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not let a whiffing or pillory serve his turn. And do we think 'that Tutchin would not have as much to fay against
him ?
zine oforiginalpower would be opened on the other side.
(5. ) If this seems extream ridiculous, as indeed it then let all the whigs and commonwealth-men in England know, that neither Dolemau alias Parsons the Jesuit, who led the dance here, nor Buchanan, Knox, or Rutherford in Scotland; nor Harrington, Hobbs, Milton, Lack, or
Sidney in England, or any other orators for the original power of the people, either antient or modern, could make any other or better sense of it. This bold challenge,
and will stand by and bo provocations that could possibly use can prevail with any of them, to fave their cause from- being thus destitute and abandoned.
have given specimen as to Lock, N. 38. let any jus tify him who can, and none ofthem fay any new tiling,
or any thing else than begging the question at sirst, that the power was originally in the people; and thence raising their sine superstructures, which are all utterly inconfistent with any settlement of government whatsoever. The ma gazine of original power overturns them all at pleasure and that foss'e may, by their own scheme, be railed Tutchin or De Foe, and nothing but eternal revolution can be the end of for this original magazine must ad mit (as Mr. Lock disputes) of no absolute power either in
king or parliament, or any deputed from the people, else blown up all at once, and the power can never revert
to the people!
Then they fall to work at balancing, and set up co-or
upon
maga
dinate powers and these agree about as dogs do about bone
If you will not believe me, hear one of your owaprt- phets, the famous Harrington,' in his Oceana printed at
London, 1656, fays thus, p. 152, 153.
" " Your Gothick politicians' seem unto me rather to have " invented some new ammunition or gun-powder their
king and parliament (duo fulmina lelli) than govern-
z' nrnt; for what become of the princes " kind of .
people)
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" people) in Germany f Blown up. Where are the " efiates or power of the pees le in France ? Blown up. u Where is that of the people w Aragon, and the rest of '* the Spanish kingdoms ? Blown up. ; On the other side, " where is the king of Spain's power in Holland? Blown f- up. Where is that of the Austrian princes in Switx ? " Blown up. This perpetual peevishness and jealousy, " under the alternate empire of the prince, and of the " people, is obnoxious to every spark ; nor shall any
" man shew a reason that will be holding in prudence
" why the people of Oceana have blown up their king,
" but that their king did not sirst blow them up. The
" rest is discourse for ladies.
O. What ! make our constitution nothing but meer geffiping ! Does Harrington talk at this rate ? you maze me ! why he is one of our chief authors. And this very
book of hjs call'd Oceana is lately re-printed by our
worthy Mr. Toland. What can be the meaning of thi»
from Harrington ?
C. I can tell thee he was a whig, that is, a republican,
and had seen the experiment try'd before his eyes of king
and parliament being co-ordinate powers, and balancing one another. He faw there could be no end of but the one ever- powering and conquering the other when the contest was for power, and when the parliament had pre vailed, he faw itend in ^. fengle person and an army upon which he sell toscheme-making, and fancy'd he had found out model free from the former inconveniences; but 'tis
such medley as neither himself, nor any body else can make head or tail of, yet of use (if men would take
to shew the vanity of all our scheme-mongers in placing government upon the foot of the people, or any other
soundation than divine institution.
(6. ) O. But we have late authors, and of the church of
England too, which fay, that government indeed from, God; but the modification of it, as to the species of the go vernment, and the choice of the governors, from the
people.
C. And that all for what else there in govern
ment,
is ,
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ment, but the species or kind of government (whether mn- \
archy, aristocracy or democracy ) and the choice of the per- sons who shall govern? They that are so chofen have thence forward the making of our laws, and absolute do minion over us ; and the placing this in the people is mak
ing government wholly from them, and liable to all the inconveniencies and contradiction we have been speaking of.
But did God appoint government, and yet appoint no species of government, nor any person or persons who should
govern f What sort of government was that ? Was not
How should government have arisen upon such a grant as this ? And
that leaving us just where we were before ?
where is such a grant to be found ?
