No More Learning

This was the second great blow to his reputation
and a proportionate encouragement to the English. Indced their
defence had been gallant. The whole of the garrison off duty as well
as on had been exposed, for want of bomb-proof shelter, to the enemy's
shell which he threw perpetually into the fort, and many were thus
killed in their sleep; but in spite of everything they held on with
admirable determination. Indeed their failure would have imperilled
Clive's work in Bengal.
This severe check to the French arms was speedily followed by
another. Clive, w:ll aware of the importance of keeping the French
1 The official narrative of the siege is Madras Public Sundry, no. 13. -_Diary
of the siege of Fort St George, 1758-59 (Records of Fort St George, 1915).
11


## p. 162 (#190) ############################################

162
THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR
at a distance, and yet having no troops that could be permanently
spared, decided to help Madras by sending a detachment under
Colonel Forde against the French in the Northern Sarkars. Lally,
as has been said in a previous chapter, had resolved to recall Bussy
and his troops from the Deccan. But he had not fully carried out his
first intention. He had insisted on the return of Bussy and Moracin;
but he had allowed a body of troops to continue under other and
incapable commanders. Lally had urged with great truth the need
of drawing together the whole force of the French; and there he had
been right. But he had not persisted in his purpose. Bussy joined
him without a man of his northern troops, who had been left behind
to guard what were probably private interests. The French troops
were still separated, and the Deccan detachment was now in
incompetent hands. Forde had landed, at Vizagapatam early in
October, 1758, and was joined by Ananda Razu, the important zamindar
of Vizianagram. After a pause spent in collecting provisions and
coming to exact terms with his ally, Forde marched south, and
completely defeated the French under Conflans at Kondur, a little to
the north of Rajahmundry, the capital of the province (7 December).
That place was occupied, and there a long delay occurred, owing to
the difficulty of getting the promised funds from. Ananda Razu,
without which the men would not advance. In February, 1759, Forde
renewed his march and appeared (6 March) before Masulipatam.
There he lay for a month, distressed by news of the approach of
Salabat Jang, by shortage of gunpowder, and by a mutiny of his
Europeans. But on the night of 7-8 April he carried the place by
escalade, capturing a greater number of regular troops than he had
under his own command. 2 On 14 May a treaty was signed with
Salabat Jang, and Forde remained in undisturbed possession till the
following October, when he returned to Bengal just in time to meet
and defeat Roussel and his Dutchmen.
The siege of Madras and the capture of Masulipatam marked the
turning-point in the war. In the Carnatic the English took the field,
although they still could only bring 1000 Europeans against Lally's
2000; nor had they at first a leader able to carry them to victory.
Draper went home for reasons of health; Lawrence was too old and
worn to take the field, so that the command fell to Major Cholmondely
Brereton, who had never had any experience of war as a subaltern. 3
He made a rash attack on Conjeeveram in September, where he was
beaten off with considerable loss; but the French were unable to use
their strength to press this advantage home because their men were
thoroughly discontented with the lack of pay, and in the next month
1 Forde to Madras, 19 March, 1759, ap. Madras Military Consultations,
28 March, 1759. .
2 Forde to Madras, 10 April, 1759, loc. cit. 20 April, 1759.
3 Call to Speke, 30 October, 1759 (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS, 35917, ff. 40 sqq. )


## p. 163 (#191) ############################################

DEFEAT OF D'ACHE
163
their discontent broke out into a very alarming mutiny, which com-
pelled the principal people of Pondichery to part with their plate in
order to provide a proportion of the arrears.
Shortly before these events took place d'Aché had reappeared for
the last time in Indian waters. He had not been able to revictual his
ships at Mauritius, which, with its sister island, Bourbon, did not
produce enough food for their joint consumption; and consequently
he had been obliged to send to the Cape, where he had to pay heavily,
thus using up a large part of the funds that had arrived from France
for the use of Lally. When at last d'Aché made the Coromandel
Coast (2 September), he fell in at once with Pocock who was on the
watch for him. Several days were spent in maneuvres. But on the
10th a stubborn battle was joined. D’Aché managed to catch the
English at a moment when their ships were widely strung out, so that
two of them could take little or no part. For two hours the squadrons
continued their action within musket shot. The English suffered
severely. Two ships had all their sail shot away, and over 500 men
were killed or wounded. But at last the French rear gave way and
broke the line, then the flagship was put about by her pilot at the
moment when d'Aché himself fell wounded, and the French took
refuge under the guns of Pondichery. They had lost nearly 900 men
and, though their feet was still intact, it had been too severely handled
to encounter the English again. In that way the action had been
decisive. D'Aché lay for a fortnight off Pondichery, patching up his
vessels, then on 1 October he sailed never to return. Nothing more
would break the blockade of the English squadron before Pondichery.
Meanwhile, at the end of October, Coote had arrived with his
regiment, which, even when a detachment had been sent up to Bengal,
made up the English forces to 1700 men. With these he took the field
as soon as the rains were over, and began reducing the numerous
little forts which studded the Carnatic. But his great object was to
bring Lally to an action. With this in view, he looked on while Lally
invested the fort of Wandiwash which the French had lately lost; and
then, when Lally was fairly committed to the siege, Coote advanced
swiftly on him. The result was a battle (22 January, 1760) as decisive
on land as Pocock's late action had been at sea. Lally was routed,
and it was the last pitched battle of the war. The remaining posts in
the Carnatic were soon reduced, and in the course of March the
French were reduced to Pondichery, Jinji, and Karikal, of which the
last surrendered on 5 April.
There remained the reduction of Pondichery. For the moment
Coote judged his forces too few to enable him to form the siege of
the place. Meanwhile Lally attempted to retrieve his position by
means of help from Hyder 'Ali, the rising general in the service of
Mysore. A treaty was made by which Hyder was promised certain
1 Dodwell, Dupleix and Clive, p. 182, and references there cited.


