No More Learning

Even without such a law as this, we might congratulate
ourselves if we could meet the sudden emergencies of war ;
but, with it, supposing you should be summoned to arms
in your own defence, do you suppose that the enemy will
await the dilatory subterfuges of miscreants at home?
(? ? 94--5). The defendant has deluded you into passing
a law which not merely opens but actually destroys our
prison-house, and makes our courts of justice useless (? 209).
It is the laws that are the morals of the State (? 210).
It is the laws that preserve and consolidate all our
advantages 216).
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? FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS xxiii
To the same year belongs the second of the three
Hellenic orations. The new city of Megalopolis had
been created by Epaminondas by a union of the
scattered villages of the Arcadian league, and at this
moment the pressure of the Phocian war (355--346
B. C. ) prevented Thebes from being able to protect it.
Sparta seized the opportunity to propose a general
restoration of ancient rights, the restitution of Oropus
to Athens, and of Messene to Sparta, and the
dissolution of Megalopolis. Being thus threatened
by Sparta, and unable to obtain help from Thebes,
Megalopolis sent for aid to Athens. In the speech
For the Megalopolitans (Or. 16) Demo- {ma Me a_
sthenes in the main supported their Ao-rgohvrve? v
plea, insisting on the maintenance of the 3 B'c'
balance of power between Thebes and Sparta, point-
ing to his country's traditional policy of protecting the
oppressed, and urging finally that it would be a grave
mistake to drive the Arcadians to seek help else-
where. We have no direct information as to the
vote taken at the close of the debate ; but we know
that war ensued between Sparta and Megalopolis, and
that Athens remained neutral. We know above all
that, when the Arcadians were once more in distress,
taught perhaps by their present experience, they
applied for aid (and not in vain)--not to Athens but
to the king of Macedon.
It may here be convenient to mention the third
of the Hellenic orations, that On the Liberty of the
Rhodians (Or. 15). It resembles the m 1 . r s
speech For the Megalopolitans in so far as iazfigzve? sg'
1t 1s a reply to an appeal for aid against 351 1w-
oppression ; it resembles that On the Symmories in its
attitude towards the power of Persia. The death of
Maussolus, prince of Caria, and the succession of
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? xxiv ON THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS
Artemisia prompted the democrats who had been
exiled from Rhodes to ask Athens to release them
from subjection to Caria. Rhodes had revolted
from Athens in the Social \Var (357--355 B. C. );
but Demosthenes urged his audience to forgive and
forget the past, and generously to aid the cause of
democracy against oligarchy, of freedom against
oppression. He denounces as deserters those of
the politicians of Athens who form the oligarchical
faction 33), while, with regard to foreign foes,
he says of the king of Persia and the king of
Macedonia:
There are some, I observe, who often despise Philip,
as a person of no account, while they dread the king of
Persia as a powerful enemy to any that he chooses.
Well, if we are to refrain from resisting the former
because he is contemptible, while we yield everything to
the latter because he is formidable, against whom are we
to take the field, 0 Athenians? (15 ? 24).
The date of the speech is uncertain. If, with
Diodorus (xvi 36), we place the death of Maussolus
in 353 B. C. , it falls in the same year as the Megalo-
politan speech and two years before the First Philippic
(351 13. 0. ) If, with Pliny (xxxvi 30, 47), we place
the death in 351 and follow Dionysius in assigning
the speech to 351--50, it falls a few months later
than the First Philippic. The tone of the reference
to Philip in the speech For the Rhodians is different
from that of the first speech against Philip; and, if
the later date is accepted, we are forced to assume
that the impression produced by the First Philippic
had already passed away, and that Philip's temporary
inaction had relieved Athens from any immediate
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? AGAINST ARISTOC'RA TES xxv
apprehension. 1 The speech For the ledians had prob
ably no immediate, certainly no permanent result:
a few years later (346 13. 0. ) Rhodes was still under
the power of the successor of Artemisia (5 25).