(as I think I have fully demonstrated) for mankind in the supposed state of independency all upon the level, to have agreed upon any sort of government at all, by free and
ceived from such a. grant, if it had been given ?
have been to give them leave to do what was impossible for them to do ! at least, this we may fay, that it is what was never yet done since the foundation of the world, which I think is sufficient to determine the question, for eur question is fact and not possibilities ; and it is of the original oigovernment in the world, and the sirst dividing the world into nations, not what was done by any set of banditti in this or that corner ; such an instance, if it could be shewed, would not determine the rights of man kind in the general. But if no such instance can be shewed, as I believe there cannot, of any nation so formed and framed, no not of the Romans at sirst under Romulus, who was not chosen by ihefree and equal vote of thoie
. who came in to him, he rather chose them, or accepted of their sharing his fortune ; I fay, if no such instance can
be given of any prince chosen by the free and equal vote of all his subjects (tho' if it could, it would nQt, as I have faid, determine the right of mankind in the general ) then how very despicable does the plea look of the original of
fnxt
I have shewed Num. 38. ) "what benesit could mankind have re
equal votes, (which Mr. Lock himself consesses, as
And if it be
impossible
It would
The
REHEARSAL.
303
power being in the people from the beginning of govern ment in the ivorld, and as a rule to all nations in the world for
ever, and as superior to all their municipal laws and con stitution ! For that is the cause now pleaded, the deciding of which has cost England and Poland (to name no more) vast expence of blood and treasure ; and not like to end till
&rosapiunt Phryget.
From •§>at. July 7, to &at. July 14, 1705. N° 50;
I. 1 be Observator turnd off. 2. The design of this paper. Witb the reason {and excuse) for engaging in it. 3. The
design partly answer 'd. Acknowledged by the Observa tor. 4. Who is lately turned into a cuckoo. And alt
the whigs shewed to be birds of the same wing.
\\. ) Coun. "Jk JTA&er, I give thee warning, Fm going XVJL t0 turn tnee °&> thou'rt grown so very
it be decided ; but it is liberty and property, and all is well ! and experience is a. /W /
dull and nasty.
O. What ! art weary of my company ?
C. That I was before I began with thee.
O. What mad'st begin then ? sure I did not invite thee, I was not ambitious of thy company, I had rather have been without it o however I have lost nothing by and tV. OM hast got as little for thou can'st not dirty me, but
thou has dirty thy self sufficiently in touching me, or
meddling with me.
(2. ) C. That faw before began with thee, and
intended no victory over thee, that was none of my de sign, that had been poor bargain indeed
But now we're upon parting, I'll tell thee alf. had
long observed, with grief and astonishment, the progress, Histories, and atchierv€ments of certain fallen-angel calPd Belial, which signisies without yoke or restraint, that
\freedom from all laws or government. Anglice liberty and
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and property, ! under which speciou s pretence all liberty and
praperty was taken quite away, except the liberty of de stroying and murdering one another, to the end of the chap
ter, and making all settlement impracticable to the end ofthe world.
The ground and fomdatioK-•wqrk of this Belial was the. notion that all power was originally in the people, and «wr. •i/fyV from them under what rules and limitation: tljey thought sit to yaci and /i<^ GiOvernours, still account
able to the people for their administration, and deposeable and punishabie For it
From hence I faw flow not only the miseries and n»'i> of our own countiy, and in our own and later but the dismal tragedies of former agw, and in many coun tries, particularly of the Grecians and Romans, the best known to us of any other parts pf the world.
This, made me set my self to examine into the bottom of this fair pretence, and to peruse the most celebrated authors for it among the Greeks and the Romans, and our
later Machiavi/ians, making n? y conclusion with the
English, who were voluminous upon in justisication of forty-cne andforty-eight (which are the fame) and upon
some later occurrences.
thought over, till had answer'd all objections as
to my self. conversed with men of the sirst form in these popular schemes, and upon the whole thought
my self master of the argument, at least so far as to pro pose to the world, and see what could be faid against
thescheme take to be demonstrable and infallible.
The method took was to treat of in
according to the gravity and dignity of the subject, from
authority pf scripture from reason and experience the histories of all ag es and lastly, from our own known
laws and constitution.