## p. 164 (#192) ############################################

164
THE SEVEN YEARS WAR
forts, French assistance to conquer territories to the southward . as
soon as the English had been beaten, and two lakhs of rupees a month.
On this Hyder sent his brother-in-law with a detachment to Pondi-
chery; but he brought no provisions, he suggested no feasible plans
for the destruction of Coote and his army, and after a month's hesita-
tion he departed, giving up the fort which had been delivered to him.
Meanwhile Coote had captured the fort of Villiyanallur, and induced
the admiral to land a body of marines to reinforce his troops. With
them he prepared to drive the French within their bound-hedge.
At this moment the command changed hands. Dispatches arrived
with a commission giving Monson rank over Coote who till then had
been the senior alike in service and in position. The latter therefore
retired to Madras, and prepared to proceed with his regiment to
Bengal, whither indeed he had been ordered. That would have meant
the abandonment of the siege of Pondichery. Monson offered to leave
the army till the place had been captured, and Coote then agreed to
leave his regiment behind. Monson drove the French within the
bound-hedge, but was severely wounded in the operation, and Coote
then resumed the command on the understanding that the other
should not rejoin the army before the fall of Pondichery. This was
on 20 September.
Pondichery had now been blockaded for several months, and the
condition within the place was miserable. Lally and the Company's
servants were on the worst possible terms. No money was to be had.
Attempts to wring money out of either the European or the Indian
inhabitants of the place had proved singularly fruitless; and endeav-
ours to fetch up supplies from the neutral settlements on the coast
had been frustrated by the vigilance of the blockading ships. The
enemy without pressed nearer and nearer. In December they opened
fire on the defences, in the first days of January a storm scattered
the English squadron lying in the roads, and for an instant the way
lay open for supplies, but before advantage could be taken of this
the men-of-war were back at their old posts; the position of the town
was hopeless; and on 16 January, 1761, it surrendered at discretion.
Jinji surrendered after some weeks of blockade; Mahé, on the west
coast, surrendered to an overpowering force which sat down before
it, and French were left without a foot of ground in India.
The principal cause which had contributed to this complete victory
was certainly the relentless pressure of sea-power. . Although the
French fleet was never destroyed, yet the cumulative effect of the
three actions which were fought established an irresistible superiority,
such as later in 1783 Suffren had just established when the news of
peace robbed him of the fruits of victory. While the English received
supplies of food and money from Bengal, recruits of men from Europe,
and grain from their northern settlements, the French could receive
1 Dodwell, op. cit. pp. 186-7; and references there cited.
1


## p. 165 (#193) ############################################

LALLY'S DIFFICULTIES
165
nothing but what came to them laboriously by land. The first were
constantly strengthened, the second was constantly weakened. And
this enabled Coote to establish his military superiority over Lally
in the field and to hem him in within the walls of Pondichery. And
in this connection we may doubt whether the possession of Mauritius
was an unmixed blessing to the French. It possessed an excellent
harbour where their squadrons could refit; but it was remote from
the decisive area of the war, and was a constant temptation to a
faltering commander to abandon the coast to the enemy.
Next to the pressure of sea-power we must set the influence of
superior finance. From first to last Lally was embarrassed for means
of paying his troops; of obtaining material; of paying work-people.
He came out with scanty supplies, nor could the war-ravaged Carnatic
make good this crushing disadvantage. But here the control of the
Bengal nawab, established in 1757, was a strong help to the English.
At more than one critical moment, when our men were on the point
of mutiny, Bengal serrt down supplies which enabled Madras to carry
on. The one good thing which can be said for the revolution of 1760
is that it enabled the siege of Pondichery to be continued to its con-
clusion. It has been said that had Lally retained Bussy in the Deccan
he might have been able to secure funds thence; but I cannot accept
that view. The Deccan had never been able to remit money to the
south. Whatever had been got there, or from the Sarkars which had
been ceded to Bussy, had always been eaten up by the establishments
which were maintained there, and, except the lakh and a half of
rupees which Bussy sent to Lally in 1758, the place had never provided
any resources for the public treasury of the French.
Thirdly, we must place the personal character of Lally among the
causes of the French failure. His hastiness, his violent temper, his
uncontrolled and cutting speech, his habit of threatening without
punishing, were all strong obstacles in his way. Nor was his task
made easier by the orders which he received to carry into execution
a reform of the Pondichery administration in a time of war. The two
things were incompatible. Against such difficulties and such defects
his personal gallantry fought in vain.
>


