28),
and Vipstanus Messala (cp.
and Vipstanus Messala (cp.
Tacitus
They mostly made
for the Forum, anxious to see the spot where Galba had fallen. [427]
They themselves were a sufficiently alarming sight with their rough
skin coats and long pikes. Unused to towns, they failed to pick their
way in the crowd; or they would slip on the greasy streets, or collide
with some one and tumble down, whereupon they took to abuse and before
long to violence. Their officers, too, terrified the city by sweeping
along the streets with their bands of armed men.
After crossing the Mulvian bridge, Vitellius himself had been 89
riding on a conspicuous horse, wearing his sword and general's
uniform, with the senate and people trooping in front of him. However,
as this looked too much like an entry into a captured city, his
friends persuaded him to change into civilian dress and walk on foot.
At the head of his column were carried the eagles of four legions,
surrounded by the colours belonging to the detachments of four other
legions. [428] Next came the standards of twelve regiments of
auxiliary horse, then the files of infantry and the cavalry behind
them. Then came thirty-four cohorts of auxiliaries, arranged according
to their nationality or the nature of their weapons. In front of the
eagles came the camp prefects and tribunes, and the senior
centurions,[429] all dressed in white. The other centurions marched
each at the head of his company, glittering with their armour and
decorations. Gaily, too, shone the soldiers' medals[430] and their
chains of honour. It was a noble spectacle, an army worthy of a better
emperor. Thus Vitellius entered the Capitol, where he embraced his
mother and conferred on her the title of Augusta.
On the following day Vitellius delivered a grandiloquent eulogy on 90
his own merits. He might have been addressing the senate and people of
some other state, for he extolled his own industry and self-control,
although each member of his audience had seen his infamy for himself,
and the whole of Italy had witnessed during his march the shameful
spectacle of his sloth and luxury. However, the thoughtless crowd
could not discriminate between truth and falsehood. They had learnt
the usual flatteries by heart and chimed in with loud shouts of
applause. They insisted in the face of his protests that he should
take the title of Augustus. But neither his refusal nor their
insistence made much difference. [431]
In Rome nothing passes without comment, and it was regarded as a 91
fatal omen that Vitellius took office as high priest, and issued his
encyclical on public worship on the 18th of July, which, as the
anniversary of the disasters on the Cremera and the Allia,[432] had
long been considered an unlucky day. But his ignorance of all civil
and religious precedent was only equalled by the incapacity of his
freedmen and friends. He seemed to live in a society of drunkards.
However, at the consular elections he canvassed for his candidates
like a common citizen. [433] In everything he courted the favour of the
lowest classes, attending performances in the theatre and backing his
favourite at the races. This would undoubtedly have made him popular
had his motives been good, but the memory of his former life made his
conduct seem cheap and discreditable. He constantly attended the
senate, even when the debates were on trivial matters. It once
happened that Helvidius Priscus,[434] then praetor-elect, opposed
Vitellius' policy. At first the emperor showed annoyance, but was
content to appeal to the tribunes of the people to come to the rescue
of his slighted authority. Afterwards, when his friends, fearing that
his resentment might be deep-seated, tried to smooth matters, he
replied that there was nothing strange in two senators disagreeing on
a question of public policy: he himself had often opposed even such a
man as Thrasea. Most people laughed at the impudence of this
comparison; others were gratified that he had selected Thrasea, and
not some court favourite, as an example of real distinction. [435]
Vitellius had given the command of the Guards to Publilius 92
Sabinus, who had commanded an auxiliary cohort,[436] and Julius
Priscus, hitherto only a centurion. Priscus owed his rise to Valens'
support, Sabinus to that of Caecina. The rivalry between Valens and
Caecina left Vitellius no authority at all. They managed the
government between them. They had long felt the strain of mutual
dislike. During the war they had concealed it. Lately it had been
fanned by dishonest friends and by life in the city, which so easily
breeds quarrels. They were constant rivals, comparing their respective
popularity, the number of their retinue, the size of the crowds that
came to wait upon them. Meanwhile Vitellius let his favour alternate
between them, for personal influence is not to be trusted beyond a
certain limit. Meanwhile, they both feared and despised the emperor
himself, who thus veered between sudden brusqueness and unseasonable
flattery. However, they were not in the least deterred from seizing on
the houses, gardens, and funds in the emperor's patronage, while the
crowd of miserable and needy nobles, whom Galba had recalled from
exile with their children, derived no assistance from the emperor's
liberality. He earned the approval both of the upper classes and of
the people by granting to the restored full rights over their
freedmen. [437] But the freed slaves with characteristic meanness did
all they could to invalidate the edict. They would hide their money
with some obscure friend or in a rich patron's safe. Some, indeed, had
passed into the imperial household and become more influential than
their masters.
As for the soldiers, the Guards' barracks were crowded, and the 93
overflow spread through the city, finding shelter in colonnades and
temples. They ceased to recognize any head-quarters, to go on guard,
or to keep themselves in training, but fell victims to the attractions
of city life and its unmentionable vices, until they deteriorated both
physically and morally through idleness and debauchery. A number of
them even imperilled their lives by settling in the pestilent Vatican
quarter, thus increasing the rate of mortality. They were close to the
Tiber, and the Germans and Gauls, who were peculiarly liable to
disease and could ill stand the heat, ruined their constitutions by
their immoderate use of the river. [438] Moreover, the generals, either
for bribes or to earn popularity, tampered with the rules of the
service, enrolling sixteen regiments of Guards[439] and four for the
city garrison, each composed of a thousand men. In enlisting these
troops Valens put himself forward as superior to Caecina, whose life
he claimed to have saved. It is true, indeed, that his arrival had
consolidated the party, and by his successful engagement he had
silenced the current criticism of their slow marching. Besides which
the whole of the army of Lower Germany was attached to Valens, and
this is said to be the reason why Caecina's loyalty first wavered.
Whatever indulgence Vitellius showed to his generals, he allowed 94
still more licence to the troops. Each man chose his service. However
unfit, he might enlist in the Guards, if he preferred it. On the
other hand, good soldiers were allowed, if they wished, to remain in
the legions or the auxiliary cavalry. Many wished to do this who
suffered from ill health and complained of the climate. However, the
best soldiers were thus withdrawn from the legions and from the
cavalry; and the Guards were robbed of their prestige when twenty
thousand men were thus not so much selected for service with them as
drafted at random from the whole army.
While Vitellius was addressing the troops, they demanded the execution
of three Gallic chieftains, Asiaticus, Flavus, and Rufinus, on the
ground that they had fought for Vindex. [440] Vitellius never checked
these outcries. For, apart from the innate cowardice of his nature, he
knew that his donation to the soldiers was nearly due, and that he had
no money for it; so he freely granted all their other demands. The
imperial freedmen were forced to contribute a sort of tax,
proportionate to the number of their slaves. Meanwhile, his one
serious occupation was extravagance. He built stables for
chariot-drivers, filled the arena with gorgeous shows of gladiators
and wild beasts, and fooled away his money as though he had more than
he wanted.
Moreover, Valens and Caecina celebrated Vitellius' birthday[441] 95
by holding gladiatorial shows in every quarter of Rome on a scale of
magnificence hitherto unknown. Vitellius then gratified the rabble and
scandalized all decent people by building altars in the Martian Plain,
and holding a funeral service in honour of Nero. Victims were killed
and burnt in public: the torch was applied by the Augustales, members
of the college which Tiberius Caesar had founded in honour of the
Julian family, just as Romulus similarly commemorated King Tatius.