This receiv'd one answer, with expectation of more,
for which, after due waiting, and none appearing, reply. was given to with all invitations to proceed further in the argument.
But
serious way,
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305 But since that time (now (went years since) all has been
filcace as to anysober defence ofthese popular schemes.
But Belial thus difpojess'd out of the man, has had' his
last recourse to the herd of swine, iae. Observators, Re~ views, and the rest of the scandalous club (which relieve one another, and come out every day in the wee/t) all billow out the original magazine of power in the people. They answer to no arguments, but carry on the cry ! and tbiscarries it with the mohile.
A very wife and grave man afk'd the question, Whe ther these principles of government might not be expressed in so plain and familiar a stile, and method of argument, as to be intelligible to the meanest capacity ? and then to be communicated, not in only, which the mohile will not and less conflder, but in small papers, that may come out weekly, and be dispersed in coffee-houses, where the other pernicious papers spread their poison ?
But then, that it would be necessary, when we speak to the •vulgar, to learn their language, and condescend to some of their common phrases, and unpolish'd way of. talking, to comply with their bluntness, but not their
rudeness, their prophaneness, and their bestiality ; to sup
ply which, we might add something of their sort of plea santry, to gain attention from them, and to come some
thing into their favour, till when you will not be heard
by them. If you begin upon the serious, you're sauted and ridicul'd the sirst word; but if you have got a little credit with them, you may steal in a word of fense now- and then, and as you gain ground, may make more imr
prespsn upon them, and still keeping within the reac, their understanding, may in time do good with them, open their eyes, without their ownperceiving it.
The end I acknowledged to be good, but thought it, impracticable by me, under the load of so many prefures, besides the reflection, ifa man should happen to be found out among such scoundrel company ; but there is pride in> that objection ; and it is not unbecoming a disciple of
Christ, even to wash the feet of the poorest, if there be
any prospect of doing good by it.
3. And
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The REHEARSAL.
3. And I have had the pleasure of seeing . gWdoneby it ; persons of mean capacity or improvement being able, at a coffec-heuse, to hold it out against the top whigs and disser. ters, only by keeping them close to the Rehearsal, and faying, come leave off your longspeeches and run ning about the bush; here's a Ihort issue, which every body can understand, when did your mob original ofgo vernment begin ? When was it that there was no govern ment in the world, but every man upon the level ? Can you shew us a fairer account of the dividing the world into nations than is given in the tenth of Genefis ? I can' read the hible; are any of your heathen authors equal to that ? Then again, as to the lavas of the land, what lay you to these acts ofparliament here quoted in Rehearsal, which bar all coercion upon the cron/n, either in parlia- ments or people? Are there not such acts ofparliament f Or, are they false quoted'! ' Come, what do you fay? You are
all mum chance, you will not speak a word to the point, but come in with your stories and idle tales ; but we pin you down.
Again, am not I one of the people as well as yon f And have not I as much power to coerce the king as you ? Or, to coerce you as well as the king, and to knock out your brains ? What is all this but mob and confufion f
And where can it end ? qui mobbat, mobbahitur
«
This, is so very plain, so demonstrative, so self-evident, that astripling arm'd with this is able to beat down the
greatest Goliah of popular government.
have taken notice of this' to
O. I
no small vexa tion, which made me fay in mine, Vol. III. N. 83. of this
Rehearsal, That it does more mischief than a regiment of horse can do to the common cause.
C. That's the good old cause—■ 'yet at other times thoa fay'st it is a silly senseless paper ! and that no body will be at the pains of reading it.
O. I fay my self in my Obscrvator, the next before that last quoted, that Vol. III. 82. That take no t$r\ the os the Rehearsal, and that never saw above tv* tf them. . •
my
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C. Yet thou pretend'st to answer it ! and invitest peo to enter with thee upon the argument, and fay'stthou art •vindicator set up by providence to maintain popular
government against all oppose rs.
can answer books best without reading them for
then am never beaten from my point. {4. ) C. That is, thou answers like
never changes thy note Thus vvhen
upon thee, that the king (or queen)
crates, but the head and sovereign of them all, and sbew'd
demonstrably from the statutes and known laws of the land thou anfwer'st cuckoo, cuckoo——The queen one the estates, Isn't now time for me to have done with
thee!