As a forensic speech of the same period as those
against Androtion and Timocrates we have the
speech Against Aristocrates (Or. 23). "UNA"
It is written for the opponent of a siren d'rovg
proposal carried in the Council declaring 35 "'c'
the person of Charidemus to be inviolable and any
one who killed him to be an outlaw from the dominions
of Athens and her allies. Charidemus was a com-
mander of mercenaries now in the service of the
Thracian chieftain Cersobleptes, and the privileges
proposed on his behalf were inspired by the hope
of his aiding Athens to recover Amphipolis. The
speech composed by Demosthenes denounces the
proposal as illegal and inexpedient, and Charidemus
as an unprincipled adventurer who was undeserving
of such a distinction (see note on 3 5). Towards
the close, it dwells on the honours cautiously con-
ferred by Athens on her benefactors in the past, and
compares them with those so lavishly granted by her
in recent times. The contrast between the splendour
of the mansions now occupied by leading statesmen
with the pcttiness and paltriness of the public build-
ings of the day (23 206--8) is repeated at a
future time in the Third Olgnthiae (3 25--9).
Again, it is in this speech that, towards the close of
a warning against faithless friendships, we find the
first public avowal of Philip as the acknowledged
enemy Of Athens :--6 ,uaiMo-"ra. viiv fipiv e? XngS ci'wu
1 351--50 13. 0. is the date preferred by ASchaefer i 4872, and
Blass m i 3052. Reasons in favour of 353 are urged in Butcher's
Dem. pp. 43 f.
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? xxvi PHILIP THE ENEMY OF ATHENS
doxdw 'I'L'Aunros oirroo't (23 121). \Vhat Philip
had done for Olynthus and the return he had received
are here described. Philip had delivered Poteidaea
to the Olynthians ' after he had expended large sums
in the war with you, when he had taken and might
have held it himself ,- yet the Olynthians trust him
so little now, that they have made friends of you,
who they know would most gladly kill both Philip's
friends and Philip himself, and they promise to make
you their allies also' 107--9). Philip is afterwards
pointed out as an obvious example of reckless ambition.
I need not ask, men of Athens, if you know of that
Macedonian, Philip. Though it was more desirable for
him to receive the revenues of all Macedonia in peace
than those of Amphipolis with peril, and to be connected
with yourselves as his hereditary allies than with the
faithless Thessalians, he has chosen to make small profits
and to have treacherous friends and to incur danger in
preference to living in security. Prosperity and prudence
do not go together: many, by aiming at greater things,
often lose what they have already (? ? 111--3).
The speech Against Aristocrates failed in its
immediate purpose. In the following year Chari-
demus was still in the service of Athens; for, in
the autumn of 351 B. C. , he was sent on a mission
to the Thracian Chersonesus. Philip had invaded
Thrace twelve months before, and the rival princes,
Amadocus and Cersobleptes, had submitted to his
control. 1 Henceforth, it was no longer against
petty Thracian princes that Athens had to protect
the Chersonesus, but against the ever growing and
increasing might of Macedonia.
Having briefly traced the career of Demosthenes
1 ASchaefer i 446 f2.
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? MACEDONIA BEFORE THE REIGN OF PHILIP xxvii
down to the time when he first appeared as the
opponent of Philip in the First Philippic, we now
turn to a retrospective view of the rise and progress
of the Macedonian power.
II Macedonia. before the reign of Philip
The name of Macedonia was originally confined
to the inland district between the rivers Lydias
and Haliacmon ; but, even before the Geography of
accession of Philip, Macedonia had mamma-
gradually extended itself, until its limit to the south
was Thessaly, to the north Paeonia, to the west
Illyria and the northern continuation of the range of
Pindus, while to the east it successively reached the
Axius and the Strymon. The mountain-ranges
stretching eastward from Pindus divide the country
into a series of deep valleys encircled by lofty
heights and admitting of very slight communication
with one another. These successive valleys are
known as the districts of Orestis and Elimia, both
traversed by the Haliacmon ; that of the Eordaei near
the source of the Lydias ; that of Lyncestis near the
rise of the Erigon ; and lastly the valley of the Axius
which receives the Erigon in the earlier part of its
course, and, after flowing through the vast upland
plain of Pelagonia, bursts through a ravine now
known as the Iron Gate, and ultimately falls into
the bay of Therma, near the outlet of the united
streams of the Lydias and Haliacmon. While
Macedonia in itself is thus pre-eminently a highland
region remote from the sea, and difficult of access
owing to its mountain-ranges, the inaccessibility
caused by its mountains is in part corrected by its
rivers. All of these find their way into the same
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? xxviii GEOGRAPHY 0F IIIA OEDONIA
part of the bay of Therma and thus connect the
inland districts with the sea. But the upper region
was the home of the Macedonians proper, the
' highlanders ' as their name appears to imply,1 while
very different tribes dwelt below on the fringe of
coast which derived its name of Emathia from the
sand of the shore (ii/1. 11609). Emathia extends from
Pieria in the SW. , and, after passing the early
settlements of the Bottiaei, ends in the NE, near the
head of the bay, at the hot springs which lend their
name to the ancient town of Therma. Pieria was
the legendary home of the Muses and was also one
of the haunts of Dionysus, while Bottiaea had received
from Crete the worship of Apollo. The coast was
afterwards colonised by traders from Euboea, and,
between Pieria and Bottiaea, there was founded the
Eretrian colony of Methone.