## p. 166 (#194) ############################################

CHAPTER IX
1
BENGAL, 1760-72
WHEN Clive quitted Bengal early in 1760, the position of affairs
was still very unsettled. 'Ali Gauhar was still lingering on the borders
of Bihar, financial relations with Mir Ja'far were still unsatisfactory,
and the share which the nawab had taken in the recent attempts of
the Dutch, though as yet unknown in detail, was strongly suspected.
Moreover, Clive's successor, Holwell, was a man of greater talent
than character; he only held his office temporarily and by accident
till Clive's permanent successor arrived; and he was not capable of
imposing his will, as Clive had done, either on the Company's servants
or on the nawab. Consequently the unstable political situation, which
had grown up in the last three years as the result of the military
power of the Company and the personal character of Clive, was not
likely to remain unshaken when the control passed into weaker hands.
The command of the troops had fallen to Caillaud, who had been
brought up from Madras at the particular request of Clive. He was
a skilful soldier, and under his command the English forces were not
likely to undergo defeat; but, like Holwell, he was not a man of any
moral vigour or capable of making good the deficiencies of the tem-
porary governor. At the moment he was on campaign against the
shahzada, with a battalion of Europeans and another of sepoys, to-
gether with a large body of cavalry under the nawab's son, Miran.
He succeeded by the action of Sirpur (22 February) in relieving
Patna, which had been attacked by the shahzada, but Miran's men
did not follow up their success, mainly, Caillaud thought, owing to
the inertness of their leader; and then for a week Miran insisted on
nursing some slight wounds he had received, while the shahzada,
having collected his scattered troops, raided into the province of
Bengal. Caillaud followed him so closely that he had little opportu-
nity of doing anything effectual, and again withdrew; but the nawab's
horse had again proved unserviceable, and the nawab entered into
correspondence with the shahzada, declaring, it was believed, that
his resistance was solely due to the insistence of the English. However,
when Caillaud had once again relieved Patna, the shahzada finally
retired from Bihar. 1 Caillaud and Miran then set out to chastise the
zamindars who had afforded him help during his raid into Bengal.
But in the course of these operations, on 3 July, Miran perished,
probably killed by lightning 2
The death of Miran was in itself no'great loss. From the Indian
1
1 Caillaud's Journal, ap. Orme MSS, India, vi.
2 India Office, Home Miscellaneous, 456 D.


## p. 167 (#195) ############################################

HOLWELL'S PROJECTS
167
historians we gather a conception of his character much resembling
that which they attribute to Siraj-ud-daula. But the event at once
brought up the question of succession, and placed in a position of
great prominence a man of consummate political skill, connected
with the nawab by marriage, and generally well-reputed among the
English. This was Mir Kasim. He sought at once to obtain a promise
of being named either the diwan or the successor of Mir Ja'far; and
for the moment Mir Ja'far seems to have acquiesced in his plans.
But for some time before this occurrence Holwell and Caillaud had
been discussing the political future of the provinces. Holwell had
taken up an attitude strongly opposed to the maintenance of the
present nawab. He argued that he had betrayed the English both
with the Dutch and with the shahzada, that he had failed to make
the payments that he had promised the Company, that the country
was going to ruin under his government, and that the sooner he was
removed the better for the English and for the country. Caillaud, to
whom these views were communicated, did not agree with them.
He thought the Company was bound to support the nawab and that
a revolution would be fraught with ill consequences. Hastings held
the same ideas,
"Mr Holwell's censures on the Nabob's conduct,” he wrote, "are but too just;
but I dread the consequences he seems to draw from them. Let the Nabob be
ever so bad, we are bound if not in justice, in honour and policy to support him
through these troubles, now we are so far engaged. I do not suppose he is
grown a worse man since the commencement of this war. That he is a
usurper is certain, and one of our making.
Caillaud replied with a long letter traversing Holwell's arguments.
The latter rejoined :
Had it ever been my wish or intention to have taken our support from the
present Nabob and transfer it to any other, your arguments in that case would
have all the weight with me they so greatly merit. . . . But my views for the
Company went much higher. That the country will never be in a settled
peaceful state whilst this family is at the head of it, is a position I lay down
as incontestable, and that until the country enjoys that state the Company's
affairs must be daily approaching to certain ruin : I therefore judge we could
never be possessed of a more just or favourable opportunity to carry into
execution what must be done, I plainly see, one time or other, if the Company
have ever a secure footing in the provinces, to wit, take this country into their
own hands. . . . The situation of the Prince at present is such that I am sure
he would readily and thankfully hearken to an overture from us, and without
hesitation grant a phirmaund appointing the Company perpetual subas of the
province. . . . 8
Holwell already knew that his term of office was limited, and in those
circumstances he could not press views which he knew found little
support with his councillors. *
» 2
1 Jami-ut-tawarikh, ap. Elliott and Dowson, vm, 429.
2 Hastings to Caillaud, 4 June, 1760.
3 Holwell to Caillaud, 14 June, 1760.
4 The correspondence between Holwell and Caillaud will be found in Hol-
well's India Tracts and Vindication, and in the Orme MSS, India, XII.