It was not yet four months since Vitellius' victory, and yet his
freedman Asiaticus was as bad as a Polyclitus or a Patrobius,[442] or
any of the favourites whose names were hated in earlier days. At this
court no one strove to rise by honesty or capacity. There was only one
road to power. By lavish banquets, costly profusion, and feats of
gastronomy, you had to try and satisfy Vitellius' insatiable gluttony.
He himself, without thought for the morrow, was well content to enjoy
the present. It is believed that he squandered nine hundred million
sesterces[443] in these brief months. Truly it shows Rome's greatness
and misfortune, that she endured Otho and Vitellius both in the same
year, and suffered humiliation of every kind at the hands of men like
Vinius and Fabius,[444] Icelus and Asiaticus, until at last they gave
way to Mucianus and Marcellus--a change of men but not of manners.
The first news of rebellion which reached Vitellius came from 96
Aponius Saturninus,[445] who, before himself going over to Vespasian's
side, wrote to announce the desertion of the Third legion. But a
sudden crisis makes a man nervous: Aponius did not tell the whole
story. So the emperor's flattering friends began to explain it all
away: what was the defection of a single legion, while the loyalty of
the other armies remained unshaken? Vitellius himself used the same
language to the soldiers. He accused the men, who had been recently
discharged from the Guards,[446] of spreading false rumours, and kept
assuring them there was no fear of civil war. All mention of Vespasian
was suppressed, and soldiers were sent round the city to frighten
people into silence, which, of course, did more than anything else to
make them talk.
Vitellius, nevertheless, sent for reinforcements from Germany, 97
Britain, and the Spanish provinces, though with a lack of urgency
which was intended to conceal his straits. The provinces and their
governors showed the same want of enthusiasm. Hordeonius Flaccus,[447]
who had suspicions of the Batavi, was distracted with a war of his
own,[448] while Vettius Bolanus[449] never had Britain under complete
control: nor was the loyally of either beyond doubt. The Spanish
provinces, where there was at the time no consular governor,[450] were
equally slow. The three officers in command of the legions held an
equal authority, and if Vitellius' cause had prospered, would have
each outbid the other for his favour: but they all shared the resolve
to leave his misfortunes alone. In Africa the legion and auxiliaries
enlisted by Clodius Macer, and subsequently disbanded by Galba,[451]
took service again at Vitellius' orders, and at the same time all the
young men of the province eagerly enlisted. Vitellius had been an
honest and popular pro-consul in Africa, while Vespasian had been
distrusted and disliked. The provincials took this as an earnest of
their reigns; but experience proved them wrong.
The military legate Valerius Festus[452] at first loyally seconded 98
the enthusiasm of the province. After a while he began to waver. In
his official letters and edicts he still acknowledged Vitellius, while
in secret communication with Vespasian and ready to support whichever
party proved successful. In Raetia and the Gallic provinces some
centurions and men carrying letters and edicts from Vespasian were
taken prisoners and sent to Vitellius, who had them executed. But most
of these envoys escaped capture either by their own ingenuity or the
loyal help of friends. Thus, while Vitellius' plans were known,
Vespasian's were for the most part still a secret. This was partly due
to Vitellius' negligence, but also to the fact that the garrisons on
the Pannonian Alps stopped all messengers. By sea, too, the
Etesian[453] winds from the north-west favoured ships sailing
eastward, but hindered the voyage from the East.
Terrified at last by the imminence of invasion and the alarming 99
news that reached him from all quarters, Vitellius instructed Caecina
and Valens to prepare for war. Caecina was sent on ahead, Valens, who
was just recovering from a serious illness, being delayed by his weak
state of health. Great, indeed, was the change in the appearance of
the German army as it marched out of Rome. There was neither energy in
their muscles nor fire in their hearts. Slowly the column straggled
on, their horses spiritless, their arms neglected. The men grumbled at
the sun, the dust, the weather, and were as ready to quarrel as they
were unwilling to work. To these disadvantages were added Caecina's
inveterate self-seeking and his newly-acquired indolence. An overdose
of success had made him slack and self-indulgent, or, if he was
plotting treachery, this may have been one of his devices for
demoralizing the army. It has often been believed that it was Flavius
Sabinus[454] who, using Rubrius Gallus as his agent, tampered with
Caecina's loyalty by promising that, if he came over, Vespasian would
ratify any conditions. It may have occurred also to Caecina to
remember his quarrels and rivalry with Valens, and to consider that,
as he did not stand first with Vitellius, he had better acquire credit
and influence with the new emperor.
After taking an affectionate and respectful farewell of Vitellius, 100
Caecina dispatched a body of cavalry to occupy Cremona. He soon
followed with the detachments of the First, Fourth, Fifteenth, and
Sixteenth legions in the van. The centre was composed of the Fifth and
Twenty-second, and in the rear of the column came the Twenty-first
Rapax and the First Italian legion, with detachments from the three
legions of Britain and a select force of auxiliaries. When Caecina had
started, Valens wrote instructions to the legions belonging to his old
command[455] to await him on the march, saying that he and Caecina had
arranged this. Caecina, however, took advantage of being on the spot,
and pretended that this plan had been altered so as to enable them to
meet the first outbreak of the war with their full strength. So some
legions were hurried forward to Cremona[456] and part of the force was
directed upon Hostilia. [457] Caecina himself turned aside to Ravenna
on the pretext of giving instructions to the fleet. Thence he
proceeded to Patavium[458] to secure secrecy for his treacherous
designs. For Lucilius Bassus, whom Vitellius, from a prefect of
auxiliary cavalry had raised to the supreme command of the two fleets
at Ravenna and Misenum, felt aggrieved at not being immediately given
the praefecture of the Guards, and sought in dastardly treachery the
remedy for his unjustifiable annoyance. It can never be known whether
he influenced Caecina or whether one was as dishonest as the other.
There is seldom much to choose between rascals. The historians[459] 101
who compiled the records of this war in the days of the Flavian
dynasty were led by flattery into adducing as the causes of the
rebellion patriotism and the interests of peace. We cannot think them
right. Apart from the innate disloyalty of the rebels and the loss
of character after Galba's betrayal, they seem to have been led by
jealousy and rivalry into sacrificing Vitellius himself for fear that
they might lose the first place in his favour. Thus when Caecina
joined his army,[460] he used every device to undermine the staunch
fidelity of the centurions and soldiers to Vitellius. Bassus found
the same task less difficult, for the fleet remembered that they had
lately been in Otho's service, and were therefore already on the
brink of rebellion.
FOOTNOTES:
[424] The narrative is here resumed from chap. 72.
[425] See chap. 68.
[426] The word 'cockney' may perhaps be admitted here to
express that which is characteristic of the metropolitan
masses. Similarly Petronius speaks of a man as 'a fountain of
cockney humour' (_urbanitatis vernaculae fontem_).
[427] They were cast for the part of Galba's avengers.
[428] Only detachments of these latter four were present, so
they had not got their eagles.
[429] Under the empire there were six tribunes to each legion,
and they took command on the march and on the field, acting
under the orders of the _legatus legionis_. The ten centurions
of the _pilani_ or front rank each commanded his cohort.
[430] See note 107.
[431] The end was so near.
