded the orthography of
the name Cimmcrii, some being in favour o(Kep6ipioi,
others of Xet/itptot. (Hesych. , g. r. -- Eustalh. , ad
Od. , 10, 14. -- Schol. , ad loc. -- Anstoph. , Ran. , 189.
-- Etymol. Mag! , p. 513. -- Voss, Wcltk. , p. 14. )
Modern scholars arc in like manner divided as to the
derivation of the term " Cimmerian" itself. It is main-
tained by some of these that the Greeks obtained their
first knowledge of this race from the Phoenicians, and
that hence, in all probability, the stories told of the
gloom which enshrouded the Cimmerian land, and of
the other appalling circumstances connected with the
people, were mere Phoenician inventions to deter the
Grecian traders from visiting them. In accordance
with this idea, Bochart derives the word " Cimmerian"
from the Phoenician kamar, or hmmcr. "tenebrosum"
(Gcogr. Sacr. , col. 591 --Compare Job, 3. 5. ) Hence
? ?
we read of Cimmerians, not onlv in Lower Asia, hut
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? CIMON.
his native city, and in relieving the wants of the indi-
gent. He laid a part of the foundations of the long
walls with magnificent solidity at his own charge,
and the southern wall of the citadel was built with the
treasures which he brought from Asia into the coffers
of the state. He also set the example of adorning the
public places of the city with trees, and, by introdu-
cing a stream of water, converted the Academy, a spot
about two miles north of the city, from an arid waste
into a delightful grove. ( Vid. Academus. ) He threw
down the fences of his fields and orchards, that all who
wished might enter and partake of their produce: he
not only gave the usual entertainments expected from
the rich to the members of his own borough, but kept
a table constantly open for them. He never appeared
in public without a number of persons attending him
in good apparel, who, when they met with any elderly
citizen scantily clothed, would insist on exchanging
their warm mantles for his threadbare covering. It
was the office of the same agents respectfully to ap-
proach any of the poorer citizens of good character,
whom they might see standing in the market-place,
and silently to put some small pieces of money into
their hands. This latter kind of expenditure was cer-
tainly of a mischievous tendency ; and was not the
less that of a demagogue, because Cimon sought popu-
larity, not merely for his own sake, but for that of his
order and his party. -- About 466 B. C. , Cimon was
sent to the Thractan Chersonese, of which the Per-
sians still kept possession, and having driven thorn out,
next reduced the island of Thasus, and took posses-
sion of the Thasian gold mines on the neighbouring
continent. Scarcely, however, had he returned to At-
tica, when an accusation was preferred against him of
having been corrupted by the King of Macedonia, be-
cause he had refrained, not, according to the common
account, from attacking the Macedonians then at
peace with Athens, but from striking a blow at the
Thracian tribes on the frontier of that kingdom, who
had recently cut off the Athenian settlers on the banks
of the Slrymon. ( Vid. Amphipolis. ) From this ac-
cusation Cimon had a very narrow escape. Having
been sent, however, after this, with a body of troops to
aid the Spartans before Ithome, and the latter having,
after some interval, sent back their Athenian allies,
whom they suspected of not lending them any effectual
assistance, the irritation produced by this national in-
sult fell principally upon Cimon, who was known to be
an admirer of the Spartan character and constitution,
and he was accordingly driven into exile. Subse-
quent events, however, made the Athenians feel the
want of this able commander, and he was recalled and
sent on an expedition against Egypt and Cyprus; but
he was carried off by illness, or the consequences of a
wound, in the harbour of Citium, to which place he
was laying siege. His spirit, however, still animated
hitf countrymen; for the fleet, when sailing home with
his remains, gained a naval victory over a large squad-
ron of Phosnician and Cilician galleys near the Cyprian I
Salamis, and followed up this victory by another which
? key gained on shore, either over the troops which had
landed from the enemy's ships, or over a land force |
by which they were supported--Cimon was, beyond
dispute, the ablest and most successful general of his
day; and his victories shed a lustre on the arms of
Athens, which almost dimmed the glories of Marathon
and Salamis. In after times, Cimon's military renown
was enhanced by the report of a peace which his vic-
? ? tories had compelled the Persian king to conclude on
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? CIN
CIR
ancient or modem times, and has deservedly procured
for those who were the actors in it the unmitigated ab-
horrence of all posterity. Cinna and Marius, by then-
own authority, now declared themselves consuls for
the ensuing year; but Marius dying, after having only
held that office for seventeen days, Cinna remained in
effect the absolute master of Rome. During the
space of three years after this victory of his, he con-
tinued to hold possession of the government at home,
a period during which, as Cicero remarks (De Clar.
Oral. . 62), the republic was without laws and without
dignity. At length, however, Sylla, after terminating
the war with Mithradates, prepared to march home
with his army and punish his opponents. Cinna, with
his colleague Carbo, resolved thereupon to cross the
Adriatic, and anticipate Sylla by attacking him in
Greece ; but a mutiny of their troops ensued, in which
Cinna was slain, B. C. 77. Haughty, violent, always
eager for vengeance, addicted to debauchery, precipi-
tate in his plans, but always displaying courage in their
execution, Cinna attained to a power little less absolute
than that afterward held by Sylla or C<<csar: and it is
somewhat remarkable, that his usurpation should have
been so little noticed by posterity, and that he himself
should be so little known, that scarcely a single per-
sonal anecdote of him is to be found on record. (Ap-
pian, Bell. Civ. , 1, 64. -- Veil. Paterc, 2, 43, seqq. --
Appian, B. C, 1, 74, seqq. --Plut. , Vit. Syll, 22. --
Liv. , Epit. , 83, &c. ) -- II. One of the conspirators
against Cffisar (Plut. , Vit. Cas. ). --III. C. Helvius, a
Roman poet, intimate with Cresar, and tribune of the
commons at the time when the latter was assassinated.