But, while the coast-land of Emathia had close
affinities with Hellas in its climate and its vegetation
and in its nearness to the sea, the upland districts
became more and more secluded from Hellenic
civilisation. Yet an intimate connexion had once
subsisted between the Macedonians and the original
Hellenic stock. The Dorians themselves, says
Herodotus (i 56, viii 43), had once been 'Mace-
donians,' and the Doric and Aeolic dialects are
represented in the scanty remains of the Macedonian
tongue. 2 But, down to the time of Alexander the
Great, the language was hardly intelligible to the
Hellenes,3 who accordingly regarded as 'barbarians '4
1 Otto Abel Makcdonim 'vor Kb'm'g Philip}; 1847 p. 97.
= Abel pp. 116--8.
3 Curtius vi 9, 35 ; cp. Pausan. iv 29 ? 3.
4 Thnc. iv 124, 2; 125, 1 ; 126, 3; Dem. 3 ? ? 16, 24;
9 ? 31; 19 ? 305, 327; Isocr. 5 ? 107 f.
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? ANCIENT CAPITALS, ARGOS AND AEGAE xxix'
a nation which had probably belonged to the same
original stock but represented a type of civilisation
which had been arrested at an early stage of develop-
ment. 1 In contrast to the Macedonians the Illyrians
were really barbarians, and it is probably from the
latter that the modern Albanians are descended. 2
The Hellenic settlements on the coast of Emathia
were in themselves incapable of effecting 'the
Hellenisation of the Macedonian highlands. Hellenic
influence reached them by a distant route through
the Heracleidae of Argos, who possibly followed in
the track of the Corinthian settlers in Illyria on the
shores of the Adriatic, and thence travelled eastward
into Macedonia. This branch of the Heracleidae
claimed descent from Temenus of Argos ; 3 their first
settlement was in the mountainous region of Orestis
near the source of the Haliacmon; their chief place
bore the same name as their former home in Argos,
and gave its name in turn to the Macedonian dynasty
of the Argeadae. 4
From Argos on the Haliacmon the Macedonian
capital was transferred at an early date to Aegae,
which stands in a fine and healthy situation below
the source of the Lydias. From the lofty site of
Aegae a long ridge of wooded cliff, with frequent
waterfalls tumbling down its face, commands a
splendid view of green woodland, and, beyond the
woodland, a vast undulating plain extending toward
the sea and enclosed by snow-clad mountains. 5 To
1 Abel pp. 115--22, Hatzidakis 1897, O. Hoffmann 1906.
2 ib. p. 84, Curtius Hist. of Greece v 17; cp. Thuc. iv 127.
3 Herod. viii 137, ix 45, Thuc. ii 99, 3, v 80, Isocr. 5 ? 32.
4 Curtius Hist. of Greece v 12--22, Helm Hist. of Greece iii 0. 14.
5 E. Lear Journals of a Landscape Painter in Albania and
Illyria, View of Vodhena (the ancient Aegae or Edesaa), opp.
p. 37.
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?
xxx PYDNA AND PELLA; GHALC'IDIGE
the south is the mighty mass of Olympus rising nearly
10,000 feet above the sea ; between Olympus and the
coast is the district of Pieria, with the frontier town
of Dium; to the north of Dium is Methone, and
between the two, but nearer to Methone, is Pydna,
the future seaport of Alexander I. Thirty miles to
the east, midway between Aegae and Therma, and
fifteen miles from the sea, rise amid the marshes the
low hills which mark the site of Pella, the future
capital of Archelaus, the metropolis of Philip and the
birth-place of Alexander the Great. To the right of
a line fifty miles long, stretching from Aegae to
Therma, is the general direction of the Lydias, and,
in the same line as the latter, the view extends
beyond the bay to the dimly visible coast of the
western portion of Chalcidice. Of the three penin-
sulas of Chalcidice, which project like a trident into
the northern Aegean, the nearest, Pallene, is joined
to the mainland by a narrow isthmus on which stands
a city of Poseidon, the Corinthian colony of Poteidaea.