## p. 168 (#196) ############################################

168
BENGAL, 1760-72
On 27 July arrived the new governor, Henry Vansittart. He was
a Madras servant of some fourteen years' standing. He possessed a
good knowledge of Persian, and had transacted with success the
business between the Madras Council and Nawab Muhammad 'Ali;
his tact and dexterity had won him very favourable notice at Madras,
and Clive had urged his appointment on the Company in the strongest
terms. It proved, however, to be singularly unfortunate. He encoun-
tered the sharp jealousy of all the Bengal servants whom he had
superseded; and though always well-intentioned, the policy which
he adopted proved to be the source of many misfortunes. He was
one of that large body of men who can execute the orders of their
superiors much better than they can frame a policy of their own. In
the present case he adopted the policy suggested to him by Holwell,
who by this time had abandoned his original plan in favour of
appointing Mir Kasim heir-apparent. It is more likely that Holwell
yielded to the material arguments of Mir Kasim than to the reasons
which Caillaud and others had produced against the establishment
of the Company as subahdar. 1. After prolonged discussions Mir
Kasim was invited down to Calcutta. The negotiations with him were
confided to Holwell in person; and on 27 September an agreement
was reached by which Mir Kasim was to receive the office of deputy
subahdar, with a guarantee of succession to the subahdari, while the
English were to receive the three districts of Burdwan, Midnapur,
and Chittagong for the maintenance of their troops. Mir Kasim also
agreed to pay off the outstanding debts of Mir Ja'far to the Company -
He then returned to Murshidabad. Vansittart and Caillaud
reached the same place in order to carry the agreement into effect
on 14 October. But they then found that Mir Ja'far refused absolutely
to place his person and government in the hands of his kinsman.
After five days' discussion, Caillaud was ordered to occupy the palace
of Motijhil, where the nawab was. In the face of superior force, the
latter at last decided to resign his office, on which Mir Kasim was
immediately seated on the masnad, and the revolution of 1760 was
completed. Mir Ja'far went down to reside at Calcutta under an
English guard which he demanded, and Mir Kasim grudgingly agreed
to allow him 15,000 rupees a month. 3
Thus the matter ended by pulling down one nawab only to set up
another. Nothing was done to reconcile the essentially opposed inte-
rests of the nawab and the English. Nor was the agreement with
Mir Kasim so full and explicit as to exclude future causes of mis-
understanding. In that respect the settlement was most unsatisfactory,
and Vansittart merits the severest criticism for having adopted it. It
was also followed by the grant of presents which cast a sordid air over
1 Dodwell, Dupleix and Clive; p. 205.
2 Bengal Select Committee, 11, 15, 16 and 27 September, 1760.
3 Calendar of Persian Correspondence, 1, 43, 130, 135, 138 and 140.


## p. 169 (#197) ############################################

SHAH ALAM
169
the whole business; but except in the case of Holwell, these do not
seem to have been stipulated beforehand, as had been the case with
the presents that were bestowed after Plassey; nor is it likely that they
formed an element in the motives of Vansittart and his followers.
There were, as Grant said, “many easier avenues to irregular emolu-
ment than the troublesome, hazardous, and public road of a
general revolution". 1
The unstable nature of the settlement quickly manifested itseif
in three principal affairs—the question of the shahzada, the question
of Ramnarayan, and the question of the internal trade. The shahzada,
whose father the emperor 'Alamgir II had been murdered in the
previous year, was still in Bihar, while the nawab's troops in that
region were mutinous for want of pay. In spite of this, Carnac, who
had just arrived as commander of the Company's troops in Bengai,
de ted him (15 January, 1761) on the Son, taking Law and mosi
of the other Frenchmen with him, and on 6 February the shahzada,
who had assumed the title of Shah 'Alam II, was induced to confer
with Carnac at Gaya, and then to accompany him to Patna. Before
Mir Kasim had become subahdar, he and the Select Committee had
agreed on a project to make peace with and assist the shahzada in
marching to Delhi and establishing himself as emperor. ? The design
proves the political imbecility of Vansittart. It mattered nothing to
the English who called himself emperor, and it would have been the
height of folly to dissipate their unconsolidated power in interfering
in the affairs of Upper India.
In fact, however, the project came to
,
nothing, because when Mir Kasim had been safely installed, he
offered a persistent, though half-concealed, opposition to the design.
He was clearly obsessed with the fear that the English would obtain
from Shah 'Alam a grant for the provinces on their own account, as
Holwell had at first intended and as Rai Durlabh, who had been
consulted, had advised. There had, indeed, been from the first a
party strongly opposed to Vansittart and therefore to any policy
which he advocated; and the substitution of Carnac for Caillaud had
strengthened this party. When in April Coote arrived from Madras,
and took over the command from Carnac, the change emphasised the
opposition, for Coote entertained as his diwan Nandakumar, whom
Mir Kasim regarded as pledged to the restoration of Mir Ja'far. }
When Mir Kasim went up to Patna, more than one misunderstanding
arose between him and the military commander; Mir Kasim refused
to proclaim Shah 'Alam as emperor till after his departure, and even
then was only brought to do so by Coote's threat of doing it himself
3
1 Grant, Sketch, p. 187.
2 Letter to McGwire and Carnac, ap. Bengal Select Committee, 13 February,
1761; letter to Mir Kasim, 2 February, 1761 (Calendar of Persian Correspond-
ence, I, 63).
3 Vansittart to Mir Kasim, 27 October, 1761 (Calendar of. Persian Cor-
respondence, I, 130).