[432] At Cremera, near Veii, the Fabii died like heroes, 477 B. C. ,
and on the Allia the Gauls won their victory over Rome,
390 B. C. The day was called Alliensis, and no work was to be
done on it (Livy, vi. 1).
[433] See chap. 71. At this time the emperor had in theory
only the right of nominating candidates for the consulships,
but it was obviously unnecessary for him to do more. The
alliteration in this sentence is Tacitus'.
[434] See iv. 4 f.
[435] Thrasea, Helvidius' father-in-law, was an honoured
member of the Stoic opposition who had been executed by Nero
A. D. 66. Here Vitellius is posing as an ordinary senator. If
he had opposed so distinguished a man as Thrasea, why should
not Helvidius oppose him? Thrasea's end gives the remark a
slightly sinister tone.
[436] See note 346.
[437] A patron apparently could claim support from his
freedmen if he was in want, as these restored exiles certainly
were, since their property had been confiscated and was
irrecoverable. In exile they had of course lost their rights.
[438] This probably includes bathing as well as drinking.
[439] Since Tiberius there had been only nine, and Vespasian
restored that number.
[440] See i. 6.
[441] Probably September 24. He was 54.
[442] Cp. i. 37, 49.
[443] About nine million pounds. Not to be taken too literally.
[444] Valens.
[445] Governor of Moesia (see chap. 85).
[446] See chap. 67.
[447] He had been left to guard the Rhine.
[448] See chap. 57. The revolt of Civilis was soon to break out.
[449] See chap. 65.
[450] Cluvius Rufus was governing the Tarragona division from
Rome (chap. 65). Lusitania was under a praetorian legate.
Baetica was a senatorial province with no troops.
[451] See i. 7 and 11.
[452] He had succeeded Clodius Macer in command of the Third
Augusta, and in virtue of that command governed Numidia (see
i. 7).
[453] These 'annual' winds blew steadily and gently from July
20 for a month.
[454] Vespasian's brother.
[455] In Lower Germany.
[456] Only two legions went to Cremona (see iii. 14).
[457] Ostiglia.
[458] Padua.
[459] e. g. Cluvius Rufus (cp. i. 8), the elder Pliny (cp. iii.
28),
and Vipstanus Messala (cp. iii, 9, 25, 28).
[460] i. e. at Hostilia, coming back from Padua.
Oxford: Horace Hart, Printer to the University
* * * * *
TACITUS
THE HISTORIES
TRANSLATED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY
W. HAMILTON FYFE
FELLOW OF MERTON COLLEGE
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME II
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1912
HENRY FROWDE
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH, NEW YORK
TORONTO AND MELBOURNE
SUMMARY OF CHIEF EVENTS
I. THE FIGHT FOR THE THRONE
A. D. 69.
_September_
Antonius surprises a Vitellian detachment at Forum Alieni.
At Padua the Pannonian legions arrive.
He fortifies Verona. The Moesian legions arrive.
Caecina holds Cremona with Legs. I Italica and XXI Rapax and
cavalry.
He encamps with the rest of his force near Hostilia on the
Tartaro.
Valens dawdles northward with three praetorian cohorts.
_October_
The fleet at Ravenna declares for Vespasian.
Caecina attempts treachery and is imprisoned by his army, which
starts on a forced march to Cremona.
Antonius starts from Verona to intercept them.
27. Second Battle of Bedriacum. Legs. I Italica and XXI Rapax sally
from Cremona and are driven back by Antonius.
The six legions from Hostilia reach Cremona.
The united Vitellian army makes a night sally from Cremona and
is defeated.
28. Sack of Cremona.
Surrender of Vitellian army.
_November_
Valens, having reached Ariminum, flies to Monaco, and is captured
in the Stoechades Islands.
Spain, Gaul, and Britain declare for Vespasian.
Antonius advances via Ariminum to Fanum Fortunae.
Vitellius holds the Apennines at Mevania with fourteen praetorian
cohorts, a new legion of marines, and cavalry.
Mutiny of the fleet at Misenum. Tarracina seized.
Vitellius returns to Rome with seven cohorts and part of the
cavalry.
The remaining cohorts are moved back from Mevania to Narnia.
L. Vitellius with six cohorts and cavalry besieges Tarracina.
_December_
Antonius crosses the Apennines and halts at Carsulae.
Varus wins a cavalry skirmish at Interamna.
Valens beheaded at Urbino: his head flung into camp at Narnia.
Surrender of Vitellians at Narnia.
Antonius marches as far as Ocriculum, sending Cerialis forward
to Rome with 1,000 cavalry.
17. Vitellius, wishing to abdicate, is prevented by troops and mob.
18. They besiege Flavius Sabinus in the Capitol.
19. Capitol stormed. Temple of Jupiter burnt.
Sabinus caught and killed.
L. Vitellius takes Tarracina.
20. Cerialis defeated outside Rome.
20. Antonius makes a forced march along Via Flaminia.
21. Capture of Rome. Murder of Vitellius. Domitian installed as
'Caesar'.
A. D. 70.
_January_
L. Vitellius surrenders in Campania. Mucianus arrives in Rome
as regent.
II. THE REBELLION ON THE RHINE
A. D. 69.
_Autumn_
Revolt of Civilis and Batavians, at first ostensibly in support
of Vespasian.
Revolt supported by Canninefates, Frisii, Marsaci, Cugerni.
Civilis routs Gallic auxiliaries and captures the Rhine flotilla
in 'The Island'.
Munius Lupercus advances from Vetera with remnant of Legs. V
Alaudae and XV Primigenia, supported by Ubian, Treviran, and
Batavian auxiliaries.
Civilis drives him back into Vetera.
The eight Batavian cohorts at Mainz march off to join Civilis,
and defeat Leg. I Germanica at Bonn.
Bructeri and Tencteri join revolt.
Civilis blockades Vetera.
Vocula advances to relieve Vetera with detachments of Legs. IV
Macedonica, XXII Primigenia, and I Germanica.
Vocula encamps at Gelduba. Flaccus makes head-quarters at
Novaesium.
Civilis' assault on Vetera repulsed.
Vocula with difficulty repulses attack on Gelduba.
Relief of Vetera. Vocula then retires to Novaesium.
Civilis takes Gelduba and wins skirmish outside Novaesium.
Mutiny in Novaesium. Flaccus murdered.
Civilis renews blockade of Vetera.
Chatti, Mattiaci, and Usipi threaten Mainz.
Vocula relieves Mainz and winters there.
A. D. 70.
_January_ (? )
Revolt of Gallic tribes, Ubii, Tungri, Treviri, Lingones, headed
by Classicus, Tutor, and Sabinus.
Vocula advances to save Vetera, but is driven back to Novaesium
by mutiny of Gallic auxiliaries, and there murdered.
His army swears allegiance to 'Empire of Gaul'.
Tutor takes Cologne and Mainz.
Vetera surrenders to Classicus. Garrison massacred.
The Baetasii, Nervii, and Tungri join revolt.
_Spring_
Mucianus and Domitian start from Rome with reinforcements.
Cerialis, with Legs. XXI Rapax and II Adjutrix, is to operate on
Lower Rhine.
Annius Gallus, with Legs. VII Claudia, VIII Augusta, XI Claudia,
is to operate on Upper Rhine.
The Sequani, still loyal, defeat Sabinus and Lingones.
The Remi, also loyal, summon a Gallic Council, which votes for
peace, but the Treviri and Lingones hold out under Classicus,
Tutor, and Valentinus.
The Roman mutineers return to their allegiance.