A few miles to the NE. of this is Olynthus, near
the head of the bay of Torone. Beyond that bay is
the peninsula of Sithonia with its lofty and broken
mountains; and beyond a second bay the peninsula
of Acte rising in undulations from the site of the
canal of Xerxes until it forms a central ridge 4000
feet in height, and finally ends in the vast conical
peak of Athos, more than 6000 feet above the sea. '
Chalcidice, with its deep bays and long peninsulas,
resembles the south of the Peloponnesus, and is
in fact a second Hellas on a smaller scale in the
northern Aegean; hence its attractiveness to the
Hellenic colonists from Chalcis and Corinth. East
1 Tozer Geography of Greece pp. 200--6, Islands of the Aegean
p. 279.
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? ALEXANDER I xxxi
of Chalcidice is the bay which derives its name
from the Strymon. That Thracian river, shortly
after flowing through Lake Prasias, reaches a point
where, at the distance of only three miles from the
sea, it washes on three sides the commanding site of
the Athenian colony of Amphipolis. 1 Amphipolis is
ninety miles due east of Aegae; and about twelve
miles south of a line drawn from Aegae to Amphipolis
is Therma, fifty miles distant from both.
The three foremost kings of Macedonia before the
time of Philip were Alexander I, Perdiccas II and
Archelaus. The first of these, whose Alexander I,
personality is almost as attractive as M454 1W
that of his namesake, Alexander the Great, was,
at the time of the Persian invasion, compelled to
surrender to Xerxes. But he was thorough] y Hellenic
at heart, and gained thereby the distinctive title of
Alexander the Philhellene. 2 He it was who, in the
year 480, warned the Greeks against the peril of
occupying the pass of Tempe (Herod. vii 173).
Trusted by Greeks and Persians alike, he was sent in
the following year as a Persian envoy to Athens;
and, after the battle of Plataea, he openly declared
himself the enemy of Persia. When Mycenae was
destroyed by Argos in 468, most of the exiled
Mycenaeans found refuge with him. (Paus. vii 25).
He made good his right to be allowed to compete as
a Greek at the Olympic games, in which he ran a dead-
heat with the winner of the foot-race (Herod. v 22),
and he was also the theme of an encomium by Pindar. 3
1 Dnruy Htstoire ates Grecs iii 198, Vac des Tut'st
d'Amph'Lymlc's.
2 Schol. Thuc. i 57, Harp. s. v. , Dio Chrys. Or. 2 p. 25 M.
3 Fragm. 121 [86] 6M3th one? uu/Ae Aapfiamoibv | 1m? 0/10. le-
pndes 'Aplivra.
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? xxxii PERDIUOAS II
To his time belongs the widest expansion of the
Macedonian territory before the days of Philip.
Alexander I was ultimately succeeded by
Perdiccas II, who, after ousting his eldest brother
Perdiccaan, and dividing the dominion with his
sole ruler second brother, became sole ruler from
436'4135'c' 436 to 413. During the early part
of his reign he was on friendly terms with Athens ;
but, in 432, he openly espoused the cause of
Poteidaea, which had shaken off the Athenian yoke.
It was mainly at his instigation that in 424 the Spartan
commander, Brasidas, set out on his memorable
expedition to Macedonia and Thrace (Thuc. iv 79);
but, before the close of the following year, he
abandoned the Spartan alliance and concluded peace
with Athens. Thenceforward he supported one or
other of the belligerent parties according to the
promptings of his own interests at the moment.
In the course of his reign Athens and Macedonia
came to know one another as irreconcilable adver-
saries.
The internal condition of Macedonia is first re-
vealed to us by the expedition of Sitalces, king of
the Odrysian tribe of Thracians, in 429 B. C. The
full dominion of Perdiccas was then limited to the
lower provinces near the sea. As the Macedonians
had no navy, these provinces were constantly exposed
to the attacks of the Greeks, who were in possession
of a great part of the coast. There was little
internal commerce, for there were no regular roads.