## p. 170 (#198) ############################################

170
BENGAL, 1760-72
1
2
if Mir Kasim delayed any longer. When the emperor departed in
June, the nawab evidently felt that he had narrowly escaped seeing
power transferred over his head to the English by Shah 'Alam.
Although there was not a shred of truth in the nawab's suspicions,
Vansittart's policy was already beginning to break down under the
stress of circumstances and lack of union among the English.
Ramnarayan's case was to demonstrate this even more clearly. In
Mir Ja'far's time the English had steadily protected him from the
nawab, and his conduct had justified their protection. He had resc-
lutely and at times skilfully resisted the inroads of the shahzada; and
the new governor was resolved to continue the protection which
Clive had given. Coote's instructions, when he was proceeding to
Patna in April, contained a clause directing him to secure Ramnarayan
from injustice and at all events to maintain him in his government. ?
However, the tone of the Calcutta government gradually cooled. On
18 June the committee agreed to Ramnarayan's suspension and
Vansittart wrote to Mir Kasim that he could do what he liked about
the deputy. Coote and Carnac were recalled from Patna. In August
Vansittart approved of the appointment of a new deputy, and in
September he ordered Ramnarayan to be delivered into the nawab's
hands. 3 When as much money as possible had been extracted from
him, he was put to death. In this matter Vansittart had acted in
plain opposition to the policy of Clive. The latter had desired above
everything to strengthen the English position; Vansittart desired to
strengthen that of the nawab. The first had therefore made a point
of protecting the principal Hindu ministers; the second deliberately
desisted from protecting them. He failed to see how far his policy
would lead him and how strong a reaction it would provoke. *
Having succeeded in getting rid of the emperor and in getting the
chief English protégé into his hands, Mir Kasim now proceeded to
raise the third question, that of the internal trade of the province.
This was a matter which neither Clive nor Vansittart had ever fairly
faced. Its history goes back to the days before the battle of Plassey,
when the imperial farmans conferred on the English complete liberty
of trade exempt from the imperial transit dues. The Company's
servants had always interpreted this as authorising them to trade in
articles such as salt, betel and tobacco, without paying the tolls
imposed on those articles. The nawab had always insisted on their
doing nothing of the sort. The Company, having no interest in this
matter, had prohibited its servants from following the internal trade,
for fear of their provoking troubles with the nawab on that account.
The Company's servants felt that they had been kept out of their
1 Coote's Journal, Orme MSS, India, VIII.
2 Bengal Select Committee, 21. April, 1761.
3 Vansittart to Mir Kasim, 18 June and 21 September, 1761 (Calendar of
Persian Correspondence, I, 108 and 122).
ttart's Narrative, p. 32.
4 Cf. Scrafton, Observations on Mr Vansittar


## p. 171 (#199) ############################################

INTERNAL TRADE QUESTION
171
rights by the strong hand; and when the strong hand was at last on
their side they resolved to exercise their supposed rights to the full.
Clive in 1757 was instructed to procure an express authorisation from
Mir Ja'far for their participation in the internal trade free of duties.
No such article appears in the treaty; but the parwanas issued by the
nawab in execution of the treaty were phrased in such wide terms
and included such definite instructions as show that Clive carried out
this part of his orders.
Whatever goods the Company's gumastahs may bring or carry to or from their
factories, the aurungs or other places, by land or by water, with a dustuck from
any of the chiefs of their factories, you shall neither ask nor receive any sum,
however trifing for the same. Know they have full power to buy and sell;
you are by no means to oppose it. Whoever acts contrary to these orders,
the English have full power to punish them. 1
As the Company's servants had always been thought entitled to enjoy
the same privileges as the Company itself, they proceeded to take
advantage of their new freedom from control to trade in the articles
so long prohibited. Clive on the whole seems to have set his face
against this practical extension of English privileges; but it seems
clear that under his government it went on, though perhaps not in
any great volume, and that at the end of his government Mir Ja'far
complained of it. On that occasion, Clive, who was on the eve of his
departure, refused to give any decided answer, but the council seems
to have decided in favour of the fullest interpretation of English
rights; the practice grew; and when Vansittart arrived at Calcutta it
was in full swing. In the discussions which preceded Mir Ja'far's
removal, the matter never seems to have been mentioned. Indeed, had
Mir Kasim proposed its abolition, he would almost certainly have
received not a shred of English support. But he was too wise to raise
such a thorny matter at a time when the favour of the English meant
everything to him. He therefore waited till the emperor had departed,
till Ramnarayan had been delivered over to him, and the Hindus
could no ionger look to the English for countenance and support, and
then, in Deceraber, 1781, came the first complaints that the nawab's
officers were obstructing the trade of the Company and its depend-
ents. In May, 1762, came the first recorded complaint from the other
side, Mir Kasim alleging misconduct on the part of the English
traders' Indian agents. 3 Vansittart still thought the nawab was making
himself uneasy about smail matters, and that the whole question
could be cleared up by a personal interview; but in fact complaints
doubled and redoubled. The officers of the nawab obstructed English
trade; the English “did themselves justice”; the nawab claimed the
1
Dodwell, op. cit. pp. 214 sqq.
2 Vansittart to Mir Kasim, 18 and 19 December, and tu Mir Sher 'AU, 19
Decemwer, 1761 (Calendar of Persian Correspondence, I, 137).
3 Idem, I, 161.