_Summer_
Sextilius Felix routs Tutor near Bingen. Cerialis defeats
Valentinus and occupies Trier.
The Germans surprise the Romans in Trier, but Cerialis drives
them out and storms their camp.
Massacre of Germans at Cologne. Cohort of Chauci and Frisii
entrapped and burnt.
Leg. XIV Gemina arrives from Britain and receives submission of
Nervii and Tungri.
Legs. I Adjutrix and VI Victrix arrive from Spain.
_Autumn_
Civilis defeats Cerialis near Vetera, but is routed on the next
day and retires into The Island.
Hard fighting on the Waal.
Germans capture Roman flotilla.
Civilis retires northwards over the Rhine.
Cerialis occupies The Island.
Civilis makes overtures of peace.
NOTE
The text followed is that of C. D. Fisher _(Oxford Classical Texts)_.
Departures from it are mentioned in the notes.
BOOK III
ANTONIUS' ADVANCE
On the Flavian side the generals concerted their plans for the war 1
with greater loyalty and greater success. They had met at Poetovio[1]
at the head-quarters of the Third legion, where they debated whether
they should block the passage of the Pannonian Alps and wait until
their whole strength came up to reinforce them, or whether they should
take a bolder line, assume the offensive, and strike for Italy. Those
who were in favour of waiting for reinforcements and prolonging the
war dwelt on the strength and reputation of the German legions, and
pointed out that the flower of the British army had lately arrived in
Rome with Vitellius;[2] their own forces were numerically inferior and
had recently suffered defeat; moreover, conquered troops, however bold
their language, never show the same courage. On the other hand, if
they occupied the Alps, Mucianus would soon arrive with the forces
from the East. Besides, Vespasian still[3] commanded the sea, and
could count on the support of the fleets[4] and of the provinces,
where he could still raise material for a sort of second war. A
salutary delay would bring them fresh forces without in any way
prejudicing their present position.
In answer to these arguments Antonius Primus,[5] who had done more 2
than any one else to stir up the war, stoutly maintained that prompt
action would save them and ruin Vitellius. 'Their victory,' he said,
'has not served to inspirit but to enervate them. The men are not held
in readiness in camp, but are loitering in towns all over Italy. No
one but their hosts has any call to fear them. The more unruly and
ferocious they showed themselves before, the greater the greed with
which they now indulge in unwonted draughts of pleasure. The circus,
the theatre, and the charms of the capital have ruined their hardness
and their health. But if we give them time to train for war they will
regain their energy. It is not far to Germany, whence they draw their
main strength. Britain is only separated by a narrow channel. Close at
hand they have Gaul and Spain, from the provinces of which they can
get men, horses, and subsidies. Then again, they can rely on Italy
itself and all the resources of the capital, while, if they want to
take the offensive, they have two fleets[6] and full command of the
Illyrian Sea. [7] Besides, what good to us are the ramparts of the
mountains? Why should we drag on the war into another summer? Where
can we get funds and supplies in the meanwhile? No, let us seize our
opportunity. The Pannonian legions are burning to rise in revenge.
They were not defeated but deceived. [8] The Moesian army has not yet
lost a man. If you count not legions but men, our forces are superior
both in numbers and in character. The very shame of our defeat[9]
makes for good discipline. And even then our cavalry was not beaten.
For though we lost the day, they shattered the enemy's line. [10] And
what was the force that broke through the Vitellians? Two regiments of
cavalry from Pannonia and Moesia. What have we now? Sixteen regiments.
Will not their combined forces, as they roar and thunder down upon the
enemy, burying them in clouds of dust, overwhelm these horses and
horsemen that have forgotten how to fight? I have given you my plan,
and, unless I am stopped, I will put it in operation. Some of you have
not yet burnt your boats. [11] Well, you can keep back the legions.
Give me the auxiliaries in light marching order. They will be enough
for me. You will soon hear that the door of Italy is open and the
power of Vitellius shaken. You will be glad enough to follow in the
footsteps of my victory. '
All this and much else of the same tenor Antonius poured out with 3
flashing eyes, raising his voice so as to reach the centurions and
some of the soldiers, who had gathered round to share in their
deliberations. [12] His truculent tone carried away even the more
cautious and far-seeing, while the rest of the crowd were filled with
contempt for the cowardice of the other generals, and cheered their
one and only leader to the echo. He had already established his
reputation at the original meeting, when Vespasian's letter[13] was
read. Most of the generals had then taken an ambiguous line, intending
to interpret their language in the light of subsequent events. But
Antonius seemed to have taken the field without any disguise, and this
carried more weight with the men, who saw that he must share their
disgrace or their glory.
Next to Antonius in influence stood Cornelius Fuscus, the imperial 4
agent. [14] He, too, always attacked Vitellius in no mild terms, and
had left himself no hope in case of failure. Tampius Flavianus[15] was
a man whose disposition and advanced years inclined him to dilatory
measures, and he soon began to earn the dislike and suspicion of the
soldiers, who felt he had not forgotten his kinship with Vitellius.
Besides this, when the legions first rose, he had fled to Italy and
subsequently returned of his own free will, which looked like
meditating treachery. [16] Having once given up his province and
returned to Italy, he was out of the reach of danger, but the passion
for revolution had induced him to resume his title and meddle in the
civil war. It was Cornelius Fuscus who had persuaded him to this--not
that he needed his assistance, but because he felt that, especially at
the outset of the rising, the prestige of an ex-consul would be a
valuable asset to the party.
In order to make their march across into Italy safe and effective, 5
letters were sent to Aponius Saturninus[17] to bring the Moesian army
up as quickly as possible. To prevent the exposure of the defenceless
provinces to the attacks of foreign tribes, the chiefs of the
Sarmatian Iazyges,[18] who formed the government of the tribe, were
enlisted in the service. They also offered their tribal force,
consisting entirely of cavalry, but were excused from this
contribution for fear that the civil war might give opportunity for a
foreign invasion, or that an offer of higher pay from the enemy might
tempt them to sacrifice their duty and their honour. [19] Sido and
Italicus, two princes of the Suebi,[20] were allowed to join
Vespasian's side. They had long acknowledged Roman sovereignty, and
companionship in arms[21] was likely to strengthen the loyalty of the
tribe. Some auxiliaries were stationed on the flank towards Raetia,
where hostilities were expected, since the imperial agent Porcius
Septiminus,[22] remained incorruptibly loyal to Vitellius. Sextilius
Felix was therefore dispatched with Aurius' Horse[23] and eight
cohorts of auxiliary infantry, together with the native levies of
Noricum, to hold the line of the river Aenus,[24] which forms the
frontier of Raetia and Noricum. Neither side provoked a battle: the
fortune of the rival parties was decided elsewhere.
Meanwhile, at the head of a picked band of auxiliaries and part of 6
the cavalry, Antonius hurried off to invade Italy. He took with him an
energetic soldier named Arrius Varus, who had made his reputation
while serving under Corbulo in his Armenian victories. He was supposed
to have sought a private interview with Nero, at which he maligned
Corbulo's character. His infamous treachery brought him the emperor's
favour and a post as senior centurion. This ill-gotten prize delighted
him now, but ultimately proved his ruin. [25]
After occupying Aquileia,[26] Antonius and Varus found a ready welcome
at Opitergium and Altinum[27] and all the other towns in the
neighbourhood. At Altinum a garrison was left behind to guard their
communications against the fleet at Ravenna, for the news of its
desertion had not as yet arrived.
for the Forum, anxious to see the spot where Galba had fallen. [427]
They themselves were a sufficiently alarming sight with their rough
skin coats and long pikes. Unused to towns, they failed to pick their
way in the crowd; or they would slip on the greasy streets, or collide
with some one and tumble down, whereupon they took to abuse and before
long to violence. Their officers, too, terrified the city by sweeping
along the streets with their bands of armed men.