According to Plutarch, he went to attend the obsequies
of Cffisar, but,being mistaken by the populace forCinna
the conspirator, was torn in pieces by them. (Plut. ,
Vit. Cies. ) Helvius composed a poem entitled Smyr-
na (or Zmyrna), on which he was employed nine or
ten years. Four fragments of it have reached us. It
appears to have been characterized by considerable
obscurity of meaning until the grammarian Crassitius
wrote an able commentary upon it. (Sueton. , Illustr.
Gram. , 18. ) Some other fragments have also reached
us of other productions of this poet. (Weiehert, de C.
Hclv. Cinn. poet. Comment. --Bdhr, Geseh. Rom. Lit. ,
vol. 1, p. 164. )
Cinniana, a town of Lusitania, in the northern or
northwestern section of the country. Its precise sit-
uation has given rise to much dispute. According to
some, it corresponds to Sitania, a deserted spot, six
leagues east of Braga. Others, however, make it the
same with certain ruins, called at the present day
Chalcedonia, and lying near Caldas de Geres, on the
northern confines of Portugal. (Val. Max. , 6, 4, ezt.
1 . --Link, Rciscn durch Portugal! , vol. 2, p. 3, seqq.
-- Vkcrt, Geogr. , vol. 2, p. 399. )
Cinyps and Cinyphus (Kivvf, Herod. --Kivvfyoc,
Plot. , Strab. --KiivQwc, Suid. ), a small river of Africa,
below Tripolis, falling into the sea southwest of the
promontory of Cephalte. Herodotus (4, 198) speaks
of the land around this river as being remarkably fer-
tile, and equal to any other land in the production of
corn. The water of this stream was conveyed by an
aqueduct to the city of Leptis Magna. Bochart de-
rives the name of the Cinyps or Cinyphus from the
Phoenician Kmphod, "porcupine's river," the porcu-
pine being found, according to Herodotus (4, 192), in
parts of the country watered by this stream. (Bochart,
? ? Geogr. Sacr. , 1, 24, col. 486. ) The modern name of
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? CIR
CIR
Year. Circe is said to have had by Ulysses a son named
Telegonus, who afterward unwittingly slew his own fa-
ther. Hesiod, in his Theogony (1011), says Agrius
and Latinus (not the king of Latium), "who, afar in
the recess of the holy isles, ruled over all the renowned
Tyrsenians. " Later writers took great liberties with
the narratives of Homer and Hesiod. Thus, for ex-
ample, Dionysius, the cyclographer, makes Circe the
daughter of . tile. -, by Hecate, the daughter of his
brother Perses. He goes on to say, that she was
married to the king of the Sarmatians, whom she
poisoned, and seized his kingdom; but, governing
tyrannically, she was expelled, and then fled to a
desert isle of the ocean, or, as some said, to the
headland named from her in Italy. (Vid. Circeii. )
The Latin poets thence took occasion to connect Circe
with their own scanty mythology. It was fabled, for
example, that she had been married to King Picus.
whom, by her magic art, she changed into a bird.
(Diod. Sic. , 4, 45. --Eudocia, 261. -- Schol. ad Apoll.
/? *. , 3, 200. -- Ovid, Met. , 14, 320, seqq. ) Another
legend made her the mother of Faunus, by the god of
the sea. (Xonnu*, 13, 328. ) The herb Moly is said,
by these late writers, to have sprung from the blood
of a giant slain by the Sun, in aid of his daughter in
her island. Its name, wc are told, comes from the
fight i/iij/or). Its flower is white, as the warrior was
the Sun. (Ptol. , Hephetst. ap. Phot. , Cod. , 190, vol. 1,
p. 149, ed. Bckker. -- Keigfitley's Mythology, p. 267. )
Among other supernatural acts ascribed to Circe, was
her converting Scylla into a hideous sea-monster.
(Vid. Scylla. ) -- Various theories have been started
for explaining the fable of Circe and her transforma-
tion of men into swine. Heync (Excurs. \,ad Vtrg. ,
&*. , 7, p. 103) thinks, that Homer merely gave an
historical aspect, as it were, to an allegory invented
by some earlier poet, and in which the latter wished
to show the brutalizing influence of sensual indulgen-
ces. (Compare Waehsmulh, ad Athen. , 2, 2, p. 218. )
Creuzer (Symbol)/:, vol. 4, p. 22) sees in the name
Circe (Kipun) an allusion to some magic ring, since
tiptoe is the Doric form for kd'ikoc, "a ring. " (Greg.
Corinth , Y 165. -- Koen, ad loe. ) J. C. Wolf (Mul.
Grae. , dec, Fragm. , 312) is in favour of another ex-
planation, in support of which he cites Bochart (Geogr.
Sao-. , 1, 33) and Fabricius (Btbl. Grae. , vol. 13, p.
120). The historians from whom Diodorus Siculus
(2,106) derived his information, represent the knowl-
edge of Circe and Medea as purely natural, and relating
particularly to the efficacy of poisons and remedies.
Hence, also, drugs which produced mental stupefac-
tion, without impairing the physical powers, are
thought by some to have given rise, in this and other
cases, to the accounts of men being transformed into
brutes. (Salverte, det Sciences Occulta, &c. -- For-
eign Quarterly Review, No. 12, p.