The people lived mostly in open villages; fortified
places were rare; and there was scarcely any
organised military force. 1
' Thuc. ii 95-101, Thirlwall iii 165.
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? ARUHELA US I xxxiii
The foundations of Macedonia's future greatness
were laid by Archelaus I. He built fortresses,
developed the means of communica-- "menus [I
tion between distant portions of his 413--3993'0-
dominions, and equipped himself with an ample
supply of horses and arms (Thuc. ii 100). He was
also a patron of art and literature. His palace was
embellished with paintings by Zeuxis ; and his court
was attended by the famous musician, Timotheus,
and the celebrated poets, Choerilus, Agathon and
Euripides. 1
Archelaus, who had attained the throne by crime,
was assassinated in 399. After ten years of confusion,
the throne was filled by Amyntas II (389--370), a
representative of the old royal family, a great-grand-
son of Alexander I. His reign was disturbed by
Illyrian invasions, and it was not until Sparta had
broken the power of Olynthus (379) that he was
enabled to recover his own dominions. He continued
to his death in close alliance with Sparta; but he
also cultivated the friendship of Athens. He pro-
fessed to favour the claims of Athens to the possession
of Amphipolis, and he is said to have adopted as his
son the Athenian commander Iphicrates (Aeschin. 2
28, 32). Of his own sons, the eldest, Alexander
II, reigned for two years (370~368). In 368, when
Iphicrates was on the coast in command of a small
squadron, which had been sent to act against
Amphipolis, he was invited to an interview with the
widowed queen Eurydice, who placed her surviving
sons Perdiccas and Philip as suppliants beside him,
and thus moved him to turn his arms against a
pretender t0 the throne and to expel him from the
kingdom (ib. 28 f)- A contest which had arisen
1 Introd. to Eur. Bacchae pp. xxxv--vii.
c
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? xxxiv THE REIGN OF PHILIP, DOI'VN T0 351 13. 0.
between Alexander II and Ptolemy of Alorus had
been submitted to the arbitration of the Theban com-
mander, Pelopidas; and in 368 Philip, who was
then fifteen, was taken by Pelopidas as a hostage to
Thebes. There he remained for three years, and,
in the society of men like Pelopidas and Epami-
nondas, laid the foundation of his future military
success. Probably he also enjoyed a rhetorical
training; in after life his talent as a speaker was
acknowledged by Aeschines and even by Demosthenes
(ib. ? 41). It was possibly owing to a suggestion
of Plato's pupil, Euphraeus, that his elder brother
Perdiccas III, who succeeded Ptolemy as king in
365, allowed him to rule in person over part of the
Macedonian territory (Athen. 506 He there organ-
ised a small military force, thus putting into practice
the lessons he had learnt during his residence at
Thebes.
III The reign of Philip, down to 351 13. 0.
On the death of Perdiccas (359) Philip found
himself constrained to assume the crown. Of his
mum three half-brothers he put to death one ;
359-336 B-C' the other two, Menelaus and Arrhidaeus,
escaped to Olynthus.
'Philip was at this time twenty-three years of age,
of a noble figure and princely bearing, master of all that
skilfulness of conduct, all that versatility and knowledge
of the world which were only to be acquired in Greek
cities ; he spoke and wrote Greek fluently and with taste.