After crossing the Mulvian bridge, Vitellius himself had been 89
riding on a conspicuous horse, wearing his sword and general's
uniform, with the senate and people trooping in front of him. However,
as this looked too much like an entry into a captured city, his
friends persuaded him to change into civilian dress and walk on foot.
At the head of his column were carried the eagles of four legions,
surrounded by the colours belonging to the detachments of four other
legions. [428] Next came the standards of twelve regiments of
auxiliary horse, then the files of infantry and the cavalry behind
them. Then came thirty-four cohorts of auxiliaries, arranged according
to their nationality or the nature of their weapons. In front of the
eagles came the camp prefects and tribunes, and the senior
centurions,[429] all dressed in white. The other centurions marched
each at the head of his company, glittering with their armour and
decorations. Gaily, too, shone the soldiers' medals[430] and their
chains of honour. It was a noble spectacle, an army worthy of a better
emperor. Thus Vitellius entered the Capitol, where he embraced his
mother and conferred on her the title of Augusta.
On the following day Vitellius delivered a grandiloquent eulogy on 90
his own merits. He might have been addressing the senate and people of
some other state, for he extolled his own industry and self-control,
although each member of his audience had seen his infamy for himself,
and the whole of Italy had witnessed during his march the shameful
spectacle of his sloth and luxury. However, the thoughtless crowd
could not discriminate between truth and falsehood. They had learnt
the usual flatteries by heart and chimed in with loud shouts of
applause. They insisted in the face of his protests that he should
take the title of Augustus. But neither his refusal nor their
insistence made much difference. [431]
In Rome nothing passes without comment, and it was regarded as a 91
fatal omen that Vitellius took office as high priest, and issued his
encyclical on public worship on the 18th of July, which, as the
anniversary of the disasters on the Cremera and the Allia,[432] had
long been considered an unlucky day. But his ignorance of all civil
and religious precedent was only equalled by the incapacity of his
freedmen and friends. He seemed to live in a society of drunkards.
However, at the consular elections he canvassed for his candidates
like a common citizen. [433] In everything he courted the favour of the
lowest classes, attending performances in the theatre and backing his
favourite at the races. This would undoubtedly have made him popular
had his motives been good, but the memory of his former life made his
conduct seem cheap and discreditable. He constantly attended the
senate, even when the debates were on trivial matters. It once
happened that Helvidius Priscus,[434] then praetor-elect, opposed
Vitellius' policy. At first the emperor showed annoyance, but was
content to appeal to the tribunes of the people to come to the rescue
of his slighted authority. Afterwards, when his friends, fearing that
his resentment might be deep-seated, tried to smooth matters, he
replied that there was nothing strange in two senators disagreeing on
a question of public policy: he himself had often opposed even such a
man as Thrasea. Most people laughed at the impudence of this
comparison; others were gratified that he had selected Thrasea, and
not some court favourite, as an example of real distinction. [435]
Vitellius had given the command of the Guards to Publilius 92
Sabinus, who had commanded an auxiliary cohort,[436] and Julius
Priscus, hitherto only a centurion. Priscus owed his rise to Valens'
support, Sabinus to that of Caecina. The rivalry between Valens and
Caecina left Vitellius no authority at all. They managed the
government between them. They had long felt the strain of mutual
dislike. During the war they had concealed it. Lately it had been
fanned by dishonest friends and by life in the city, which so easily
breeds quarrels. They were constant rivals, comparing their respective
popularity, the number of their retinue, the size of the crowds that
came to wait upon them. Meanwhile Vitellius let his favour alternate
between them, for personal influence is not to be trusted beyond a
certain limit. Meanwhile, they both feared and despised the emperor
himself, who thus veered between sudden brusqueness and unseasonable
flattery. However, they were not in the least deterred from seizing on
the houses, gardens, and funds in the emperor's patronage, while the
crowd of miserable and needy nobles, whom Galba had recalled from
exile with their children, derived no assistance from the emperor's
liberality. He earned the approval both of the upper classes and of
the people by granting to the restored full rights over their
freedmen. [437] But the freed slaves with characteristic meanness did
all they could to invalidate the edict. They would hide their money
with some obscure friend or in a rich patron's safe. Some, indeed, had
passed into the imperial household and become more influential than
their masters.
As for the soldiers, the Guards' barracks were crowded, and the 93
overflow spread through the city, finding shelter in colonnades and
temples. They ceased to recognize any head-quarters, to go on guard,
or to keep themselves in training, but fell victims to the attractions
of city life and its unmentionable vices, until they deteriorated both
physically and morally through idleness and debauchery. A number of
them even imperilled their lives by settling in the pestilent Vatican
quarter, thus increasing the rate of mortality. They were close to the
Tiber, and the Germans and Gauls, who were peculiarly liable to
disease and could ill stand the heat, ruined their constitutions by
their immoderate use of the river. [438] Moreover, the generals, either
for bribes or to earn popularity, tampered with the rules of the
service, enrolling sixteen regiments of Guards[439] and four for the
city garrison, each composed of a thousand men. In enlisting these
troops Valens put himself forward as superior to Caecina, whose life
he claimed to have saved. It is true, indeed, that his arrival had
consolidated the party, and by his successful engagement he had
silenced the current criticism of their slow marching. Besides which
the whole of the army of Lower Germany was attached to Valens, and
this is said to be the reason why Caecina's loyalty first wavered.
Whatever indulgence Vitellius showed to his generals, he allowed 94
still more licence to the troops. Each man chose his service. However
unfit, he might enlist in the Guards, if he preferred it. On the
other hand, good soldiers were allowed, if they wished, to remain in
the legions or the auxiliary cavalry. Many wished to do this who
suffered from ill health and complained of the climate. However, the
best soldiers were thus withdrawn from the legions and from the
cavalry; and the Guards were robbed of their prestige when twenty
thousand men were thus not so much selected for service with them as
drafted at random from the whole army.
While Vitellius was addressing the troops, they demanded the execution
of three Gallic chieftains, Asiaticus, Flavus, and Rufinus, on the
ground that they had fought for Vindex. [440] Vitellius never checked
these outcries. For, apart from the innate cowardice of his nature, he
knew that his donation to the soldiers was nearly due, and that he had
no money for it; so he freely granted all their other demands. The
imperial freedmen were forced to contribute a sort of tax,
proportionate to the number of their slaves. Meanwhile, his one
serious occupation was extravagance. He built stables for
chariot-drivers, filled the arena with gorgeous shows of gladiators
and wild beasts, and fooled away his money as though he had more than
he wanted.
Moreover, Valens and Caecina celebrated Vitellius' birthday[441] 95
by holding gladiatorial shows in every quarter of Rome on a scale of
magnificence hitherto unknown. Vitellius then gratified the rabble and
scandalized all decent people by building altars in the Martian Plain,
and holding a funeral service in honour of Nero. Victims were killed
and burnt in public: the torch was applied by the Augustales, members
of the college which Tiberius Caesar had founded in honour of the
Julian family, just as Romulus similarly commemorated King Tatius.