And every body else must kick thee out when they
iead thy silly chiming over thy nonsensical bubble as thou dost, Vol. III. N. 98. faying, That the three estates (by which thou mean'st the queen and both houses ofparlia ment) cannot deprive Englishmen oftheir liberties. How then comes any man's liberty to be taken from him How comes any man to be imprison d!
0. By the known laws of the land.
C. Who made those laws And can't they alter and repeal them as they please And may they not attaint nun, and take away his life and estate, when no law of the land could other ways reach him Hast thou never heard of such a thing as this
O. caren't what have seen or heard! and will not answer thee, but go on and prove what have faid in the fame Observator, and fay, The laws of God and na ture can be repeaP no human power, and liberty a
fundamental principle nature, sacred from the very first minute time, &c.
C. Thou hast been often afle'd to shew that time of univerfal liberty, when all mankind were upon the level, and no one had power over another and all . the divan
cuckoo— Thou
had fully proved none of the three
of whigs and dissenters can never answer — only cuckoo
—the original power of the people
In" the next place, neither king nor parliament nor any
government
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government whatever, can make any law to restrain die
lihtrty of any one man upon these principles; nor can the
staple grant them such a power. What wretched stuff'is
this ? Here's government and no governments a power de- rivd from the people, which never was, nor can be in. their power to grant ! A child that can but spell and put together may baffle all the world upon these principles ; yet these are the erfd up principles ! these the men of nii and sense, and large thoughts! these the patriots and
defenders of liberties ?
O. Brave sellows ! for all that thou can'st fay, they
give us full liberty to call our representatives to account,
I do, Vol. III. N.
where I call the parliament a pack of hounds ; and which is more, fay, that they are run mad too, so that they're
and' treat them as we please, as
97.
I that by their fund dogs. fay,
societies of men well as particular persons.
they shew us may sometimes be mad, as
C. Then v. cren't those people mad that chafe that map
house of commons ? Here we have both people and their
representatives all mad together ! Where shall we go now
for the original of government ?
May we not much more justly conclude that they are
mad who set up such senseless ana contradictory schemes of government ! and that they are not well in their fenses, or
have a very moderate degree of understanding, who are carried away with them, and made imps of BtHat, and
Open opposers of divine right!
proceedings,
From
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309
From &at. July 14, to ,® at. July- 21, 1705. No'ci, """"". . . -»,
i . 'she actors ebang'L 2. How the Rehearfal was re- ceiv'dj and bow be manag'd in his former company.
3. The country man\r accouht 'and reasons of bis con version, as to the power of the people. 4. A neio question started by him concerning tyranny. And of the
greatest security that it is possible for men to have up on the earth. t>etermind in the happiness of our
awn constitution, we woua keep to it. A con dition on ,which the Rehearfal promises to turn whig.
.
C10 ^-"VrOW have got rid of dirt, and turn'd off
X>l my nasty Observator, and struck his name <iut of my paper, wilt thou be content, honest Country
man, to Converse with me in serious manner; and let us inquire into this great matter ofgovernment by sure rule and means, and yet not exceeding very ordinary
capacity
C. am pleas'd with all my heart to change my
master. am quite weary of scandal, ribaldry, pro-
phaneness, ——and dulnefs to boot. That pretending to be vindicator, can neither justify what himself sets
up, nor answer to any objections, otherwise than as you faid, like cuckoo, the same note always, the power, the
original power of the people which having been made, sirst, lie as to fact and then utter nonsense and incon
fistency and, lastly, to the subverfion of all order and government and the perpetual and even necessary de
struction of mankind: No answer has been made, but as you fay, cuckoo cuckoo! repeating over the fame word, ——without daring to explain the meaning of
or giving any fort ofsolution to the arguments brought a-
gainst it.
But now, master, that have inlisted myself with
thee, thou must not expect thatl should be other than a coun
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countryman still. I may be inform'd as to some thing! ;
but I cannot alter my nature all of a sadden. I
must be blunt still, though thou shalt sind me always bt-
9tst-.