## p. 172 (#200) ############################################

172
BENGAL, 1760-72
right of himself administering justice. Such different persons as
Scrafton and Hastings both accord in testifying not only that the
words of the nawab's parwana quoted above had been steadily acted
upon, but also that such privilege was necessary. It had constantly
been exercised during the government of Mir Ja'far; it had not been
mentioned when Mir Kasim succeeded his father-in-law, any more
than had been the question of the internal trade; but now he suddenly
discovered that these practices were incompatible with the proper
exercise of his powers and complained of them as new and unbearable
usurpations. It is, indeed, clear that they were incompatible with
Vansittart's policy of strengthening the nawab; but no engagements
seem to have been sought or given in 1760; and, indeed, Vansittart,
had probably not realised what a difficulty they offered.
Out of them sprang the war of 1763 and the restoration of Mir
Ja'far as nawab. At the close of 1762 Vansittart visited the nawab
at Mongir, where he had established his capital, and made a treaty
with him on the subject of the internal trade: In future English
merchants were to pay 9 per cent. , whereas Indian merchants paid
40 on salt carried up to Patna, but, as against this, disputes were to
be heard and determined by the nawab's officers. This agreement
was not to have been announced until Vansittart had procured the
assent of the council; but Mir Kasim published it at once. It is
doubtful whether the council would in any case have accepted it;
but the news of the abandonment of the right of "doing themselves
justice”, received as it was through the nawab's officers, excited a
blaze of anger. This was exaggerated by various other news that
came in about the same time. One was that Vansittart had been
imprudent enough to accept seven lakhs from the nawab, in part as.
a refund of advances he had made, but in part as a present, and of
course everyone declared that the money was the price of abandoning
English rights; it is curious that Mir Kasim had instructed his deputy
at Dacca to show special favour to Vansittart's agents;2 perhaps he
expected to strengthen his position by setting the English quarrelling;
if so, the event must have disappointed him. Ellis, the chief at Patna,
had been in constant disputes with the nawab's servants, who had
neglected to visit him on his arrival as chief; many of the council
were deeply suspicious of Mir Kasim, who had recently entered into
relations of an unknown character with the nawab of Oudh. All
these things combined to produce a revolt against the authority of
Vansittart and the policy with which he was associated. His agree-
ment was rejected; all the absent members of council were called
down to Calcutta; and it was resolved that in future the English
should trade duty-free except for 21/2 per cent. on their salt, and that
1 Scrafton, op. cit. p. 34; Hastings to Holwell, 19 February, 1760 (Brit: Mus.
Add. MSS, 29096, f. 223 verso).
2 Mir Kasim to the Naib of Dacca, n. d. (Select Committee Report, 1772, I,
(2), App. 34).


## p. 173 (#201) ############################################

FALL OF MIR KASIM
173
English agents should be subject to none but English control. When
the nawab resolved to abolish the duties, the council refused to assent
and deputed Amyatt and Hay, two of their members, to insist on
large preferential terms for the English trade. These Mir Kasim
refused to concede. At the same time affairs at Patna had greatly
exasperated feelings on both sides. Ellis, the chief, a man of violent
temper, and a bitter enemy of Vansittart, had insisted on the English
privileges without any heed to appearances; while Mir Kasim had
begun to prepare against those events which evidently drew nearer
every day. He closed and stockaded the Patna gate close to the
English factory; he assembled troops in Patna; and in June he sent
emissaries to seduce the Company's European and sepoy troops
stationed there. On 21 June he sent a fresh body of troops from
Mongir towards Patna; and on this news Ellis attempted to seize the
city; after a temporary success he failed to retain it; his garrison
was destroyed; and the war had begun.
Blameworthy as were individuals, it was a war of circumstances
rather than intentions. Vansittart had failed to realise that a strong
nawab would inevitably desire to reduce the extraordinary privileges
which the English claimed, and he had made no allowance for the
fact that the English councillors would become uncontrollable if their
material interests were attacked. In short he lacked the insight and
vigour which his position demanded. The councillors with the ex-
ception of Hastings allowed their material interests to colour and
distort their policy. Mir Kasim had displayed great political dexterity
but little wisdom. But the dominating fact of the situation was that
the interests of the English and of the nawab were irreconcilable.
There could be no stability in affairs so long as the nawab fancied
himself an independent governor and the English claimed privileges
wholly inconsistent with that independence.
The war which thus began in 1763 was destined to end this un-
certain position. On 10 June Major Adams, an officer of Coote's,
took the field at the head of 1100 Europeans and 4000 sepoys against
Mir Kasim's army of 15,000 to 20,000 men. Between that date and
5 September he won four considerable victories in the course of his
advance upon the nawab's capital of Mongir. Mir Kasim had now
lost all confidence in his troops and their leaders. He fled to Patna,
where he put to death all the English who had fallen into his hands;
and he had already murdered his commander-in-chief, who had been
guiltless of any crime but that of failure, and the Seths, who had been
guiltless of any crime at all. He was, indeed, displaying that same
weak violence which the English councillors had already displayed,
though in a less bloody fashion. He then fled into Oudh, where he
hoped to find assistance with which to recover the provinces from
the English. The nawab of Oudh, Shuja-ud-daula, agreed to assist
him, and the emperor Shah 'Alam joined the confederates. But at
this point the war came to a pause. On the one side the Oudh troops