It was not yet four months since Vitellius' victory, and yet his
freedman Asiaticus was as bad as a Polyclitus or a Patrobius,[442] or
any of the favourites whose names were hated in earlier days. At this
court no one strove to rise by honesty or capacity. There was only one
road to power. By lavish banquets, costly profusion, and feats of
gastronomy, you had to try and satisfy Vitellius' insatiable gluttony.
He himself, without thought for the morrow, was well content to enjoy
the present. It is believed that he squandered nine hundred million
sesterces[443] in these brief months. Truly it shows Rome's greatness
and misfortune, that she endured Otho and Vitellius both in the same
year, and suffered humiliation of every kind at the hands of men like
Vinius and Fabius,[444] Icelus and Asiaticus, until at last they gave
way to Mucianus and Marcellus--a change of men but not of manners.
The first news of rebellion which reached Vitellius came from 96
Aponius Saturninus,[445] who, before himself going over to Vespasian's
side, wrote to announce the desertion of the Third legion. But a
sudden crisis makes a man nervous: Aponius did not tell the whole
story. So the emperor's flattering friends began to explain it all
away: what was the defection of a single legion, while the loyalty of
the other armies remained unshaken? Vitellius himself used the same
language to the soldiers. He accused the men, who had been recently
discharged from the Guards,[446] of spreading false rumours, and kept
assuring them there was no fear of civil war. All mention of Vespasian
was suppressed, and soldiers were sent round the city to frighten
people into silence, which, of course, did more than anything else to
make them talk.
Vitellius, nevertheless, sent for reinforcements from Germany, 97
Britain, and the Spanish provinces, though with a lack of urgency
which was intended to conceal his straits. The provinces and their
governors showed the same want of enthusiasm. Hordeonius Flaccus,[447]
who had suspicions of the Batavi, was distracted with a war of his
own,[448] while Vettius Bolanus[449] never had Britain under complete
control: nor was the loyally of either beyond doubt. The Spanish
provinces, where there was at the time no consular governor,[450] were
equally slow. The three officers in command of the legions held an
equal authority, and if Vitellius' cause had prospered, would have
each outbid the other for his favour: but they all shared the resolve
to leave his misfortunes alone. In Africa the legion and auxiliaries
enlisted by Clodius Macer, and subsequently disbanded by Galba,[451]
took service again at Vitellius' orders, and at the same time all the
young men of the province eagerly enlisted. Vitellius had been an
honest and popular pro-consul in Africa, while Vespasian had been
distrusted and disliked. The provincials took this as an earnest of
their reigns; but experience proved them wrong.
The military legate Valerius Festus[452] at first loyally seconded 98
the enthusiasm of the province. After a while he began to waver. In
his official letters and edicts he still acknowledged Vitellius, while
in secret communication with Vespasian and ready to support whichever
party proved successful. In Raetia and the Gallic provinces some
centurions and men carrying letters and edicts from Vespasian were
taken prisoners and sent to Vitellius, who had them executed. But most
of these envoys escaped capture either by their own ingenuity or the
loyal help of friends. Thus, while Vitellius' plans were known,
Vespasian's were for the most part still a secret. This was partly due
to Vitellius' negligence, but also to the fact that the garrisons on
the Pannonian Alps stopped all messengers. By sea, too, the
Etesian[453] winds from the north-west favoured ships sailing
eastward, but hindered the voyage from the East.
Terrified at last by the imminence of invasion and the alarming 99
news that reached him from all quarters, Vitellius instructed Caecina
and Valens to prepare for war. Caecina was sent on ahead, Valens, who
was just recovering from a serious illness, being delayed by his weak
state of health. Great, indeed, was the change in the appearance of
the German army as it marched out of Rome. There was neither energy in
their muscles nor fire in their hearts. Slowly the column straggled
on, their horses spiritless, their arms neglected. The men grumbled at
the sun, the dust, the weather, and were as ready to quarrel as they
were unwilling to work. To these disadvantages were added Caecina's
inveterate self-seeking and his newly-acquired indolence. An overdose
of success had made him slack and self-indulgent, or, if he was
plotting treachery, this may have been one of his devices for
demoralizing the army. It has often been believed that it was Flavius
Sabinus[454] who, using Rubrius Gallus as his agent, tampered with
Caecina's loyalty by promising that, if he came over, Vespasian would
ratify any conditions. It may have occurred also to Caecina to
remember his quarrels and rivalry with Valens, and to consider that,
as he did not stand first with Vitellius, he had better acquire credit
and influence with the new emperor.
After taking an affectionate and respectful farewell of Vitellius, 100
Caecina dispatched a body of cavalry to occupy Cremona. He soon
followed with the detachments of the First, Fourth, Fifteenth, and
Sixteenth legions in the van. The centre was composed of the Fifth and
Twenty-second, and in the rear of the column came the Twenty-first
Rapax and the First Italian legion, with detachments from the three
legions of Britain and a select force of auxiliaries. When Caecina had
started, Valens wrote instructions to the legions belonging to his old
command[455] to await him on the march, saying that he and Caecina had
arranged this. Caecina, however, took advantage of being on the spot,
and pretended that this plan had been altered so as to enable them to
meet the first outbreak of the war with their full strength. So some
legions were hurried forward to Cremona[456] and part of the force was
directed upon Hostilia. [457] Caecina himself turned aside to Ravenna
on the pretext of giving instructions to the fleet. Thence he
proceeded to Patavium[458] to secure secrecy for his treacherous
designs. For Lucilius Bassus, whom Vitellius, from a prefect of
auxiliary cavalry had raised to the supreme command of the two fleets
at Ravenna and Misenum, felt aggrieved at not being immediately given
the praefecture of the Guards, and sought in dastardly treachery the
remedy for his unjustifiable annoyance. It can never be known whether
he influenced Caecina or whether one was as dishonest as the other.
There is seldom much to choose between rascals. The historians[459] 101
who compiled the records of this war in the days of the Flavian
dynasty were led by flattery into adducing as the causes of the
rebellion patriotism and the interests of peace. We cannot think them
right. Apart from the innate disloyalty of the rebels and the loss
of character after Galba's betrayal, they seem to have been led by
jealousy and rivalry into sacrificing Vitellius himself for fear that
they might lose the first place in his favour. Thus when Caecina
joined his army,[460] he used every device to undermine the staunch
fidelity of the centurions and soldiers to Vitellius. Bassus found
the same task less difficult, for the fleet remembered that they had
lately been in Otho's service, and were therefore already on the
brink of rebellion.
FOOTNOTES:
[424] The narrative is here resumed from chap. 72.
[425] See chap. 68.
[426] The word 'cockney' may perhaps be admitted here to
express that which is characteristic of the metropolitan
masses. Similarly Petronius speaks of a man as 'a fountain of
cockney humour' (_urbanitatis vernaculae fontem_).
[427] They were cast for the part of Galba's avengers.
[428] Only detachments of these latter four were present, so
they had not got their eagles.
[429] Under the empire there were six tribunes to each legion,
and they took command on the march and on the field, acting
under the orders of the _legatus legionis_. The ten centurions
of the _pilani_ or front rank each commanded his cohort.
[430] See note 107.
[431] The end was so near.
[432] At Cremera, near Veii, the Fabii died like heroes, 477 B. C. ,
and on the Allia the Gauls won their victory over Rome,
390 B. C. The day was called Alliensis, and no work was to be
done on it (Livy, vi. 1).