R. Thou shalt have liberty for all the bluntness, that
thou hast been us'd to. But must bar any
plainness,
thing that borders upon propbane, or jesting with /acred things. In the next place, all tendency towards what
smutty or obscene. And %dly, any reflections upon parti cular persons, as to personal faults or miscarriages, which concern not the principles which we oppose.
C. All these agree to and question whether this
wou'd not be call'd spoiling of conversation among the
ivits and beau esprits, as they call themselves of thefirst, second, and third form Not to name my former dirty
master the Observater, and the rest of ou
lous club whose writings, examin'd by these rules, wou'd be found not to have one drachm offense, and as little ofwit in them.
But since you have allow'd me to speak plainly with you then must tell you what thoughts we have had of you.
(2. ) When you came sirst into our company, we were all surpriz'd. You came with an air offreedom and frank
you crack'd jest with us, as we fay, in our coun try fashion yet was not quite in our fashion. For you kept within all the rules you have now given me;
and thou often reprov'dst us for our broad beastliness for telling standerous stories of our neighbour but most
for our prophanenefs, and jesting with holy things That we stard at thee, and wonder'd what fort of sellow we had got among us or what business thou hadst with us.
Then we concluded thou wert Jesuit; because thou spak'ft sometimes beyond us and wou'dft bring in
little of argument now and then, which we were not us'd to and then didst slide from again, when thou saw'st wo were tir'd with and conclude with some
merry tale or other, that made us laugh, and fay thou wert
ness
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wert good company. Then at us again, and t'other touch at argument, but not too much at a time ; till at last we were willing to hear thee more at large. And
thou explain'dft things to us, in such familiar compari sons, as suited to our capacity ; that I prosess we were taken before we were aware ; and began to argue these
pcinti among ourselves ; and once a •week thou gav'st us some new help or other, which kept us warm. Thus we were insensibly drawn in to think of things, that had never come into our noddles before.
• (3. ) As for example, I prosess I never had any other
thought than that all power and government was from the people; for I don't read boois. And fay my neigh
bours, What! Don't we choose parliament-men ? And
are they not call'd our representatives ? Did kings drop down from the clouds booted and spurr'd ; and were
the people born with saddles on their backs, to be rid to death ?
But there thou cam'st in upon us, and hast shew'd plainly, as plain as the nose on one's face, that the power pivoting for parliament-men, and the limitation of the
free-holds, who shall vote, and who not; and which towns shall send representatives, and which not, was ne ver from the people, or ever cou'd be ; but that all this was wholly and solely from the crown. And that there can be no other independent and supreme power in the nation, but the crown. From which all other, and sub
ordinate power in the kingdom is deriv'd. And that to
put the supreme or any independent power in the people, is to overturn all government ; and can end in nothing but
cutting of throats to the day ofjudgment!
This thou hast shew'd, and hammer d it into us, till
there is no resisting of it ; till we are all filent, and none of us dare open his mouth against it.
And thou hast made as great fools of all our great writers for popular government, of Lock, Harrington, i&c. as of poor Observator himself ; and thou insults over them, to provoke any to answer thee ; and none appears ! So that we must all come over to thee !
We
3n
3i2 Thfe REHEARSAL.
We cannot still remain so dull as not to see, that-the
Observators calling thee a thoufand names is no answer i And that it is only because he cannot answer. I have ■fled him several times, why he did not answer to the foint, and shew when there was such an independent state of mankind, and no government in the world? Then he cursed thee by all his gods-; and foarnd at the mouth fox an hbuIr together, till his October set him tofleep.
hifiories, as well the prophane, as the holy scriptures, shew
But
have aft'd others, men of and learning ; sense
and they all fay, that it cannot be shew? d : That all
no time when there was not government in the world; but that this independent state must be supposed, to found the original of power in the people.
What! faid I, suppos'd against- truth and /ai! ? . ' This
! and I faw plainly, that all wa*
,epentd my gws broad
cheat and trick! and that there was no need of great
learning, or depth of understanding, to come at the bottok
of this.