But he took care not to give offence by his foreign
culture, for he wished not to appear a stranger among
the Macedonians. He hunted and feasted with them . . . ;
he was the best swimmer and horseman, and in all
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? PHILIP'S CHARACTER xxxv
national exercises and social pleasures the most excellent
of comrades to the young nobility, whom he contrived to
sway, without allowing them to become aware of the real
cause of his superiority. He had many of the ways of a
barbaric prince, . . . he could be savage and intemperate,
. . . but he never lost sight of his higher aims. He was
resentful or merciful, courageous or cunning, obstinate or
ready with concessions, as circumstances required. He
exemplified that combination of royal dignity, natural
vigour and Hellenic culture, which was necessary if
Macedonia was at last to be made strong at home and
powerful abroad. 1
' There were three powers, upon the relations of whom
to Macedonia all ulterior successes depended. These were
Athens at the head of her Maritime league, commanding
the coast of the Thermaean Gulf; Amphipolis on the
Strymon; and Olynthus on the Thracian peninsula, the
mighty city enjoying the primacy among the Greek
towns of the surrounding district. If these three acted
in unison, nothing was to be accomplished; for then
Macedonia must remain an inland and a petty state,
in an oppressive condition of dependence upon foreign
powers. The one thing absolutely indispensable, there-
fore, was that the Greeks should not penetrate the designs
of Philip; they must be kept deceived and divided as
long as possible ; and by their mutual distrust one Greek
city must be made to promote Philip's scheme against
the other. ' 2
Philip's first act was to buy off the enmity of the
Thracians by suitable presents and promises. He
next reorganised his forces, encouraged his friends
and soldiers by spirited harangues, and contrived to
defer to a more convenient moment the threatening
1 Curtius History qf Greece Book vi 0. i vol. v 41 f ET.
(slightly altered).
ib. p. 46. On Amphipolis, ib. 47 f; on Olynthus, 272 f.
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? xxxvi ATHENS AND AMPHIPOLIS
attack of the Athenians. Athens had been espous-
ing the cause of a pretender to the throne, named
Argaeus ,- her purpose in the war which she had been
carrying on for some years was the possession of
Amphipolis. Philip professed his readiness to give
up this important place, withdrawing the Macedonian
garrison and leaving the town to its own citizens.
At Athens this would naturally be regarded as
equivalent to an actual cession. He also sent a
dispatch to Athens, announcing his readiness to
make an alliance with her, and to renew his heredit
ary friendship (Dem. 23 ? 121). After defeating
the supporters of Argaeus, he treated the few
Athenians whom he then captured with the most
considerate courtesy, sending them back to Athens
full of gratitude to himself, as the bearers of
conciliatory messages to their countrymen. In
concluding peace, Philip renounced all claim to
Amphipolis, acknowledging this town as rightfully
belonging to Athens. In so doing he was not really
abandoning any lawful possession of his own.
Amphipolis had never belonged to the kings of
Macedonia. It was only three or four years before
(363) that it had been entered by Macedonian
soldiers sent to aid the citizens to defend it from
Athens. The Athenians were content, being assured
by their self-esteem that the Amphipolitans them-
selves would never oppose their acknowledged
claims.
Philip next turncd to his enemies in the interior.
He marched up the Axius, and defeated the
Paeonians. He next attacked the Illyrians in
western Macedonia, and reduced to subjection all
the tribes east of Lake Lychnitis.
Meanwhile, the Athenians had been unsuccessfully
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-27 05:09 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. 31175009758841 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? THE CHERSONESUS AND EUBOEA xxxvii
engaged in military operations in the Thracian
Chersonesus. Their commander Timotheus, after
contending with success against Olynthus and her
neighbours on the gulf of Therma, but with very
poor results against Amphipolis, had in 363 trans-
ferred his forces to the war against Cotys, king of
Thrace. In the operations near the Ghersonesus and
before Amphipolis, he was succeeded by commanders
who failed in their object. In 359 Cotys was
assassinated; his successor was the youthful Cerso-
bleptes, who had the support of the well-known com-
mander of mercenaries, Charidemus ; the kingdom
was now divided between Cersobleptes, Amadocus
and Berisades ,' and the Chersonesus, including Sestos,
was restored to Athens (359).
It was probably in consequence of these operations
in the Chersonesus that, although Amphipolis was
evacuated by Philip in 359, nevertheless, for more
than a year, Athens made no attempt to regain it.
She was far more active in recovering her influence
in Euboea. Since the battle of Leuctra (371) that
island had passed into the power of Thebes. In
357 discontent broke out, and Chalcis and Eretria
sent urgent messages for aid from Athens. The
people were roused to enthusiasm by the stirring
appeal of Timotheus reported to us by Demosthenes,
who was doubtless present in the Assembly :--
'When the Thebans are in the island, are you still
debating what to do? Will you not cover the sea
with ships? Will you not start up at once and
march to the Peiraeus'l Will you not launch your
triremes 'l ' (8 ? 74). Demosthenes himself was one of
those who volunteered as trierarch, and within thirty
days the Thebans had found themselves. compelled
to evacuate the island. Thus, in 357, by the recovery
?