[433] See chap. 71. At this time the emperor had in theory
only the right of nominating candidates for the consulships,
but it was obviously unnecessary for him to do more. The
alliteration in this sentence is Tacitus'.
[434] See iv. 4 f.
[435] Thrasea, Helvidius' father-in-law, was an honoured
member of the Stoic opposition who had been executed by Nero
A. D. 66. Here Vitellius is posing as an ordinary senator. If
he had opposed so distinguished a man as Thrasea, why should
not Helvidius oppose him? Thrasea's end gives the remark a
slightly sinister tone.
[436] See note 346.
[437] A patron apparently could claim support from his
freedmen if he was in want, as these restored exiles certainly
were, since their property had been confiscated and was
irrecoverable. In exile they had of course lost their rights.
[438] This probably includes bathing as well as drinking.
[439] Since Tiberius there had been only nine, and Vespasian
restored that number.
[440] See i. 6.
[441] Probably September 24. He was 54.
[442] Cp. i. 37, 49.
[443] About nine million pounds. Not to be taken too literally.
[444] Valens.
[445] Governor of Moesia (see chap. 85).
[446] See chap. 67.
[447] He had been left to guard the Rhine.
[448] See chap. 57. The revolt of Civilis was soon to break out.
[449] See chap. 65.
[450] Cluvius Rufus was governing the Tarragona division from
Rome (chap. 65). Lusitania was under a praetorian legate.
Baetica was a senatorial province with no troops.
[451] See i. 7 and 11.
[452] He had succeeded Clodius Macer in command of the Third
Augusta, and in virtue of that command governed Numidia (see
i. 7).
[453] These 'annual' winds blew steadily and gently from July
20 for a month.
[454] Vespasian's brother.
[455] In Lower Germany.
[456] Only two legions went to Cremona (see iii. 14).
[457] Ostiglia.
[458] Padua.
[459] e. g. Cluvius Rufus (cp. i. 8), the elder Pliny (cp. iii.
28),
and Vipstanus Messala (cp. iii, 9, 25, 28).
[460] i. e. at Hostilia, coming back from Padua.
Oxford: Horace Hart, Printer to the University
* * * * *
TACITUS
THE HISTORIES
TRANSLATED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY
W. HAMILTON FYFE
FELLOW OF MERTON COLLEGE
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME II
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1912
HENRY FROWDE
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH, NEW YORK
TORONTO AND MELBOURNE
SUMMARY OF CHIEF EVENTS
I. THE FIGHT FOR THE THRONE
A. D. 69.
_September_
Antonius surprises a Vitellian detachment at Forum Alieni.
At Padua the Pannonian legions arrive.
He fortifies Verona. The Moesian legions arrive.
Caecina holds Cremona with Legs. I Italica and XXI Rapax and
cavalry.
He encamps with the rest of his force near Hostilia on the
Tartaro.
Valens dawdles northward with three praetorian cohorts.
_October_
The fleet at Ravenna declares for Vespasian.
Caecina attempts treachery and is imprisoned by his army, which
starts on a forced march to Cremona.
Antonius starts from Verona to intercept them.
27. Second Battle of Bedriacum. Legs. I Italica and XXI Rapax sally
from Cremona and are driven back by Antonius.
The six legions from Hostilia reach Cremona.
The united Vitellian army makes a night sally from Cremona and
is defeated.
28. Sack of Cremona.
Surrender of Vitellian army.
_November_
Valens, having reached Ariminum, flies to Monaco, and is captured
in the Stoechades Islands.
Spain, Gaul, and Britain declare for Vespasian.
Antonius advances via Ariminum to Fanum Fortunae.
Vitellius holds the Apennines at Mevania with fourteen praetorian
cohorts, a new legion of marines, and cavalry.
Mutiny of the fleet at Misenum. Tarracina seized.
Vitellius returns to Rome with seven cohorts and part of the
cavalry.
The remaining cohorts are moved back from Mevania to Narnia.
L. Vitellius with six cohorts and cavalry besieges Tarracina.
_December_
Antonius crosses the Apennines and halts at Carsulae.
Varus wins a cavalry skirmish at Interamna.
Valens beheaded at Urbino: his head flung into camp at Narnia.
Surrender of Vitellians at Narnia.
Antonius marches as far as Ocriculum, sending Cerialis forward
to Rome with 1,000 cavalry.
17. Vitellius, wishing to abdicate, is prevented by troops and mob.
18. They besiege Flavius Sabinus in the Capitol.
19. Capitol stormed. Temple of Jupiter burnt.
Sabinus caught and killed.
L. Vitellius takes Tarracina.
20. Cerialis defeated outside Rome.
20. Antonius makes a forced march along Via Flaminia.
21. Capture of Rome. Murder of Vitellius. Domitian installed as
'Caesar'.
A. D. 70.
_January_
L. Vitellius surrenders in Campania. Mucianus arrives in Rome
as regent.
II. THE REBELLION ON THE RHINE
A. D. 69.
_Autumn_
Revolt of Civilis and Batavians, at first ostensibly in support
of Vespasian.
Revolt supported by Canninefates, Frisii, Marsaci, Cugerni.
Civilis routs Gallic auxiliaries and captures the Rhine flotilla
in 'The Island'.
Munius Lupercus advances from Vetera with remnant of Legs. V
Alaudae and XV Primigenia, supported by Ubian, Treviran, and
Batavian auxiliaries.
Civilis drives him back into Vetera.
The eight Batavian cohorts at Mainz march off to join Civilis,
and defeat Leg. I Germanica at Bonn.
Bructeri and Tencteri join revolt.
Civilis blockades Vetera.
Vocula advances to relieve Vetera with detachments of Legs. IV
Macedonica, XXII Primigenia, and I Germanica.
Vocula encamps at Gelduba. Flaccus makes head-quarters at
Novaesium.
Civilis' assault on Vetera repulsed.
Vocula with difficulty repulses attack on Gelduba.
Relief of Vetera. Vocula then retires to Novaesium.
Civilis takes Gelduba and wins skirmish outside Novaesium.
Mutiny in Novaesium. Flaccus murdered.
Civilis renews blockade of Vetera.
Chatti, Mattiaci, and Usipi threaten Mainz.
Vocula relieves Mainz and winters there.
A. D. 70.
_January_ (? )
Revolt of Gallic tribes, Ubii, Tungri, Treviri, Lingones, headed
by Classicus, Tutor, and Sabinus.
Vocula advances to save Vetera, but is driven back to Novaesium
by mutiny of Gallic auxiliaries, and there murdered.
His army swears allegiance to 'Empire of Gaul'.
Tutor takes Cologne and Mainz.
Vetera surrenders to Classicus. Garrison massacred.
The Baetasii, Nervii, and Tungri join revolt.
_Spring_
Mucianus and Domitian start from Rome with reinforcements.
Cerialis, with Legs. XXI Rapax and II Adjutrix, is to operate on
Lower Rhine.
Annius Gallus, with Legs. VII Claudia, VIII Augusta, XI Claudia,
is to operate on Upper Rhine.
The Sequani, still loyal, defeat Sabinus and Lingones.
The Remi, also loyal, summon a Gallic Council, which votes for
peace, but the Treviri and Lingones hold out under Classicus,
Tutor, and Valentinus.
The Roman mutineers return to their allegiance.