The like answer they gave me, as to the law arid
acts of parliament you have quoted, which tar att-ct* eras*' upon theswwH. They own? d they were a8s df
parliament, - and truly quoted that. stÆi of parliament are the Atk-'s of the land, and these aA still in yir«, and
hot repeasd; and yet not the /aou of the land, as it now stands.
That faid they are laws, and not laws yon may make me believe transubftantiation at this rate
They faid, we got over these laws, by recurring to
the original ofpower in the people which superior term laws.
How faid recurring to that original, which
you only suppose, and that against both truth andsots! ' Here's magazine indeed to blow up all laws wsd «»-
stitutions, and to make all settlement impracticabieto-'the world's end
This easily convine'd man even of my capacity, to set through all these schemes of popular government; and that those who set them up, are truly what you calTd
them,
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The RE HEAR SAL.
313 them, fins of Belial, the common epithet of rebels in kly scripture, that is, they wou'd be free from all yoke or restraint of government whatsoever ; which wou'd only
be a freedom of destroying one another without end or wf^ji. Of which Poland is a lively example now before our eyes ; not to come nearer home.
Thus, mr,ster, I have given you an account of my
uieverfion, from your plain and familiar, but strong reasons.
(4. ) But I have a word more, if you will give me leave ; for reason may be confine d, and yet prejudice not removed. What shall we do in cafe of tyranny ? For there have been tyrants in the world.
R. While government is administer d by the hands of men, there will be miscarriages and inconveniencies ; there is no absolute security upon earth. Therefore we must weigh the inconveniencies on both sides. To care the
tyranny of a king, by setting up the people, is setting 1 0000 tyrants over us instead of cm? . It is hell broke
/ri//£,, worse than the worst of the devils.
And besides, it admits of no remedy ; we have no
prospect of the end. There is nothing but eternal revo
lution and corfvfion, in advancing the power of the peo~ pie. One party -worrying another; and another un
dermining, and then worrying that ; for each party axa equally the people. As it is now in Poland; and ae it was in England before the restoration 1660.
A tyrant must dye ; or God may mend him, and change m's m/W. G&•/ tells us, that the hearts of are ia his hand, and he turns them as he pleases. That he fends good princes to a good and obedient people; but suffers others, for their fins, to be evil entreated through tyrants, and rxeak and foolish princes. Therefore, as our Homily of rebellion fays, Let us either deserve to have a good prince set over us, or bear such as we deserve. It
is suffering in Gods way, and in his hand, by him whom he has set over us. But to rebel against him, is rebel lion against God, and provokes him to plague us more and
more. To give us up to our own inventions, the ma- Voi. . I. P gamut
The REHEARSAL.
gaaine of original power in the people ; which, ifnot re strain d by the goodness of God, wou'd i/ra up the whole earth, and set all mankind a massacring one another while there were but two men left. All this is the natural con
3t4
sequence of that principle ; and if God should permit it to
prevail universally, dama.
the whole world wou'd be one Acel
C. Bless us ! You fright me ! the consequence is ex ceeding plain, it cou'd be no otherwise upon this princi ple. Pray God deliver us from this spirit of Belial; and *ssisl those that wou'd dispossess him out of this country, which he has turn'd into a heap of ruins before, upon this fame principle. And all upon pretence of liberty and property! That men cou'd be so bewitch' 'd 7 It looks really like possession, fox there is no reason in the case. Our lives and liberties must always be in the power of
some or other, while there is government ; and of every body, when there is none. The wrath of a king is faid to be like the roaring of a lion ; but that of the people is like the roaring of the sea ; it is an inundation which sweeps all before it. And to from the king to them,
running into the ocean, for sear of little rivulet, or to us from shower of r«z'a. leaping over
precipice to avoid flumbling-block.