## p. 174 (#202) ############################################

174
BENGAL, 1760-72
were not ready for attack; on the other, the English commander,
Adams, retired to Calcutta to die; he was succeeded by Carnac who
was hampered, not only by lack of conspicuous military talent in
himself, but also by mutiny among his men, by disputes with the
council, . and by counteraction on the part of the restored nawab,
Mir Ja'far, who had been sent back from Calcutta to reign once more
at Murshidabad. After a series of very inconclusive events on the
borders of Oudh and Bihar, which occupied the first half of 1754,
Major Hector Munro, of the 89th, arrived and took command of the
army. He spent August and September in restoring the discipline of
the army. After executing twenty-five mutineers by blowing them
from his guns, and breaking one sepoy battalion with all possible
ignominy, he invaded Oudh, and on 22 October, after a stubborn
contest, completely defeated the enemy at Baksar. There was no more
resistance. Oudh was overrun by Fletcher, who succeeded Munro
in the command. Shah 'Alam joined the English camp once more;
Shuja-ud-daula fled into the Rohilla . country; while Mir Kasim,
stripped of his treasure and deserted by his followers, escaped into
obscure poverty.
Meanwhile the old nawab had been restored. On 10 July, 1763,
was signed a new treaty, by which he agreed to limit the forces he
kept up, to receive a permanent resident at the durbar, and to levy
no more than 212 per cent. on the English trade in salt. Advantage
was also taken to secure a promise of compensation for all losses,
public and private, caused by the war wich Mir Kasimn. These
stipulations regarding private interests were severely criticised by
the Company. Nor even were the other provisions found to concede
all that was required. The nawab, appointed Nandakumar as his
chief minister; and in the course of the war the latter was believed to
have betrayed the English plans, and in various ways to have obstruc-
ted their operations. Accordingly when Mir Ja'far died early in 1763
his son Najm-ud-daula was only recognised on condition of his
appointing a minister nominated by the English, and agreeing not
to displace him without their approval. The minister held the title
of deputy subahdar, and was to have under the nawa't the chief
management of all affairs. By this agreement the long struggle
?
between the English and the nawab was brought to an end. The
nawab survived as a figurehead, in whose name administration was
conducted by a nominee of the English, but who of himself could do
nothing. Clive, whose appointment as governor of Fort William had
already been announced, was very indignant with the council in thus
determining an affair of importance before his arrival; but, venal as
1 Besides the proceedings of the Bengal Select Committee, see also Cham-
pion's Journal, ap. India Office Home Miscellaneous, no. 198.
2 Munry's reports, ap. Bengal Select Committee, 24 September, 1761.
8 Bengal Select Committee, 14 and 28 February, and 16 March, 1765.


## p. 175 (#203) ############################################

STRUGGLES IN ENGLAND
175
the council were, in this case their action from the point of view of
policy was irreproachable. It would have been very unwise to have
left the matter of the succession hanging over until Clive's arrival,
and still more so to have invested the new nawab with powers which
it afterwards would have been found expedient to diminish. Unfor-
tunately the council marred their conduct by making this settlement
the occasion of taking large presents in defiance of the orders of the
Company which had already been received.
Clive's victories in Bengal had transformed not only the position
of the English in India but also the proceedings of the Company in
England. Violent political discussions succeeded to the dull and
decorous statements of the course of the trade in the East. Control
of the Company and of its policy became a thing worth paying for.
Clive on the one side and Laurence Sulivan on the other, entered
into a series of campaigns to secure a dominant interest, buying up
stock, and subdividing it so as to create if possible a majority of
secure votes. The right to Clive's jagir had been the great bone of
contention, and the preservation of that valuable property had cost
Clive great sums of money. Sulivan, the great friend of Warren
Hastings, was a man without an idea in advance of the low level of
his time. He almost ruined himself in his struggle with Clive, while
his friend Vansittart did so completely; and he then took advantage
of his position and following at the East India House to seek to retrieve
his position by procuring lucrative posts for his son and relatives in
the East. In 1764 Clive succeeded for the time being in obtaining
the control of the Company; and the fact was marked by his accept-
ance for a second time of the office of governor of Fort William. He
went out in order to set right the errors that had evidently been
committed by his successors. The revolution of 1760 had been bitterly
attacked in England, and so had the war which followed with the
new nawab. It was generally felt that unless the Company set its
house in order, it would be impossible to prevent he ministry from
interfering in Indian affairs, and perhaps abolishing the Company
itself.
Clive reached Calcutta in May, 1765, and found two problems
awaiting his solution-one political, the future relations of the
English with the emperor, the nawab of Oudh, and the nawab of
Bengal; and the other administrative, the reform of the swollen profits
from illicit or quasi-illicit sources, and the re-establishment of order
and subordination, which had disappeared in the revolt of the council
against Vansittart. On his arrival the new governor found that Van-
sittart had promised Oudh to the emperor. It seemed to Clive a
a
foolish step. There was no ground for thinking that Shah 'Alam
would be able to maintain himself there without English help, so that
1 Palk MSS, pp. 91, 126 and 188; Sulivan to Hastings, 6 June, 1781 (Brit.
Mus. Add. MSS. 29149, f. 244).