_Summer_
Sextilius Felix routs Tutor near Bingen. Cerialis defeats
Valentinus and occupies Trier.
The Germans surprise the Romans in Trier, but Cerialis drives
them out and storms their camp.
Massacre of Germans at Cologne. Cohort of Chauci and Frisii
entrapped and burnt.
Leg. XIV Gemina arrives from Britain and receives submission of
Nervii and Tungri.
Legs. I Adjutrix and VI Victrix arrive from Spain.
_Autumn_
Civilis defeats Cerialis near Vetera, but is routed on the next
day and retires into The Island.
Hard fighting on the Waal.
Germans capture Roman flotilla.
Civilis retires northwards over the Rhine.
Cerialis occupies The Island.
Civilis makes overtures of peace.
NOTE
The text followed is that of C. D. Fisher _(Oxford Classical Texts)_.
Departures from it are mentioned in the notes.
BOOK III
ANTONIUS' ADVANCE
On the Flavian side the generals concerted their plans for the war 1
with greater loyalty and greater success. They had met at Poetovio[1]
at the head-quarters of the Third legion, where they debated whether
they should block the passage of the Pannonian Alps and wait until
their whole strength came up to reinforce them, or whether they should
take a bolder line, assume the offensive, and strike for Italy. Those
who were in favour of waiting for reinforcements and prolonging the
war dwelt on the strength and reputation of the German legions, and
pointed out that the flower of the British army had lately arrived in
Rome with Vitellius;[2] their own forces were numerically inferior and
had recently suffered defeat; moreover, conquered troops, however bold
their language, never show the same courage. On the other hand, if
they occupied the Alps, Mucianus would soon arrive with the forces
from the East. Besides, Vespasian still[3] commanded the sea, and
could count on the support of the fleets[4] and of the provinces,
where he could still raise material for a sort of second war. A
salutary delay would bring them fresh forces without in any way
prejudicing their present position.
In answer to these arguments Antonius Primus,[5] who had done more 2
than any one else to stir up the war, stoutly maintained that prompt
action would save them and ruin Vitellius. 'Their victory,' he said,
'has not served to inspirit but to enervate them. The men are not held
in readiness in camp, but are loitering in towns all over Italy. No
one but their hosts has any call to fear them. The more unruly and
ferocious they showed themselves before, the greater the greed with
which they now indulge in unwonted draughts of pleasure. The circus,
the theatre, and the charms of the capital have ruined their hardness
and their health. But if we give them time to train for war they will
regain their energy. It is not far to Germany, whence they draw their
main strength. Britain is only separated by a narrow channel. Close at
hand they have Gaul and Spain, from the provinces of which they can
get men, horses, and subsidies. Then again, they can rely on Italy
itself and all the resources of the capital, while, if they want to
take the offensive, they have two fleets[6] and full command of the
Illyrian Sea. [7] Besides, what good to us are the ramparts of the
mountains? Why should we drag on the war into another summer? Where
can we get funds and supplies in the meanwhile? No, let us seize our
opportunity. The Pannonian legions are burning to rise in revenge.
They were not defeated but deceived. [8] The Moesian army has not yet
lost a man. If you count not legions but men, our forces are superior
both in numbers and in character. The very shame of our defeat[9]
makes for good discipline. And even then our cavalry was not beaten.
For though we lost the day, they shattered the enemy's line. [10] And
what was the force that broke through the Vitellians? Two regiments of
cavalry from Pannonia and Moesia. What have we now? Sixteen regiments.
Will not their combined forces, as they roar and thunder down upon the
enemy, burying them in clouds of dust, overwhelm these horses and
horsemen that have forgotten how to fight? I have given you my plan,
and, unless I am stopped, I will put it in operation. Some of you have
not yet burnt your boats. [11] Well, you can keep back the legions.
Give me the auxiliaries in light marching order. They will be enough
for me. You will soon hear that the door of Italy is open and the
power of Vitellius shaken. You will be glad enough to follow in the
footsteps of my victory. '
All this and much else of the same tenor Antonius poured out with 3
flashing eyes, raising his voice so as to reach the centurions and
some of the soldiers, who had gathered round to share in their
deliberations. [12] His truculent tone carried away even the more
cautious and far-seeing, while the rest of the crowd were filled with
contempt for the cowardice of the other generals, and cheered their
one and only leader to the echo. He had already established his
reputation at the original meeting, when Vespasian's letter[13] was
read. Most of the generals had then taken an ambiguous line, intending
to interpret their language in the light of subsequent events. But
Antonius seemed to have taken the field without any disguise, and this
carried more weight with the men, who saw that he must share their
disgrace or their glory.
Next to Antonius in influence stood Cornelius Fuscus, the imperial 4
agent. [14] He, too, always attacked Vitellius in no mild terms, and
had left himself no hope in case of failure. Tampius Flavianus[15] was
a man whose disposition and advanced years inclined him to dilatory
measures, and he soon began to earn the dislike and suspicion of the
soldiers, who felt he had not forgotten his kinship with Vitellius.
Besides this, when the legions first rose, he had fled to Italy and
subsequently returned of his own free will, which looked like
meditating treachery. [16] Having once given up his province and
returned to Italy, he was out of the reach of danger, but the passion
for revolution had induced him to resume his title and meddle in the
civil war. It was Cornelius Fuscus who had persuaded him to this--not
that he needed his assistance, but because he felt that, especially at
the outset of the rising, the prestige of an ex-consul would be a
valuable asset to the party.
In order to make their march across into Italy safe and effective, 5
letters were sent to Aponius Saturninus[17] to bring the Moesian army
up as quickly as possible. To prevent the exposure of the defenceless
provinces to the attacks of foreign tribes, the chiefs of the
Sarmatian Iazyges,[18] who formed the government of the tribe, were
enlisted in the service. They also offered their tribal force,
consisting entirely of cavalry, but were excused from this
contribution for fear that the civil war might give opportunity for a
foreign invasion, or that an offer of higher pay from the enemy might
tempt them to sacrifice their duty and their honour. [19] Sido and
Italicus, two princes of the Suebi,[20] were allowed to join
Vespasian's side. They had long acknowledged Roman sovereignty, and
companionship in arms[21] was likely to strengthen the loyalty of the
tribe. Some auxiliaries were stationed on the flank towards Raetia,
where hostilities were expected, since the imperial agent Porcius
Septiminus,[22] remained incorruptibly loyal to Vitellius. Sextilius
Felix was therefore dispatched with Aurius' Horse[23] and eight
cohorts of auxiliary infantry, together with the native levies of
Noricum, to hold the line of the river Aenus,[24] which forms the
frontier of Raetia and Noricum. Neither side provoked a battle: the
fortune of the rival parties was decided elsewhere.
Meanwhile, at the head of a picked band of auxiliaries and part of 6
the cavalry, Antonius hurried off to invade Italy. He took with him an
energetic soldier named Arrius Varus, who had made his reputation
while serving under Corbulo in his Armenian victories. He was supposed
to have sought a private interview with Nero, at which he maligned
Corbulo's character. His infamous treachery brought him the emperor's
favour and a post as senior centurion. This ill-gotten prize delighted
him now, but ultimately proved his ruin. [25]
After occupying Aquileia,[26] Antonius and Varus found a ready welcome
at Opitergium and Altinum[27] and all the other towns in the
neighbourhood. At Altinum a garrison was left behind to guard their
communications against the fleet at Ravenna, for the news of its
desertion had not as yet arrived.