(5. ) Since therefore there no security that absolute
upon far/A and while we lire here, we must expect v to meet with inconveniencies ant fully convine'd, that
the greatest security and liberty ot which mankind ca pable, is, where the king absolutely free from all co- ireion, either parliament or people, and the militia or power of the sword, wholly and ya/? ^ in the «w a;
for power cannot be divided) and the king head :nd
sovereign of the parliament, and not one of their efiatts, (which puts him upon the level with them, makes him
and not sovereign according to the acts parliament you have quoted, ,/«// of and express upon all these points And where the people accept of their lava as limitations of concession from the prince, but not of «-
er^erf over him for that will bring in Belial, and all
subject,
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The REHEARSAL. ji5
his cursed train : I fay, this is the greatest security of government we can have upon earth. And by every de
gree that this authority is lessen'd, our security is lesserid with it, and a dfcar open'd to confufion.
ie. I will end with this: That, setting aside th«
(6. )
authority of holy scripture, and the attestation of OUB laixis to all this ; if any man can mew, that in reason, or
any scbeme or frame of government he can invent, there can be no greater security than this, or so great, I do hereby promise to turn whig ; and to unsay all that I
havefaid upon this subject.
From •? >at. July 21, to ctat. July 28, 1705.
(1. )i? f. TN our last converfation, honest countryman, X tnOu gav'st me a full account of thy conver
fion as to the state point. But thou faidst nothing as to the church. Have I made no impression upon thee as to
that ?
C. It was only want of Time that I faid nothing a«
to that. There is as much done on that side, as on the other. Tn thy Rehearsal, N. 20. thou hast brought the matter of the church, ofschism, and of occafional con
formity so home to our own doors, in such eas1 and fami tiar a manner, as the dullest of us cannot but see nay, we feel it. We have often batteWd among ourselves in our own blunt way and there not one of us, that
an husband, father, or master, but are all on thy fide.
N°5z.
1 .
An account the countryman gives of his conversion, as -to the notion of the church, of schism, and of oc casional conformity for places. With his bold chal lenge to all the dissenters to answer him. 2. His de
scription of the effects the Observators, Wc. have a~ fnong the common people. 3. The Rehearfal'/ applica- cation. With the attestation of two kings, and a par
liament, to justify the necessity of his undertaking.
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lide. They fay, that none of them can sleep safe in their beds one night, or have any sort of order or government in their own families, if the plea of the non-cons be al- low'd, especially of these occafional conformists for places. Unless we suppose, that Christ our Lord had less regard to his church, purchas'd with his own hleod, out of all the nations of the earth, as a peculiar people to himself, and members of his own of his flefh, a»d of his bones ; and A«>o of God, through him, xheve elder brother; and against whom he has promis'd, that the gates of hell shall not prevail ; I fay, unless we think, that our Lord Christ has less regard for this church, for its support,
peace, and unity, than he has for the meanest farmers fa- jnily; we must acknowledge the smile you have given there, to run oh all four, and to be exactly parallel. i'or the church is call'd afamily, of which G&r^i is the
head.
I have ask'd our non-con teachers, what they had to
fay to it ? They could give no answer, that my child of ten years old cou'd not make afool of. That wou'd net justify my wife, my child, my servant, to run away from me. Nay more, to assault me, to turn me out of my own doors, and to cut my throat, if they cou'd do no
better. And if they cry'd conscience ! all was well.
This rais'd an abhorrence in me ; I have gone round them all, and can sind no other answer. And I desire thee to put it in print, to see if all of them put together can give any answer to or shew wherein the cases are
not exactly parallel.
dear love to have things made thus plain to us.
Here's no intricacy of learning, nor long quotations out of books we don't understand but persect picture made
of that nothing but downright obstinacy can hold out against and shews, that riot conscience, but some intrigue and design at the bottom.
R. give thee leave to make thjs challenge to them all. And will stand thee in let them answer
that single Rehearsal. This may be thought self-conceit: but do on purpose, as dp with the whigs on the
point
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point os government, to provoke them to answer, which I know they cannot. And then to expose them for their
filence, and to gain over more of my countrymen, as I have done thee. And I tell them, that is my defign, and that I have gain'd several already, and will do more ; till the dissenters that remain become the contempt and abhorrence —of the nation, unless they repent, and join
with us to bury their horrid principles in eternal oblivion.
till then . . have
And then and not we shall peact
and union.
If they will not answer, we will write over them ;
and gain the nation from them, as we did before.