## p. 176 (#204) ############################################

176
BENGAL, 1760-72
1
1
the setlement contained within itself all the elements of future com-
plications. Clive therefore sent up Carnac to reopen negotiations
until he himself should be able to visit Oudh in person. Carnac soon
found himself in communication with the fugitive Shuja-ud-daula,
with whom Clive decided to come to terms, restoring to him his old
dominions with the exception of Allahabad, on condition of a payment
of fifty lakhs of rupees. Allahabad with the surrounding districts
was bestowed on the emperor. The settlement has been attacked on
both sides—as a breach of faith with the emperor in taking away
from him what had been promised, and as bestowing territory on one
who would not be able to protect it. As regards the first no formal
treaty had as yet been arranged, so that Clive's hands were still free;
as regards the second, some sort of provision had to be made for the
emperor, and the one which Clive adopted cost the Company nothing,
and committed it to nothing. Indeed the grant of Allahabad marks
the end of those foolish dreams which had been cherished by almost
everyone in Bengal, of restoring the empire to its legitimate holder.
Any such attempt would have strained the Company's resources
beyond their power. It would have united the princes of India against
the English. At the same time the restoration of the nawab of Oudh
placed on the frontiers an ally who at the moment was too grateful
to attack them, and who afterwards was much too severely threatened
by other powers to think of doing so. Clive's settlement was a middle
course, which afforded more advantage and threatened fewer dangers
than any other that could have been adopted at the time. In Bengal
itself Clive decided on a long step forward towards the assumption
of ostensible power. He demanded from the emperor as the price of
Allahabad and its districts a farman granting the diwanni of Bengal
to the Company. That involved the complete control of the finances
of the province, and carried to its completion that process of the
extrusion of the nawab's power which had been almost secured by
the arrangement of February, 1765. The disadvantages of this plan
are obvious enough; but they were such as counted for less in those
days than they would now. Power was separated from responsibility.
But no one at the moment thought of undertaking the administration
of large tracts of India, and the fact of bad and corrupt administration
appeared one of those natural and inevitable evils which are beyond
possibility of reform. As against this the plan offered certain imme-
diate advantages. It secured that control over the nawab which was
regarded as the most pressing need of the time; it also promised some
protection against the complaints of foreign powers and the demands
of the home goverrment. Clive still remembered how the too-osten-
sible assumption of power contributed to produce the unyielding
opposition of the English to the schemes of Dupleix; and farmans of
the emperor or parwanas of the nawab, though valueless without the
support of English power, could not be fully discounted at Paris or
the Hague without a serious breach of diplomatic etiquette. It was


## p. 177 (#205) ############################################

CLIVE'S REFORMS
177
thought too that something short of the assumption of full dominion
would be less likely to excite, legal difficulties in England or provoke
the interference of parliament. In short the grant of the diwanni was
designed to secure the full control of Bengal affairs so far as the
Company's interests went without incurring the inconvenience of
formal and avowed dominion.
The administrative questions that demanded settlement were much
more difficult than these political questions. First there were the
Company's covenanted servants. They had been demoralised by the
conditions under which they had been working and the facility with
which wealth could be acquired through the English privileges in
the internal trade of Bengal; while a tradition had arisen that each
change of nawab should be the occasion of large presents, open or
concealed. The accession of Najm-ud-daula had been a particularly
bad case, because the succession was normal, and because the pre-
cedent of presents from the nawab had been extended to the minister
as well. Further, this extension of a bad practice had been made in
the face of specific orders from the Company prohibiting the accept-
ance of presents and requiring its servants to sign covenants agreeing
not to accept such in future. Instead of announcing their orders the
councillors had quietly left them over for Clive to deal with on his
arrival. Indeed they seem to have thought that his previous practice
and present influence would have led him to procure the abrogation
of the orders before he came out again as governor. But they were
mistaken in their man. Clive feared nothing, not even his own past;
and he was as fully bent on enforcing the orders of the Company as
if he himself had never made a rupee by the revolution of 1757 or
were not still in enjoyment of a jagir of £30,000 a year. One of his
earliest acts on his arrival at Calcutta was to require the covenants
to be signed by civil and military servants alike.